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Journal articles on the topic 'Australia Military policy History'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.

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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.

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2

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.

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3

Garin, Artyom A. "China's Influence on Australia's Defence Policy in the South Pacific." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (48) (2020): 202–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-3-3-48-202-214.

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Australia is the leading country in the South Pacific and sees it as part of a natural sphere of influence. For most of Australian history, a remote and isolated geographical location has worked to the benefit of the Fifth Continent and has ensured the security of Australia and its Oceania frontiers. Nowadays, the strategic environment in Asia-Pacific has undergone significant changes. Australia is concerned that during the intensive growth of the military power of the People's Liberation Army of China (PLA), Beijing may be more interested in the South Pacific, in particular, in gaining naval bases in Oceania.

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4

Benvenuti, Andrea, and Moreen Dee. "The Five Power Defence Arrangements and the reappraisal of the British and Australian policy interests in Southeast Asia, 1970–75." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 41, no. 1 (December 21, 2009): 101–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990270.

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Working from recently declassified Australian and British government files, this paper examines the archival evidence on policy thinking in London and Canberra towards the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) during the period 1970–75. The article argues that one of the main reasons for the Heath government's decision to deploy a token military force in Southeast Asia as part of a multilateral defence arrangement with Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia and Singapore was the desire to uphold these Commonwealth connections. By contrast, Canberra was beginning to question the value of such arrangements in a rapidly changing Southeast Asian strategic environment.

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5

Clemens, Walter C. "North Korea and the World: A Bibliography of Books and URLs in English, 1997–2007." Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (August 2008): 293–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800005336.

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This survey of books in English on North Korea, 1997–2007, identifies nearly 240 titles—mostly by US authors but also by authors in Australia, Europe, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and Russia. The books fall into eleven categories: history and culture; the Korean War revisited; the DPRK regime and its leaders; human rights and humanitarian issues; the economy: Juche, Songun, collapse, or reform; DPRK military assets and programs; relations with the United States; arms control negotiations and outcomes; regional and world security; prospects for North-South unification; and North Korea's future. A final section includes useful websites. This survey points to a wide interest in North Korea and underscores the serious and ongoing efforts of many scholars and policy analysts to understand developments there.

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6

Archer, Robin. "Does Repression Help to Create Labor Parties? The Effect of Police and Military Intervention on Unions in the United States and Australia." Studies in American Political Development 15, no. 2 (October 2001): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x01000049.

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7

Bohomolets, Olha. "Geopolitical Discrimination of Some Countries as Exemplified by Ukraine: Difficulties and Perspectives." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 666–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-40.

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The article studies the history and the current stage of Russia’s aggression to-wards countries with lower military potential. The collapse of the post-war system of international relations and collective security has become apparent: the aggression of Russia against Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine has testified to the fact that there are no longer any tools to protect countries subjected to discrimination from super powers. Today discrimination affects not only people or social groups, but also some countries. Such countries are not capable of pursuing an independent policy as to major centres of international power they have to deal with. Peculiar to these countries are uncompetitive economy, low quality of life and undeveloped civil society, they hence become a target for “vital interests”, namely bidding by so-called super powers. “Giants” are attracted by the geographical location of a possible “victim”, access to the sea, transit facilities, natural resources, especially energy, low-cost labour, etc. It is often that “discriminated” countries become grounds for ignition of burning or frozen conflicts provoked by powerful neighbours’ influence, or are exposed to open aggression and become subject to occupation or hybrid war. This has all started after the Second World War, when super powers of the USSR and China, on the one hand, and the United States, Great Britain, Australia, and others, on the other, have made Korea fall into two states. In addition, there was subsequently a division of Germany, the Caribbean crisis…However, such conflicts then were not that wide-ranging, since the post-war collective security system was quite effective. Things, though, have changed dramatically in recent decades. One of the largest global players − Russia – has decisively begun to create around itself a buffer zone formed of countries, where it fuels frozen conflicts and in such a way keeps them under the radar and hinders their integration into the Western world. Initially, Russia ignited a conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh, supporting Armenia and assisting it to invade a considerable part of the territory in Azerbaijan, and then initiated the war in Transnistria by virtually occupying part of Moldova’s territory and asserting itself there on the pretext of deploying a peacekeeping mission. Later, there was a war in Abkhazia and then − in South Ossetia aiming to detach part of Georgia’s territory. And lastly, the turn of Ukraine has come… Regrettably, Ukraine is a typical and another example of a country that has fallen victim of multifaceted interests of the leading global players − Russia, the United States and the EU, and has faced all possible forms of discrimination. Keywords: war in eastern Ukraine, military aggression, geopolitics, conflicts, buffer zones.

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8

Coulthard-Clark, Chris, and Jeffrey Grey. "A Military History of Australia." Journal of Military History 56, no. 2 (April 1992): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985811.

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9

McIntyre, W. David, and Jeffrey Grey. "A Military History of Australia." Journal of Military History 64, no. 2 (April 2000): 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120311.

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10

Crowe, David M. "A military history of Australia." First World War Studies 2, no. 1 (March 2011): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2011.579015.

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11

Damousi, Joy, and Glenn Wahlert. "The Other Enemy? Australian Soldiers and the Military Police." American Historical Review 105, no. 5 (December 2000): 1722. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652072.

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12

Kramer, Mark. "Soviet Military Policy." Current History 88, no. 540 (October 1, 1989): 337–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.540.337.

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13

Lemmings, David, and Nancy Cushing. "Review Policy for History Australia." History Australia 2, no. 2 (January 2005): 75–1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2104/ha050075.

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14

Quinault, Roland. "Churchill and Australia: The Military Relationship 1899–1945." War & Society 6, no. 1 (May 1988): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/106980488790304940.

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15

Grey, Jeffrey. "Writing About War and the Military in Australia." Australian Historical Studies 34, no. 122 (October 2003): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610308596261.

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16

Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.

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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.

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17

Harambour R., Alberto. "Monopolizing violence in a colonial frontier. The Police and the Army in southern Patagonia (Argentina and Chile, 1870-1922)." Quinto Sol 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs0867.

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18

Fernandes, Clinton. "Australia’s Policy Successes in Timor-Leste." Estudios de Asia y África 57, no. 3 (July 29, 2022): 453–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v57i3.2783.

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An independent Timor-Leste posed a dilemma for Australian foreign policy. On the one hand, Australia led the multinational military coalition that restored peace in 1999, and had an obvious interest in ensuring that its newest neighbour was self-reliant and stable. On the other hand, independence negated three decades of Australian diplomatic effort to control the oil and gas resources of the Timor Sea. Accordingly, Australia accepted Timor-Leste’s formal independence but tried to influence key aspects of its internal and external policies using foreign aid, espionage and other instruments of statecraft.

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19

Farneubun, Petrus K. "China’s Rise and its Implications for Australian Foreign Policy." Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 2, no. 2 (August 7, 2022): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2234.

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This article places a particular emphasis on the rise of China and its implications for Australian foreign policy. It qualitatively examines the perceptions of China’s rise, its intentions, and the Australian responses, based on government and international organisation reports, and secondary sources such as books, journals, and media articles. Using realism as a theoretical lens, this article argues that Australia’s foreign policy still reflects an ambiguity, as a result of, on the one hand, the economic opportunities China creates, and on the other hand, uncertainty regarding China’s intentions, whether offensive or defensive, peaceful or aggressive. Facing this condition, this article demonstrates that Australia adopts several important policy strategies. First, it maintains a hedging strategy to balance its economic interests and its security concern. Second, Australia continues to rely on the protection of the US. In the long-term, however, this reliance may be changed. For this reason, Australia needs to increase its own military capability. This article concludes that Australian foreign policy will likely remain ambivalent in its response to the rise of China.KEYWORDSAustralia; China’s Rise; Foreign Policy; Military Capability; Power Shift

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20

Danielsen, Helge. "MILITARY ASSISTANCE, FOREIGN POLICY, AND NATIONAL SECURITY." Scandinavian Journal of History 45, no. 1 (June 3, 2019): 71–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468755.2019.1618391.

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21

Salgaraev, Marat Turganbaevich, and El’mira Umirzakovna Zulpikharova. "Military Policy of the Scythians." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 30, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 248–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2017.1307036.

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22

Crawford, John. "Before the Anzac Dawn: A Military History of Australia to 1915." Australian Historical Studies 46, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2015.992821.

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23

James, Karl. "Before the Anzac Dawn: A Military History of Australia to 1915." Journal of Australian Studies 38, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 364–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2014.926792.

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24

Healy, David, and Benjamin R. Beede. "Military and Strategic Policy: An Annotated Bibliography." Journal of American History 77, no. 4 (March 1991): 1479. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078453.

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25

Erickson, Edward J. "The Armenians and Ottoman Military Policy, 1915." War in History 15, no. 2 (April 2008): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344507087001.

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26

Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.

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27

Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.

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28

McDougall, Derek. "Foreign Policy Studies in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 3 (September 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.1523a.x.

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29

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.

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30

Sloan, Elinor. "Communications satellites in Canadian security policy: History and prospects." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 76, no. 2 (May 18, 2021): 204–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00207020211016476.

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This article traces Canada’s early interest in space, before turning to its late 1960s decision to focus on a domestic, commercial/civilian communications satellite system in geostationary orbit and the subsequent decline in Canada’s military space efforts. It then highlights the wake-up call of the 1991 Gulf War, which demonstrated the critical importance of military communications satellites to future operations, and the steps Canada has taken to gain assured access to such satellites in the decades since. The final section outlines recent advances in low Earth orbit satellite communications (LEO satcom) and the ways in which these systems can address shortfalls in their geostationary cousins. Drawing reference to a new international security environment, it concludes that Canada should move expeditiously to incorporate LEO satcom into efforts to address the growing imperative of military satellite communications in the Canadian Arctic.

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31

Whitt, Jacqueline E. "Introduction." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 42, no. 1 (May 23, 2022): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-42010001.

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Abstract While lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer people have always served in militaries, military organizations and leaders have managed the presence of sexual gender minorities in the ranks in complicated ways that were influenced by regulation, military culture, social and cultural norms, and perceptions of military effectiveness. The history of lgbt soldiers in modern western military history reveals important ways that various military organizations have addressed the question and challenges of open service by lgbt people. While many states have incorporated lgbt people into their organizations, it is not the case globally, and policies continue to change. The five essays in this collection explore various aspects of lgbt military history in West Germany, Australia, the Netherlands, the United States, and Israel and explore themes including the importance of comparative history; the differences between de jure and de facto integration; the effects of both regulation and culture on lgbtq inclusion; and the experience of lgbt people in uniform.

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32

Potts, James B., Robert Wooster, and William Y. Chalfant. "The Military and United States Indian Policy, 1865-1903." Journal of Military History 54, no. 3 (July 1990): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985951.

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33

Werrell, Kenneth P., and Colin S. Gray. "Weapons Don't Make War: Policy, Strategy, and Military Technology." Journal of Military History 57, no. 4 (October 1993): 749. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944124.

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34

Greene, Jerome A., and Robert Wooster. "The Military and United States Indian Policy, 1865-1903." Western Historical Quarterly 20, no. 2 (May 1989): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969343.

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35

Perkins, John. "Nazi foreign trade policy and Australia, 1933–39." Australian Historical Studies 36, no. 125 (April 2005): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314610508682908.

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36

Askew, Mark. "Military Government by Induction: American Strategic Ambiguity in the Military Government of Cuba, 1899." War in History 27, no. 1 (July 5, 2018): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518757562.

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In the wake of the Spanish American War, the United States became a world power. How consciously the USA pursued global ambitions is the subject of intense scholarly debate. This article examines US strategic policy toward Cuba in 1899 and argues that the USA prioritized stability and left US commanders to infer via a process of experimentation the true strategic direction of US policy in Cuba.

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37

Creammer, Mark, and Bruce Singh. "An Integrated Approach to Veteran and Military Mental Health: An Overview of the Australian Centre for Posttraumatic Mental Health." Australasian Psychiatry 11, no. 2 (June 2003): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1039-8562.2003.00514.x.

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Objective: To provide an overview of the development of mental health services for veterans and currently serving military personnel in Australia, with reference to the role of the Australian Centre for Posttraumatic Mental Health (ACPMH). Conclusions: Recent years have seen significant changes in attitudes to the mental health sequelae of military service. The ACPMH, working in collaboration with the Department of Veterans’ Affairs (DVA) and the Australian Defence Force (ADF), as well as with clinicians, researchers, and consumers around Australia, acts as a focus for an integrated approach to veteran and military mental health. The active involvement of both the ADF and DVA in the challenge of mental health provides new opportunities to address psychiatric morbidity at every stage, from recruitment, through deployments and discharge, to veteran status. The ACPMH is in a unique position to facilitate an integrated approach to prevention, intervention, policy development, training, research, and evaluation in order to ensure that Australia remains at the forefront of world's best practice in veteran and military psychiatry. The Centre is also uniquely placed to offer those same services in the field of traumatic stress to the broader community.

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38

Sullivan, Helen. "Local Government in Australia: History, Theory and Public Policy." Australian Journal of Politics & History 64, no. 3 (September 2018): 510–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12496.

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39

Castile, George Pierre, and Robert Wooster. "The Military and United States Indian Policy, 1865-1903." Ethnohistory 37, no. 2 (1990): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482549.

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40

Utley, Robert M., and Robert Wooster. "The Military and United States Indian Policy, 1865-1903." Journal of American History 75, no. 4 (March 1989): 1335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908704.

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41

Preston, Richard A., and Ian Wards. "Military and defence development in Canada, Australia and New Zealand: a three-way comparison." War & Society 5, no. 1 (May 1987): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/106980487790305193.

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42

Prete, Roy A. "French Military War Aims, 1914–1916." Historical Journal 28, no. 4 (December 1985): 887–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00005112.

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In his recent book, French war aims against Germany, 1914–1919, David Stevenson comes to the heart of the problem relative to the diplomatic prolongation of World War I. ‘No Government’, he asserts, ‘was willing to jettison its war aims in the interest of a compromise peace, or to place itself at the enemy's mercy while a chance of victory remained’. His work is to be applauded, therefore, for he has given us the first succinct and judicious account of the course of official French war aims from 1916 to 1919, enlarging upon a topic heretofore treated in scholarly articles. Using the wealth of archival documentation now available, and the private papers of numerous participants, Stevenson has made a major and much-needed contribution to our knowledge of the subject by tracing the relationship between official war aims policy, peace diplomacy and the diplomatic impact of allied policy on French war aims from their inception to the Versailles settlement.

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43

Hailey, David. "The history of health technology assessment in Australia." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 25, S1 (July 2009): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462309090436.

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Objectives:To describe the development and application of health technology assessment (HTA) in Australia.Methods:Review of relevant literature and other documents related to HTA in Australia.Results:Most HTA activity in Australia has been associated with provision of advice for the two national subsidy programs, Medicare, and the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS). National advisory bodies established by the federal government have had a prominent role. Assessments from the advisory bodies have had a major influence on decisions related to Medicare and the PBS, and in some other areas. Technologies without links to the national subsidy schemes, and those that are widely distributed, have been less well covered by HTA. To some extent these are addressed by evaluations supported by state governments, but details of approaches taken are not readily available.Conclusions:HTA in Australia now has a long history and is well established as a source of advice to health decision makers. Challenges remain in extending the scope of assessments, developing more transparent approaches in some areas, and consistently applying appropriate standards.

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44

Kennerley, Alston. "Merchant ship deployment in the Second World War: Motor vessels Centaur, Gorgon and Charon in Australian and East Indies waters." International Journal of Maritime History 32, no. 1 (February 2020): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419900620.

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This study draws attention to the very large number of British merchant vessels, and their crews, which traded or acted as supply vessels through to the end of the Second World War, in contrast to those which succumbed to enemy action. Normal commercial trading between Western Australia and Java/Malaya until the fall of Singapore is contrasted with military supply ship operation between Eastern Australia and New Guinea. This is set in the context of trading before the war, and the developing political scene in south east Asia. The ships’ crews, the dangers faced, protective measures, and cargoes, including human cargoes, are considered. With one vessel surviving the war unscathed, another continuing service after war damage and repair, and one torpedoed and sunk, the article concludes that the examples fully represent the experiences of the mass of merchant shipping which ended the war in the western Pacific military supply chain.

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Klare, Michael T. "Global Petro-Politics: The Foreign Policy Implications of the Bush Administration's Energy Plan." Current History 101, no. 653 (March 1, 2002): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.653.99.

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The United States cannot increase its intake of foreign oil by 50 percent, as called for under the Bush energy plan, without involving itself in the political, economic, and military affairs of the states from which all this petroleum is expected to flow. This involvement may take financial and diplomatic forms in most cases, but it will also often entail military action.

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WYSS, MARCO. "THE UNITED STATES, BRITAIN, AND MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO NIGERIA." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (February 26, 2018): 1065–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000498.

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AbstractIn Nigeria, Britain asserted its post-colonial security role during and immediately after the transfer of power, and remained responsible for assisting the Nigerian armed forces. While the Americans recognized Nigeria's potential as an important partner in the Cold War, they preferred to focus on development aid. Washington was thus supposed to complement British assistance, while leaving the responsibility for the security sector to London. But with the escalation of the Cold War in Africa, the Nigerians’ efforts to reduce their dependency on the United Kingdom, and Nigeria's growing significance for the United States in African affairs, this Anglo-American burden-sharing was increasingly questioned in Washington. The United States thus eventually decided to militarize its aid policy towards Nigeria. In analysing the militarization of US aid policy towards Nigeria, this article will, first, assess the Anglo-American relationship in the early 1960s; secondly, position Nigeria in American Cold War policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa; thirdly, question the role of military assistance in Washington's policy towards Nigeria and Africa; and fourthly, discover the regional and local factors that influenced policy-makers in Washington and London.

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Hutton, Paul Andrew, and Robert Wooster. "The Military and United States Indian Policy, 1865-1903." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1465. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906518.

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RUIZ, JULIUS. "A Spanish Genocide? Reflections on the Francoist Repression after the Spanish Civil War." Contemporary European History 14, no. 2 (May 2005): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002304.

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This article considers whether the Franco regime pursued a genocidal policy against Republicans after the formal ending of hostilities on 1 April 1939. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with the Republic: defendants were tried for the crime of ‘military rebellion’. This was, as Ramón Serrano Suñer admitted his memoirs, ‘turning justice on its head’. But although it was extremely harsh, post-war military justice was never exterminatory. The article stresses that the institutionalisation of military justice from 1937, following the arbitrary murders of 1936, contributed to a relative decline in executions. Although the regime's determination to punish Republicans for ‘military rebellion’ inevitably led to the initiation of tens of thousands of post-war military investigations, only a minority of cases ended in execution. This was especially the case from January 1940, when the higher military authorities ended the autonomy of military tribunals over sentencing. This reassertion of central control in January 1940 was part of a wider policy to ease the self-inflicted problem of prison overcrowding; successive parole decrees led to a substantial and permanent decrease in the number of inmates by 1945. Allied victory in the Second World War did not mark the beginning but the end of the process of bringing to a close mass military justice.

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Taylor, Peter K. "“Patrimonial” Bureaucracy and “Rational” Policy in Eighteenth-Century Germany: The Case of Hessian Recruitment Reforms, 1762–93." Central European History 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010815.

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Until the 1950s the historical reputation of the eighteenth-century rulers of Hesse-Cassel rested primarily upon their practice of financing state and court expenses by leasing conscripted and trained military units to Europe's major powers. Over the course of the last forty years another picture has emerged which stresses that these petty German absolutists participated in a movement of “Enlightened” reform. More recent attempts to reconcile apparent enlightenment with a military and financial system based on involuntary military servitude have noted contradictory labyrinths of means, ends, theory, and practice. What I offer in the following pages is not an attempt to soften these antinomies but an effort to highlight them through historical analysis of the military reforms of Landgrave Frederick II (1760–85). In this way I hope to contribute to a critical account of bureaucratic “rationality” as eighteenth-century absolutist princes practiced it.

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Hansen, Kenneth P. "Book Review: Victory in War: Foundations of Modern Military Policy." International Journal of Maritime History 19, no. 1 (June 2007): 432–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387140701900174.

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