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1
Clements, Elizabeth. "Australia and Japan : a defence relationship?" Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112134.
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This thesis is concerned with the conjunction of two themes.
The first is the new tempo of Australia's security
relationship with Japan. Since the late 1980s, governments
in Canberra and Tokyo have increasingly called for greater
partnership in pursuing shared security interests in the
Asia-Pacific theatre. This development has been largely a
result of the rise of Japan as a major international power,
and a corresponding revival of doubts about the role of the
US, hitherto the predominant power in the region.
These questions about Australia's strategic environment have
been thrown into sharp relief by the second theme of the
thesis - the impact of the end of the Cold War on the
international and regional order. The forces that
precipitated the Cold War's demise, and its after effects,
have raised fundamental questions about the international
system, not least being for Australia, its future security
environment and defence ties. This thesis, therefore, focuses on the intersection of
emerging trends in one of Australia's major bilateral
relationships and in the strategic order. The thesis is
accordingly divided into two elements: an examination of the
evolution of Australia-Japan ties and the recent development
of defence links, and an analysis of the key systemic forces
which will influence the future development of these links.
2
Post, Ruben. "The military policy of the Hellenistic Boiotian League." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=117227.
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This thesis analyzes the military history of the Boiotian League during the Hellenistic period (338-200 BC). It argues that Boiotia experienced a large population increase in the fourth century BC followed by a steady population decline throughout the next two centuries caused primarily by environmental collapse. During the late Classical period (490-338 BC), one of the Boiotian League's primary focuses was protecting its plentiful population and agricultural land through an extensive network of fortifications. After the defeat they suffered in the battle of Chaironeia in 338 BC, the Boiotians became vulnerable to attack, and their federal government no longer possessed the resources to maintain this extensive defensive system. The Boiotian League then began to move towards more flexible modes of defense, but this proved too little too late when the Aitolian League inflicted a major defeat on the ill-prepared Boiotians in 245 BC. This forced the government into reforming its military on the model of the Makedonian army and instituting a rigorous training regimen for all Boiotian troops. The environmental and demographic decline occurring at this time drove many Boiotians to poverty, however, and many poor farmers were unable to spare the time to undergo intensive training during the second half of the third century BC. The Boiotian military thus became smaller, more professionalized, better coordinated, and ultimately better able to defend the large territory under the League's control. This allowed the federal government to face foreign threats with a flexible and dynamic defensive force despite the crisis of declining arable land and population it faced at this time.Cette thèse analyse l'histoire militaire de la Confédération béotienne cours de la époque hellénistique (338-200 av. J.-C.). Il fait valoir que Béotie connu une croissance démographique importante dans le quatrième siècle av. J.-C. suivie d'un déclin de sa population au cours des deux siècles suivants causés principalement par l'effondrement de l'environnement. Au cours de la dernière époque classique (490-338 av. J.-C.), l'une des principale de la Confédération béotienne se concentre protéger sa population a été abondante et les terres agricoles à travers un vaste réseau de fortifications. Après la défaite qu'ils ont subie dans la bataille de Chéronée en 338 av. J.-C., les Béotiens sont devenus vulnérables à l'invasion, et le gouvernement fédéral ne possédait plus les moyens d'entretenir ce vaste système défensif. La Confédération béotienne a alors commencé à se déplacer vers des modes plus souples de la défense, mais cela s'est avéré trop peu trop tard quand la Confédération aitolienne infligé une défaite majeure sur les Béotiens mal préparés en 245 av. J.-C. Cela a forcé le gouvernement à réformer son armée sur le modèle de l'armée macedonienne et en instituant un régime d'entraînement rigoureux pour toutes les troupes béotiens. La dégradation de l'environnement et démographiques se produisent à l'heure actuelle conduit de nombreux Béotiens à la pauvreté, cependant, et de nombreux paysans pauvres n'ont pas pu trouver le temps de suivre une formation intensive au cours de la seconde moitié du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. L'armée béotienne est ainsi devenu plus petit, plus professionnalisée, mieux coordonnée, et finalement mieux à même de défendre le vaste territoire sous le contrôle de la Confédération. Cela a permis au gouvernement fédéral de faire face aux menaces étrangères ayant une force souple et dynamique défensive malgré la crise des terres arables diminue et la population qu'elle fait face en ce moment.
3
McCarthy, Dayton. "The once and future army an organizational, political, and social history of the Citizen Military Forces, 1947-1974/." Connect to this title online, 1997. http://www.library.unsw.edu.au/~thesis/adt-ADFA/public/adt-ADFA20020722.120746/.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
5
Fletcher, Angharad Mary Kathleen. "Behind the wire: Australian military nursing and internment during World War II." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2012. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B49858580.
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This dissertation argues that the experiences of a highly specific group of female medical personnel and the representations of their experiences, both during World War II and in the immediate postwar era, provide a unique opportunity for investigating the role of Australian women in the Pacific War, as well as the processes through which personal testimonies are produced in relation to collective memory, state-sponsored rituals of commemoration, and history.
Victims of one of the most infamous war crimes of World War II, the Australian Army Nursing Service (AANS) Sisters and their wartime experiences at the hands of the Japanese Imperial Army (JIA) on Sumatra have been accorded considerable prominence in Australian narratives of the Pacific conflict. Yet notwithstanding this attention, there has been surprisingly little focus on the nurses’ own accounts of the episode. This dissertation is the first attempt to redress the balance by offering a critical reassessment of the original source material, while exploring the broader discursive contexts within which such accounts were produced.
The dissertation considers first-hand accounts of the “Bangka Island Massacre” and the AANS Sisters’ subsequent internment by the Japanese between February 1942 and September 1945. The chapters that follow explore the role of the nurses’ ordeal on Sumatra in the development of a professional Australian nursing self-identity, the episode’s incorporation in the national rituals of commemoration surrounding the remembrance of the Pacific conflict, and ultimately, the extent to which the nurses’ narratives have fed into – and helped to shape – a distinctive postwar Australian nationalism. Even before their release from captivity, the AANS Sisters had acquired iconic status in Australia, as embodiments of heroic resistance, altruistic sacrifice and bravery.
The dissertation is arranged in four thematic chapters, which consider four distinct areas of the nurses’ experiences – the “Bangka Island Massacre”, internment, press representation and remembrance. Chapter 2 reassesses documentary material collected for the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE) in 1946 in order to examine the murders on Bangka Island and the alleged sexual violence associated with the crime. Chapter 3 draws on the published and unpublished camp memoirs of several of the nurses to explore the ways in which the nurses characterized their internment experiences, and the possible factors influencing the construction of those narratives. Chapter 4 makes use of Australian print and broadcast media archives to investigate how the imprisoned Sisters, and civilian and military nurses more generally, were portrayed by the press, and the possible effect this may have had on postwar nation-building, nationalism and remembrance in Australia. Finally,
Chapter 5 examines the inclusion of the AANS Sisters in postwar commemorative endeavours and rituals of remembrance – including monuments, shrines, museum displays, temporary exhibitions and the celebration of Anzac Day – investigating the extent to which the nurses have been incorporated into the “Anzac legend”, Australia’s militaristic interpretation of the national character.published_or_final_version
History
Master
Master of Philosophy
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MacDonald, Britton. "The Policy of Neglect: The Canadian Militia in the Interwar Years, 1919-39." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/17367.
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HistoryPh.D.
The Canadian Militia, since its beginning, has been underfunded and under-supported by the government, no matter which political party was in power. This trend continued throughout the interwar years of 1919 to 1939. During these years, the Militia's members had to improvise a great deal of the time in their efforts to attain military effectiveness. This included much of their training, which they often funded with their own pay. They created their own training apparatuses, such as mock tanks, so that their preparations had a hint of realism. Officers designed interesting and unique exercises to challenge their personnel. All these actions helped create esprit de corps in the Militia, particularly the half composed of citizen soldiers, the Non-Permanent Active Militia. The regulars, the Permanent Active Militia (or Permanent Force), also relied on their own efforts to improve themselves as soldiers. They found intellectual nourishment in an excellent service journal, the Canadian Defence Quarterly, and British schools. The Militia learned to endure in these years because of all the trials its members faced. The interwar years are important for their impact on how the Canadian Army (as it was known after 1940) would fight the Second World War. To put it simply, the interwar years forced the Militia to focus on officer, NCO, and specialist development, creating a highly trained and effective nucleus of key personnel. This leadership core led Canada's land-based contribution to the war effort. Another important factor in the Canadian Army's performance was the Militia's interwar interest in mechanization, which revealed a remarkably progressive strain in this neglected organization.
Temple University--Theses
7
Worsencroft, John C. "A Family Affair: Military Service in the Postwar Era." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/469565.
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HistoryPh.D.
Prior to World War II, the typical American Soldier was young and unmarried. As the old saying in the service went: if they wanted you to have a wife, they would have issued one to you. Today’s servicemember is most likely married and we customarily thank our military families in the same breath as those who wear the uniform. This dissertation is the story of how “support our troops” came to encompass the broader community of military families and how this fundamentally changed the military. Rooted in cultural and gender history, my dissertation argues that changing gender roles in the domestic sphere (i.e., fatherhood, motherhood, breadwinner, and homemaker) had a profound impact on martial roles in the military world, and vice versa. In the postwar era, as domestic roles were beginning to change, more and more married men enlisted in the Army and the Marine Corps, forcing the services to craft policies to accommodate families. Large numbers of married men in uniform was a new development in the United States, and my dissertation shows how marriage transformed civil-military relations. My dissertations addresses questions that are crucial to both the history of the military as well as American cultural life in the second half of the twentieth century. Just as military life became more family friendly, and as the services expanded opportunities for women, far fewer Americans overall chose to share in the burden of national service. Although military policymakers crafted policies to make military life more attractive, they contributed to its further isolation from the broader population by providing generous social services for military families increasingly inaccessible to other American families. Embedded within these contradictions is the story of what it meant to be an American after the Vietnam War.
Temple University--Theses
8
Newell, Jonathan Quentin Calvin. "British military policy in Egypt and Palestine, August 1914 - June 1917." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1990. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-military-policy-in-egypt-and-palestine--august-1914--june-1917(015506f2-2605-4c52-abef-8dfb31192965).html.
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Ohren, Dana M. "All the Tsar's men minorities and military conscription in Imperial Russia, 1874-1905 /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3203866.
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Wise, Nathan History & Philosophy Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "A working man???s hell: working class men's experiences with work in the Australian imperial force during the Great War." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History and Philosophy, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/32462.
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Historical analyses of soldiers in the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) during the Great War have focused overwhelming on combat experiences and the environment of the trenches. By contrast, little consideration has been made of the non-combat experiences of these individuals, or of the time they spent behind the front lines. Far from military experiences revolving around combat and trench warfare, the letters, diaries, and memoirs of working class men suggest that daily life for the rank and file actually revolved around work, and in particular manual labour. Through a focus on working class men???s experiences in the AIF during the Great War, this dissertation seeks to discover more about these experiences with work in an attempt to understand the broader aspects of life in the military. In this environment of daily work, many working class men also came to approach military service as a job of work, and they carried over the mentalities of the civilian workplace into their daily life in the military. This dissertation thus seeks to understand how workplace cultures were transferred from civilian workplaces into the military. It explores working class men???s approaches towards daily work in two different theatres of war, Gallipoli and the Western Front, in order to highlight the significance of work within military life. Furthermore, it evaluates aspects of this workplace culture, such as relations with employers, the use of workplace skills, and the implementation of industrial relations methods, to understand the continuities between the lives of civilians and soldiers. Finally, this dissertation is not a military history: it adopts a culturalist approach towards the lives of people in the AIF, and in the environment of the Great War, in an effort to place the military experiences of these working class men within the context of their broader civilian lives.
11
Reitzig, Andreas, and n/a. "Trans-Tasman defence perceptions in the post-ANZUS era." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2009. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20091105.131723.
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Throughout history, Australia and New Zealand have developed a special relationship due to their close geographic proximity and their similar cultural and colonial backgrounds. Ever since 1986, when New Zealand was suspended from the trilateral Security Treaty Between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America (ANZUS), Australia has been New Zealand's closest ally. As a result, the thesis specifically focuses on trans-Tasman defence relations after 1986, with a particular emphasis on attitude trends towards the bilateral defence relationship. Overall, the thesis aims to find out whether there has been a drift in the bilateral defence relationship between Australia and New Zealand since 1986. In this regard, it examines two main questions: first, is the Australian-New Zealand defence relationship is less close today than it was in 1986? The thesis findings show that there has indeed been a visible drift in trans-Tasman defence relations. In both countries, the relationship is much less talked about today than it was in 1986. Second, do Australians and New Zealanders view the bilateral defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986? As the results show, the disagreement over defence spending, New Zealand's decision to restructure the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) as well as the ANZUS split were the main factors that have brought about some distance between both countries' defence policies and priorities. However, beside the downs in the bilateral defence relationship, there have also been ups embodied by the sometimes rather elusive Anzac spirit, the optimism that surrounded the creation of Closer Defence Relations (CDR) in the 1990s and, most notably, enhanced trans-Tasman cooperation in peacekeeping, primarily in the immediate regional neighbourhood. Importantly, Australians and New Zealanders do not see the defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986. Indeed, opinion trends at all societal levels have been remarkably constant over the last two decades. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the bilateral defence relationship may well become closer again in the future, especially if both countries continue their close cooperation in regional peacekeeping. This appears to be the most promising way ahead for the Anzac defence relationship in the 21st century.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Pyvis, David. "The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia." Thesis, Pyvis, David (1991) The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1991. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51305/.
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This thesis argues against the prevailing orthodox view that governments in Australia have only recently recognised a need to isolate and address youth as a distinct population. Focusing particularly on Commonwealth policy, it provides evidence of a long and sustained history of government interventions with youth. (Attention is concentrated less on the implementation of these policies than on the rhetoric of the policy-makers: the sorts of reasons used in defence of government interventions, particularly in parliamentary debate.) This approach facilitates examining the way power is exercised over youth through the concepts in terms of which young people are identified and thought about and reveals an enduring logic underpinning government youth policy. The thesis argues that youth policy is characterised by the recognition of youth as a potential force or resource of the state to be developed and harnessed. But it goes beyond suggesting that youth is simply utilised in the national interest. Concentrating on the identity and roles politicians construct for youth in their rhetoric, it argues that this policy area marks out a generational interest, so that the old govern the young in the interests of preserving their own power. Youth policy is informed by the recognition of youth as a threat to the status quo. It is shaped by the need of each 'ruling generation' to oblige the young to accept its discipline and contribute to the maintenance and preservation of 'its' state. So the thesis ultimately argues that youth policy does not usually take the form of a benevolent intervention on behalf of youth, but is more commonly developed in the interests of its makers.
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Orbach, Dan. "Culture of Disobedience: Rebellion and Defiance in the Japanese Army, 1860-1931." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467476.
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Imperial Japanese soldiers were notorious for following their superiors to certain death. Their enemies in the Pacific War perceived their obedience as blind, and derided them as “cattle”. Yet the Japanese Army was arguably one of the most disobedient armies in the world. Officers repeatedly staged coups d’états, violent insurrections and political assassinations, while their associates defied orders given by both the government and high command, launched independent military operations against other countries, and in two notorious cases conspired to assassinate foreign leaders.
The purpose of this dissertation is to explain the culture of disobedience in the Japanese armed forces. It was a culture created by a series of seemingly innocent decisions, each reasonable in its own right, which led to a gradual weakening of the Japanese government’s control over its army and navy. The consequences were dire, as the armed forces dragged the government into more and more of China in the 1930s, and finally into the Pacific War. This dissertation sheds light on the underground culture of disobedience that became increasingly dominant in the Japanese armed forces, until it made the Pacific War possible.
Using primary sources in five languages, it follows the Army’s culture of disobedience from its inception. By analyzing more than ten important incidents from 1860 to 1931, it shows how some basic “bugs” programmed into the Japanese system in the 1870s, born out of genuine attempts to cope with a chaotic and shifting reality, contributed to the development of military disobedience. The culture of disobedience became increasingly entrenched, making it difficult for the Japanese civilian and military leadership to cope with disobedient officers without paying a significant political price. However, every time the government failed to address the problem, it became more acute. Finally, disobedient military officers were able to significantly influence foreign policy, pushing Japan further towards international aggression, limitless expansion, and conflict with China, Britain and the United States.History
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Kwon, Peter Banseok. "The Anatomy of Chaju Kukpang: Military-Civilian Convergence in the Development of the South Korean Defense Industry under Park Chung Hee, 1968-1979." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493338.
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Based on empirical study of newly declassified sources from South Korea, the dissertation examines the Park Chung Hee regime’s (1961-1979) policies related to chaju kukpang, or “self-reliant national defense,” from the late-1960s through the 1970s. In response to North Korea’s provocations in 1968 and the US reduction of troops stationed in South Korea in 1971, the Park regime masterminded an independent military modernization program in which citizens and civilian industries, functioning as the de facto engine of domestic arms production, propelled the emergence of a military-industrial complex. The study examines how regime policies mobilized Korean citizens for the effort and how civilian actors eventually responded by personally investing to fulfill this national project. The author observes that the state transformed civilians through both super-structural and infrastructural processes, as Park’s policies steered both the industrial capacities and the consciousness of the Korean populace along a path toward security independence. The total mobilization effort proceeded through complex mergers, tensions, and negotiations of state goals with civilian ideological and material interests, ultimately forging chaju kukpang as a bona fide national movement. The story of ROK defense industry development offers a prism through which the interplay of polity and society in the course of Korea’s modernization can be reexamined, with an eye to refining prevalent theories and suggesting implications for future research on the Park era.East Asian Languages and Civilizations
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Pietsch, Samuel, and sam pietsch@gmail com. "Australia's military intervention in East Timor, 1999." The Australian National University. School of Social Sciences, 2009. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20091214.122004.
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This thesis argues that the Australian military intervention in East Timor in 1999 was motivated primarily by the need to defend Australias own strategic interests. It was an act of Australian imperialism understood from a Marxist perspective, and was consistent with longstanding strategic policy in the region.¶
Australian policy makers have long been concerned about the security threat posed by a small and weak neighbouring state in the territory of East Timor. This led to the deployment of Australian troops to the territory in World War Two. In 1974 Australia supported Indonesias invasion of the territory in order to prevent it from becoming a strategic liability in the context of Cold War geopolitics. But, as an indirect result of the Asian financial crisis, by September 1999 the Indonesian governments control over the territory had become untenable. Indonesias political upheaval also raised the spectre of the Balkanisation of the Indonesian archipelago, and East Timor thus became the focal point for Australian fears about an arc of instability that arose in this period.¶
Australias insertion of military forces into East Timor in 1999 served its own strategic priorities by ensuring an orderly transfer of sovereignty took place, avoiding a destabilising power vacuum as the country transitioned to independence. It also guaranteed that Australias economic and strategic interests in the new nation could not be ignored by the United Nations or the East Timorese themselves. There are therefore underlying consistencies in Australias policy on East Timor stretching back several decades. Despite changing contexts, and hence radically different policy responses, Australia acted throughout this time to prevent political and strategic instability in East Timor.¶
In addition, the intervention reinforced Australias standing as a major power in Southeast Asia and the Southwest Pacific. The 1999 deployment therefore helped facilitate a string of subsequent Australian interventions in Pacific island nations, both by providing a model for action and by building a public consensus in favour of the use of military intervention as a policy tool.¶
This interpretation of events challenges the consensus among existing academic accounts. Australias support of Indonesias invasion and occupation of East Timor from 1974 was frequently criticised as favouring realpolitik over ethical considerations. But the 1999 intervention, which ostensibly ended severe violence and secured national independence for the territory, drew widespread support, both from the public and academic commentators. It has generally been seen as a break with previous Australian policy, and as driven by political forces outside the normal foreign policy process. Moreover, it has been almost universally regarded as a triumph for moral conduct in international affairs, and even as a redemptive moment for the Australian national conscience. Viewing the intervention as part of the longstanding strategy of Australian imperialism casts doubt on such positive evaluations.
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Frey, Christopher J. "Ainu schools and education policy in nineteenth-century Hokkaido, Japan." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3292445.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, 2007.Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 28, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-11, Section: A, page: 4636. Adviser: Heidi Ross.
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Rutland, Suzanne D. "The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939." University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.
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Ault, Jonathan Bennett. "Closing the Open Door Policy: American Diplomatic and Military Reactions to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905." W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625920.
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Perrin, James K. Jr. ""Knavish Charges, Numerous Contractors, and a Devouring Monster": The Supply of the U.S. Army and Its Impact Upon Economic Policy, 1775-1815." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1462407701.
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Holden, Gerard. "Soviet strategy and the Warsaw Pact : military policy in the history of an alliance." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1148/.
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This thesis examines the role of Soviet military policy in the formation, history and decline of the Warsaw Treaty Organization (WTO). It traces the relationship between two functions of the alliance, an external strategic role and an internal military-political function, and asks whether the decline of the WTO in the late 1930s was the result of a change in external requirements, of the abandonment of the internal role, or of some combination of the two. The internal political functioning of the WTO, its military command structures, and the question of Soviet strategic goals, in Europe during the 1955-1987 period are examined. It is argued that both internal and external alliance functions were important, but that while there were fluctuations in the level of internal political control by the USSR, this was less noticeable in the military command sphere. This suggests that the external strategic role may have been primary, though it does not establish this beyond doubt. An examination of Soviet policy in the late 1980s shows that the functions of the WTO were placed in question in different ways by projected reforms of military strategy and by the logic of "Mew Thinking" in foreign policy. However, it could not have been predicted on the basis of the Soviet strategic debate alone that the USSR would accept the political transformation of Eastern Europe, the early withdrawal of Soviet forces, and the virtual collapse of the WTO as an alliance during 1989-90. It is there-fore argued in conclusion that this collapse can best be explained in terms of a political calculation about the future of Eastern Europe which the Soviet leadership made at a time when the military-strategic debate was still unresolved.
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Roehrkasse, Eric. "United States Air Force Military Civic Action in Thailand, 1964-1976: Modernization, U.S. Foreign Policy, and Military Doctrine." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2012. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/201106.
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HistoryM.A.
This thesis examines the relationship between foreign policy and military doctrine, specifically the problems that arise when military doctrine is politicized and the military is used as an instrument of diplomatic or economic power rather than military power. It contains original research on the conduct of military civic action (MCA) by the United States Air Force in Thailand from 1964 until 1976, based largely on archival material from the Air Force Historical Research Agency. MCA has been an element of counterinsurgency doctrine since President Kennedy directed it in 1961, a role often labeled "nation-building." Like Kennedy's foreign policy, MCA had its intellectual origins in the social scientific concept of modernization theory. MCA represents the politicization of military doctrine, a method of employing forces based on social scientific theory rather than military experience. As a result of this and the realities on the ground in Thailand, the objectives of MCA did not fit the context of the Thai situation, training did not provide necessary cultural awareness, and execution was haphazard. Ultimately, the USAF failed to achieve the policy goals of MCA in Thailand. Today the U.S. continues to employ military manpower in the diplomatic, economic, and information realms while only training service members in their core specialty. Policymakers and military leaders need to determine whether to sacrifice proficiency in core specialties to enhance cultural and diplomatic skills or to rely more on those agencies traditionally responsible for those instruments of national power.
Temple University--Theses
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Stockings, Craig Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The torch and the sword : a history of the army cadet movement in Australia 1866-2004." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/39751.
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The aim of this thesis is to provide a general history of the army cadet movement in Australia from 1866 to 2004 by tracing the interactions between four fundamental forces that have stood as its foundation for almost 140 years. In various guises military, educational, social, and financial factors are the pillars on which the cadet movement has always rested. Over time the balance and relative dominance of each has determined the shape and state of the cadet organisation and will continue to do so in the future. When these four forces have been aligned the movement has thrived but when they have pulled in disparate directions it has faltered. Throughout the thesis, contextualising these four key concepts, are two more general themes concerning the influence of conservative politics and a recurring state school/private school divide. The history of army cadets, and therefore this thesis, is an investigation into the interplay of these dynamics. With such a purpose and methodology the thesis begins by tracing the development of the movement from its nineteenth century origins by identifying issues and circumstances that led some colonies to maintain thousands of cadets while others struggled to field any. It goes on to examine the formation, five years after Federation, of a Commonwealth cadet scheme birthed only to be swamped by the era of compulsory military training in Australia from 1911-29 which saw, at its peak, almost 100,000 schoolboys in khaki. The thesis analyses the re-organised voluntary cadet system in place from 1930-38 which, matching the circumstances of the adult army, faltered in numbers and support as it was restructured into dual 'Regimental' and 'School' branches. It goes on to assess the impact of the Second World War and the renewed impetus it provided to the cadet organisation before investigating the prosperity of the movement throughout the 1950s and 1960s in spite of the complexities raised by National Service and Australian involvement in conflicts in Korea, Vietnam, Malaya and Borneo. Particular attention is paid to the early 1970s and the machinations surrounding the unexpected decision to disband the cadet organisation announced by the Labor government on 26 August 1975. The cadet story does not conclude at this point, however, with Vice Regal controversy and a subsequent Liberal-National election victory resurrecting the movement. The re-styled cadet scheme of 1976-83 is investigated followed by twelve years of division and distress under consecutive Labor federal governments between 1984-95. The thesis concludes by examining the reversal of fortunes for the movement from 1996-2004 which saw the cadet system develop, by the end of the period, into a well led, resourced and motivated organisation of almost 17,000 members. The research informing this thesis is based on documents held in National Archives of Australia offices in all state capitals, as well as those held in the Australian War Memorial. In addition, all state public record offices have yielded significant material, as have a wide range of private and school-based archives. More recent primary source information has been gathered from sources within the Department of Defence Archives, Queanbeyan, NSW, while select active and closed files from Headquarters Australian Army Cadets and the Directorate of Defence Force Cadets were graciously provided to the author. The study has also been informed by a wide selection of official, privately published and unpublished secondary sources spanning more than a century.
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Pettingell, Judith Ann. "Panics and Principles: A History of Drug Education Policy in New South Wales 1965-1999." University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4150.
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PhDWhen the problem of young people using illegal drugs for recreation emerged in New South Wales in the 1960s drug education was promoted by governments and experts as a humane alternative to policing. It developed during the 1970s and 1980s as the main hope for preventing drug problems amongst young people in the future. By the 1990s drug policy experts, like their temperance forbears, had become disillusioned with drug education, turning to legislative action for the prevention of alcohol and other drug problems. However, politicians and the community still believed that education was the best solution. Education Departments, reluctant to expose schools to public controversy, met minimal requirements. This thesis examines the ideas about drugs, education and youth that influenced the construction and implementation of policies about drug education in New South Wales between 1965 and 1999. It also explores the processes that resulted in the defining of drug problems and beliefs about solutions, identifying their contribution to policy and the way in which this policy was implemented. The thesis argues that the development of drug education over the last fifty years has been marked by three main cycles of moral panic about youth drug use. It finds that each panic was triggered by the discovery of the use of a new illegal substance by a youth subculture. Panics continued, however, because of the tension between two competing notions of young people’s drug use. In the traditional dominant view ‘drug’ meant illegal drugs, young people’s recreational drug use was considered to be qualitatively different to that of adults, and illegal drugs were the most serious and concerning problem. In the newer alternative ‘public health’ view which began developing in the 1960s, illicit drug use was constructed as part of normal experimentation, alcohol, tobacco and prescribed medicines were all drugs, and those who developed problems with their use were sick, not bad. These public health principles were formulated in policy documents on many occasions. The cycles of drug panic were often an expression of anxiety about the new approach and they had the effect of reasserting the dominant view. The thesis also finds that the most significant difference between the two discourses lies in the way that alcohol is defined, either as a relatively harmless beverage or as a drug that is a major cause of harm. Public health experts have concluded that alcohol poses a much greater threat to the health and safety of young people than illegal drugs. However, parents, many politicians and members of the general community have believed for the last fifty years that alcohol is relatively safe. Successive governments have been influenced by the economic power of the alcohol industry to support the latter view. Thus the role of alcohol and its importance to the economy in Australian society is a significant hindrance in reconciling opposing views of the drug problem and developing effective drug education. The thesis concludes that well justified drug education programs have not been implemented fully because the rational approaches to drug education developed by experts have not been supported by the dominant discourse about the drug problem. Politicians have used drug education as a populist strategy to placate fear but the actual programs that have been developed attempt to inform young people and the community about the harms and benefits of all drugs. When young people take up the use of a new mood altering drug, the rational approach developed by public health experts provokes intense anxiety in the community and the idea that legal substances such as alcohol, tobacco and prescribed drugs can cause serious harm to young people is rejected in favour of an approach that emphasizes the danger of illegal drug use.
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Totaro, Genevois Mariella. "Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia." Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
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Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.
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Bahramzadeh, Mohammad Ali. "The U.S. foreign policy in the Persian Gulf, 1968-1988: From regional surrogate to direct military involvement." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186474.
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This study examines the U.S. foreign policy toward the Persian Gulf from 1968 to 1988 with an attempt to explain why and how particular U.S. foreign policy decisions were made. It further attempts to determine whether each president, within this time frame, pursued a different foreign policy toward the region. The indicators used to longitudinally measure foreign policy change were trade, both imports and exports between the U.S. and the Persian Gulf countries, bilateral treaties between them, and U.S. military sales to them. By examining the effect of presidential succession on selected patterns of American foreign policy behavior toward the area it is apparent that the pattern of interaction exhibits a clear continuity and in fact different administrations have not drastically altered the fundamental thrust of U.S. foreign policy. Furthermore, from a broad historical perspective, this study challenges the conventional notion that U.S. foreign policy has been "short-sighted" and often erratic. By examining two case studies, namely the Iran-Iraq war and U.S. decision to reflag Kuwaiti oil tankers, one can readily see that U.S. foreign policy is far from being reactive in its approach. In general, the evident suggests that the U.S. foreign policy in the Persian Gulf, in a broad conceptual framework, can be explained as a part of the rational decision making process where the U.S. foreign policy makers select the alternatives best suited to maximize the strategic goals and objectives.
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Sutton, Cavender. ""We Germans Fear God, and Nothing Else in the World!" Military Policy in Wilhelmine Germany, 1890-1914." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3571.
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Throughout the Second Reich’s short life, military affairs were synonymous with those of the state. Indeed, it was the zeal and blood of Prussian soldiers that allowed the creation of a unified German empire. After solidifying itself as a major power, things grew more complicated as the Reich found itself increasingly surrounded by hostile rivals. To the west, French humiliation over their catastrophic defeat in 1870-71 continued to fester while, in the east, Russian sympathies for the new empire waned. The finalization of a Franco-Russian alliance in 1894 meant Germany faced formidable adversaries along her eastern and western borders. That unsettling realization dictated the empire’s military policy until its downfall in 1918. Drawing from the writings and speeches of Wilhelmine Germany’s military and political leaders, this work seeks to examine and analyze the Second Reich’s military policies and decision-making processes over the three decades preceding the First World War.
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Jones, Alexander David. "Pinchbeck regulars? : the role and organisation of the Territorial Army, 1919-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38dc5164-f858-4bba-9bfb-a1c4b4a59550.
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This thesis examines how Britain's government and military establishment conceptualised the role of the voluntary Territorial Army (TA) between the World Wars, and explores the relationship with British defence policy during the period. It also evaluates whether or not the TA was capable of carrying out its ascribed role, through a balanced assessment of its organisation, training and military efficiency. It posits that the TA was integral to British defence planning and played a key part in the Army's mobilisation plans, although the priority given to its role shifted throughout the period in accordance with the direction of Britain's strategic focus. Additionally, this thesis will emphasise that the Territorial Army had not one purpose but several. Alongside its central function as the framework for a conscript National Army it held key responsibilities for both home and imperial defence. This thesis examines the TA's role and organisation in a thematic and broadly chronological manner. Part I deals with the TA's expeditionary role and its function as the framework for all future military expansion, as well as its role as a voluntary imperial reserve for any medium scale wars conducted without resorting to conscription. Part II focuses on the Territorial Army's home defence responsibilities, in particular its domestic role in aiding the civil power and its contribution to Britain's increasingly important air defence capabilities.
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Greene, Charlotte Jordon. ""Fantastic dreams" William Liu and the origins and influence of protest against the White Australia Policy in the 20th century /." University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4028.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThe structure of this study of William Liu will closely reflect his ideas and the major historical influences in his life, and will span the period from 1893 through ninety years spent mainly in Sydney, ending in 1983, the year before the beginning of the attack on multiculturalism launched by the historian Geoffrey Blainey. The memorialisation of Liu in the post-Blainey “immigration debate” period will then be considered. The study will also reflect the changes in protest against racially discriminatory immigration policies in Australia, as Liu moved from a period in which his was an almost isolated critique to one in which he was able to embrace the ever-widening group of people opposed to the ‘White Australia Policy’. This process has not been fully examined, perhaps due to the fact that the protest often appeared to have little impact upon policy. But the way in which Liu and other protestors expressed their view of what Australia should be and how the ‘White Australia Policy’ affected this vision sheds a great deal of light on these periods in Australian history. The structure of this thesis around Liu’s life, beginning with a period in which the ‘White Australia Policy’ was widely accepted, and ending in a period in which multiculturalism was entrenched as official policy, emphasises the cultural shift which was brought about by decades of protest against the Anglo-conformist model of Australian identity
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Keith, Matthew E. "The logistics of power Tokugawa response to the Shimabara Rebellion and power projection in 17th-century Japan /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1164741756.
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Gibson, Lisanne, and L. Gibson@mailbox gu edu au. "Art and Citizenship- Governmental Intersections." Griffith University. School of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, 1999. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030226.085219.
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The thesis argues that the relations between culture and government are best viewed through an analysis of the programmatic and institutional contexts for the use of culture as an interface in the relations between citizenship and government. Discussion takes place through an analysis of the history of art programmes which, in seeking to target a 'general' population, have attempted to equip this population with various particular capacities. We aim to provide a history of rationalities of art administration. This will provide us with an approach through which we might understand some of the seemingly irreconcilable policy discourses which characterise contemporary discussion of government arts funding. Research for this thesis aims to make a contribution to historical research on arts institutions in Australia and provide a base from which to think about the role of government in culture in contemporary Australia. In order to reflect on the relations between government and culture the thesis discusses the key rationales for the conjunction of art, citizenship and government in post-World War Two (WWII) Australia to the present day. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute an overview of the discursive origins of the main contemporary rationales framing arts subvention in post-WWII Australia. The relations involved in the government of culture in late eighteenth-century France, nineteenth-century Britain, America in the 1930s and Britain during WWII are examined by way of arguing that the discursive influences on government cultural policy in Australia have been diverse. It is suggested in relation to present day Australian cultural policy that more effective terms of engagement with policy imperatives might be found in a history of the funding of culture which emphasises the plurality of relations between governmental programmes and the self-shaping activities of citizens. During this century there has been a shift in the political rationality which organises government in modern Western liberal democracies. The historical case studies which form section two of the thesis enable us to argue that, since WWII, cultural programmes have been increasingly deployed on the basis of a governmental rationality that can be described as advanced or neo-liberal. This is both in relation to the forms these programmes have taken and in relation to the character of the forms of conduct such programmes have sought to shape in the populations they act upon. Mechanisms characteristic of such neo-liberal forms of government are those associated with the welfare state and include cultural programmes. Analysis of governmental programmes using such conceptual tools allows us to interpret problems of modern social democratic government less in terms of oppositions between structure and agency and more in terms of the strategies and techniques of government which shape the activities of citizens. Thus, the thesis will approach the field of cultural management not as a field of monolithic decision making but as a domain in which there are a multiplicity of power effects, knowledges, and tactics, which react to, or are based upon, the management of the population through culture. The thesis consists of two sections. Section one serves primarily to establish a set of historical and theoretical co-ordinates on which the more detailed historical work of the thesis in section two will be based. We conclude by emphasising the necessity for the continuation of a mix of policy frameworks in the construction of the relations between art, government and citizenship which will encompass a focus on diverse and sometimes competing policy goals.
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Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
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Wigman, Albertus. "Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.
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Williams, Miranda Eleanor. "The African policy of Justinian I." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:828f7ef5-9fac-4989-8cb0-7dcf8f1b06ae.
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In 533, Justinian I ordered the conquest of the former Roman provinces of Africa, which had been lost to the Vandals a century earlier. The 'reconquest' has been regarded, by contemporaries and modern scholars alike, as one of the defining successes of the reign. However, despite the evident achievements of the campaign, Roman victory over the Vandals marked little more than the beginning of the Eastern Roman Empire's attempt to consolidate its position in Africa. The unanticipated threat posed by hostilities from the Berber tribes would continue until 548. Roman-Berber relations, unlike other aspects of Justinian's foreign relations, have received comparatively little attention, and this study aims to reassess the establishment of Roman authority in Africa and the Eastern Roman Empire's response to the Berber threat. In particular, it considers whether this response should be seen as a series of ad hoc reactions to immediate circumstances, or whether it is possible to identify a coherent Roman policy vis-à-vis the Berbers. The major conclusions of this study fall in two areas. First, it argues that Roman objectives in Africa were far more limited than has generally been supposed, with the empire's territorial ambitions not extending beyond key coastal positions which offered strategic and commercial advantages, and from which the empire could project its limited authority into the interior. Second, this study concludes that the Eastern Roman Empire's actions with respect to the Berber tribes lacked coherence. Attempts to implement a system of client rulers were unsuccessful, partly as a result of the competition between individual Berber leaders as they sought to establish independent polities within the frontiers of the former Roman Empire; and partly as a result of an increasing lack of resources, as well as the instability caused by constantly changing leadership within the African civil and military administrations, which prevented the development of coherent long term strategies for addressing the Berber threat.
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Wang, Xueliang 1956. "Taiwan and the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, January 1989-December 1992." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278339.
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This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.
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Windsor, Carol A. "Industry policy, finance and the AIDC : Australia from the 1950s to the 1970s." Thesis, University of Queensland, 2009. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:189307.
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This thesis, conceived within a Marxist framework, addresses key conceptual issues in the writing and theorising on industry policy in post second world- war Australia. Broadly, the thesis challenges the way that industry policy on the left of politics (reflected in the social democratic and Keynesian positions) has been constructed as a practical, progressive policy agenda. Specifically, the thesis poses a direct challenge to the primacy of the ‘national’ in interpreting the history of industry policy. The challenge is to the proposition that conflicts between national industry and international finance arose only from the mid 1980s. On the contrary, as will be seen, this is a 1960s issue and any interpretation of the debates and the agendas surrounding industry policy in the 1980s must be predicated on an understanding of how the issue was played out two decades earlier. As was the case in the 1960s, industry policy in the 1980s has been isolated from two key areas of interrogation: the role of the nation state in regulating accumulation and the role of finance in industry policy. In the 1950s and more so in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a reconfiguration of financing internationally but it is one that did not enter into industry policy analysis. The central concern therefore is to simultaneously sketch the historical political economy on industry policy from the 1950s through to the early 1970s in Australia and to analytically and empirically insert the role of finance into that history. In so doing the thesis addresses the economic and social factors that shaped the approach to industry finance in Australia during this critical period. The analysis is supported by a detailed examination of political and industry debates surrounding the proposal for, and institution of, a key national intervention in the form of the Australian Industry Development Corporation (AIDC).
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Boczar, Amanda C. "FOREIGN AFFAIRS: POLICY, CULTURE, AND THE MAKING OF LOVE AND WAR IN VIETNAM." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/27.
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Foreign Affairs: Policy, Culture, and the Making of Love and War in Vietnam investigates the interplay between war and society leading to and during the Vietnam War. This project intertwines histories of foreign relations, popular culture, and gender and sexuality as lenses for understanding international power relations during the global Cold War more broadly. By examining sexual encounters between American service members and Vietnamese civilian women, this dissertation argues that relationships ranging from prostitution to dating, marriage, and rape played a significant role in the diplomacy, logistics, and international reception of the war. American disregard for South Vietnamese morality laws in favor of bolstering GI morale in the early war years contributed to the instability of the alliance and led to a rise in anti-American activities, health concerns, and military security threats.
The length of the war in addition to the difficulty for service members to definitively identify enemy forces placed stress on soldiers. Publicized cases of rape and disagreements over responsibility for orphans or children born outside marriage to U.S. servicemen in the later war years further deteriorated relations. Negotiating these relationships resulted in implicit assignments of power between the United States and their allies in South Vietnam. In addition to the bi-lateral relations between the U.S. and South Vietnam, North Vietnamese and National Liberation Front propaganda citing the GI-civilian relationships sparked security concerns and further threatened the alliance. This dissertation further contends that encounters provided propaganda material for opposition forces, strained the overall war effort at home, and shaped how Americans remember the war.
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Nishiyama, Takashi. "Swords into plowshares civilian application of wartime military technology in modern Japan, 1945-1964 /." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1104324814.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 246 p.; also includes graphics (some col.) Includes bibliographical references (p. 212-242).
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Lapham, Angela. "From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.
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In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.
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Lovric, Ivo Mark. "Ghost Wars : the Politics of War Commemoration." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150317.
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Ghost Wars: the politics of war commemoration: research into dissenting views to war and other aspects of the Australian experience of war that are marginalised by the Australian War Memorial. A study taking the form of an exhibition of a filmic (video) essay, which comprises the outcome of the Studio Practice component, together with the Exegesis which documents the nature of the course of study undertaken, and the Dissertation, which comprises 33% of the Thesis.
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Witherspoon, Ralph Pomeroy. "The military draft and the all-volunteer force: a case study of a shift in public policy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/40408.
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This dissertation is a case study of a public policy decision, the decision to shift the military manpower policy of the United States from conscription to a policy of complete volunteerism--the all-volunteer force. The case study approach is largely historical and is concentrated on the turbulent period between 1965, when the United States' combat role in South Vietnam escalated sharply, and 1973, the year of American withdrawal from the war and the last Selective Service System draft call. A brief history of the military manpower policy of the United States is outlined in order to set the case study period within the proper context and to permit a fuller understanding and appreciation of the policy decision.
In order that the case study may have potential application to the study of other public policy decisions, a theoretical model for changes in public policy-making is developed based on the research of public policy-making theorists. This model, which is largely adapted from the theoretical work of ~he Agenda-Building Theorists, is compared to the events and inter-actions of key players in the case study. Although conclusions about a wider applicability of the model is not possible, it can be concluded that the theoretical model does fit the events and circumstances contained in the case study.
In addition to attempting to derive a working theoretical model of change in public policy-making, a secondary purpose of the research is to address the nonnative aspects of the shift in policy from conscription to volunteerism. Based on the pattern of American military manpower policy, it appears that Anglo-Saxon liberalism, rooted in the freedom of the individual, is an extremely strong strain in American thinking, and that the relatively long period of conscription in the United States after World War II was an anomaly in the history of American military manpower policies.Ph. D.
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Wansac, Alexis. "Don't Ask, Don't Tell: A History, Legacy, and Aftermath." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/967.
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Though many believe some of the greatest military leaders of all time - from Alexander the Great to Julius Caesar - have engaged in sex acts with other males, and though certainly a very different political climate from that of ancient Greece or Rome, the United States military has historically never accepted homosexual sex acts within its own military, nor has the United States military accepted open homosexuals either until recently. This thesis focuses on the evolution of United States military policy towards homosexuals and the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" (DADT) policy of the United States military in order to recommend a path that the United States can follow to provide an equal opportunity for success of openly homosexual service members. This research traces the history of policy towards homosexuality in the United States military up through the "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy and its repeal. This research discusses changing governmental policies towards homosexuals in the military, as well as changing public opinions about "Don't Ask, Don't Tell". This research also outlines discharges under the policy, connecting changing public opinion to the policy's eventual repeal. Through the analysis of statistics surrounding discharges, opinion surveys, and anecdotal evidence, this research evaluates the level of acceptance for openly homosexual service members in a post-DADT world. These findings will then be compared with the adjustment of troops in Great Britain and Canada, who each have experienced relative success in the integration of homosexual troops, in order to make a recommendation for a course of action that the United States could take in order to help better the adjustment of soldiers to a non-exclusionary policy.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Brown, Katie Lynn. "“The Bomber Will Always Get Through”: The Evolution of British Air Policy and Doctrine, 1914–1940." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1308260254.
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Cousineau, R. Laurent. "Wars Without Risk: U.S. Humanitarian Interventions in the 1990s." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1276889541.
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Gibbs, Thomas J. "Venereal Disease and American Policy in a Foreign War Zone: 39th Infantry Regiment in Sidi-Bel-Abbes, Algeria. May of 1943." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2076.
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Second Lieutenant Charles Scheffel, B Company Platoon Leader, 39th Infantry Regiment, 9th Infantry Division modified existing methods of venereal disease control in Algeria, North Africa during Operation Torch after being ordered to reduce the venereal disease rate by his regimental commander, Colonel William Ritter. Tasked with defeating the Germans first, Scheffel learned other enemies lurked as well, and he instituted an illegal policy to solve the problem as fast and as effectively as possible. Official United States policy on the eve of World War Two prohibited the establishment and operation of a brothel. Scheffel operated this brothel as the United States Army occupied Arab lands for the first time in its history and improved the combat effectiveness of his regiment.
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Ono, Reyn SP. "The Secret Weapons of World War II: An Analysis of Hitler's Chemical Weapons Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/944.
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Very little historical scholarship specifically analyzes or explores the absence of chemical weapons in World War II. This thesis seeks to fill the gaps in the historical narrative by providing insight into the personal and external factors that influenced Hitler’s chemical weapons policy. This thesis also touches upon the wartime violence perpetrated by both the Axis and the Allies, thereby offering a neutral, unbiased historical account. From 1939-1941, Hitler did not deploy chemical weapons because his blitzkrieg of Europe was progressing successfully – chemical warfare was unnecessary. With the failure of Operation Barbarossa from 1942-1943, Armaments Minister Albert Speer oversaw a massive increase in the production of the lethal nerve agent tabun, indicating Hitler’s desire to deploy chemical gas on the Eastern Front. However, by the request of Soviet Premier Josef Stalin, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill threatened to retaliate against Nazi Germany with chemical strikes on German cities in May 1942. Hitler backed down because of the inadequacy of German air defense and his desire to protect the “Aryan” people – based on his own trauma with gas in World War I. However, in the final years of the war in 1944-1945, the stress of the Allied advance on Berlin caused the deterioration of the German dictator’s mental and physical state. Hitler’s thoughts became suicidal and destructive – the German people deserved extinction for their failure in World War II. Thus, Hitler issued the Nero Decree in March 1945. However, the architect turned Armaments Minister, aware of the war’s foregone conclusion, sought to obstruct Germany’s path to catastrophe. Likewise, Hitler sought to initiate chemical warfare. Again, Speer prevented unnecessary civilian casualties by shutting down chemical production plants. The German dictator did not take matters into his own hands because following the failure of the Ardennes Offensive in January 1945, Hitler also grew increasingly apathetic to governing the Third Reich. By April 1945, with Hitler a ghost of his former self, his subleaders fought for control of Nazi Germany, and their inability to cooperate led to a crisis of leadership. Thus, World War II concluded in Europe without chemical warfare. Ultimately, this thesis promotes an awareness of the legacy of violence ushered in by “modern warfare,” a contemporary issue yet to be adequately addressed.
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De, Matos Christine, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Imposing peace and prosperity: Australia, social justice and labour reform in occupied Japan, 1945-1949." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_De Matos_C.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/480.
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Historiography tends to seek patterns of inevitability, attempting to explain a decided course rather than incorporating other evident, though unfulfilled possibilities. In the case of historiography on the Allied Occupation of Japan, this is particularly obvious. Occupation scholarship appears absorbed by the overarching US presence in Japan during this period, reflects the dominant paradigm of the Cold War and when it does venture past the US remains focused on the US-Japan dichotomy. Australia also participated in the Occupation, also held a vision for a Pacific future and developed a relationship with Japan. Often the Australian perspective did not coincide with that of the US especially on the terrain of ideological and historical experiences and interpretations. The potential for conflict between the two nations’ approaches to post-surrender Japan is particularly evident in labour reform policy and issues of social and economic justice – the focus of this thesis. Australian policies towards labour reform under the Chifley Labor Government are examined in this thesis within the context of the Australian labour movement’s historical legacy, Orientalism and racial stereotypes, the Cold War, US hegemony, idealism and pragmatism and overall Australian policy towards Occupied Japan as a dual-paradigm structure. This thesis investigates attempts to turn labour reform polices and ideals into practice, via the diplomatic control machinery established for the Occupation namely the Allied Council for Japan and Far Eastern Commission and as articulated by Australian government representatives including Dr H.V. Evatt, William Macmahon Ball, Patrick Shaw and Sir Frederick Eggleston. The thesis contests the predominant simplistic harsh peace label given to Australian policy in the current literature. By examining Australian policy towards Occupied Japan from a micro perspective, what emerges is a more complex foreign policy mosaic to which the research in this thesis is a contributionDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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McPherson, Jared L. "Indefinite Detention as a Democratic Counterterrorism Policy." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416091531.
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Leah, Christine Martine. "Australia and nuclear strategy." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155789.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis consists of an historical and strategic analysis of Australia's relationship with nuclear weapons, nuclear strategy, and U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. It covers the period from when Britain and the United States both began research into harnessing the power of atomic energy for military purposes, to the present day. It concludes with a forward-looking chapter that assesses the possible and probable interactions of Australia's various experiences with nuclear weapons and a strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific undergoing long-term, transformational geopolitical change. For many decades it has been assumed that Australia's ratification of the NPT was due to specific American security assurances regarding the use of nuclear weapons. This nuclear umbrella is often cited as one significant factor constraining the spread of nuclear weapons by obviating the need for U.S. allies to possess their own nuclear deterrent. However, Australia has always had a complex and conflicted relationship with the bomb. Recently declassified documents reveal that until about 1974, most senior officials, including Prime Ministers, were not persuaded that extended nuclear deterrence - whether something explicit or as a more generalized phenomenon - applied to Australia. Understanding the history of Australian thinking about nuclear weapons and its relationship with U.S. extended nuclear deterrence is important for several reasons. First, it shows how certain geopolitical circumstances can shape attitudes towards the possession and use of nuclear weapons in different geostrategic contexts. Second: it shows how different geopolitical contexts shape allied understandings of concepts of nuclear strategy. Third: it shows how different strategic circumstances can be more or less conducive to the perceived credibility of security assurances. Fourth: a proper understanding of Australia's relationship with U.S. END has implications for policy today. It helps us think about how that relationship might endure and evolve in different contexts. This is especially important given that the Asia-Pacific has just embarked on a long period of transformational geopolitical change. To think that Australia "relies" on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence per se is misleading. Australia's relationship with nuclear weapons is complex, ambiguous, distant, and multi-layered. Why did Australia pursue a nuclear weapons capability from the mid-1940s to the early 1970s? Why did Australia decide to co-operate with Great Britain on nuclear and missile research? Why did policymakers then try to develop a nuclear weapon capability independently? Why did Canberra eventually renounce that option and instead choose to sign the NPT and "rely" on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence in 1973? And under what circumstances might Australia, again, love the bomb directly rather than vicariously? The wider intent of the study is to shed light on the different ways Australia has thought about the role of nuclear weapons in international, regional, and national security, and how that thinking might evolve in the future. There is an assumption held by many political advocates that nuclear disarmament is a desirable goal in itself. This is not a view I agree with. My love and passion for this topic and broader questions of nuclear strategy and weapons proliferation lead me to believe that the role of nuclear weapons in international security must be understood within a broader context. It is not enough to say that the nuclear weapons states must reduce their nuclear arsenals and work towards the eventual goal of total elimination of nuclear weapons. Any ambition for the United States to reduce the size of its nuclear stockpile must be informed by a far stronger understanding of how different levels onuclear capabilities could shape perceptions of strategic stability between the major players in Asia, including U.S. allies who rely on American extended nuclear deterrence. Indeed, nuclear weapons are only one component of strategic stability, and their role must be understood in the context of the overall military balance. This analysis of Australia's experience with nuclear weapons and extended nuclear deterrence, it is hoped, will contribute to our understanding of all the direct and indirect ways that nuclear weapons contribute positively to international security.