Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australia Foreign relations Taiwan

Academic literature on the topic 'Australia Foreign relations Taiwan'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Contents

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Australia Foreign relations Taiwan.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Australia Foreign relations Taiwan"

1

Garin, Artyom, and Sophia Pale. "The Place of the Solomon Islands and Kiribati in China's Geopolitical Thinking." South East Asia Actual problems of Development, no. 3 (52) (2021): 234–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-3-3-52-234-253.

Full text
Abstract:
China’s growing influence has affected the South Pacific, where the small developing island states of Oceania re-directed their foreign policies due to Beijing in order to diversify their external relations. It has caused concerns of Australia, the United States, Japan and New Zealand. In 2019 the leaders of Solomon Islands and Kiribati cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan in favor of China, and this raised Beijing's regional influence to a new level and negatively affected Australia's position in its traditional sphere of influence.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Salem, Saber. "Chinese Foreign Aid to Fiji: Threat or Opportunity." China Report 56, no. 2 (April 29, 2020): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445520916875.

Full text
Abstract:
China’s political, economic and cultural influence is steadily rising in Fiji and the Pacific region as a whole. The Sino–Fiji cooperation deepened at multiple levels after the Fijian military assumed power through a coup d’état and removed the civilian government from power in late 2006. This ‘undemocratic behaviour’ infuriated the two regional powers—Australia and New Zealand who then applied sanctions on Fiji, particularly the military brass, and encouraged their counterparts as well as multilateral aid organisations to ‘punish’ Fiji’s military ‘regime’. The military government in order to derail the impact of sanctions from its traditional donors adopted the ‘Look North Policy’, which was opening cooperation with China and attracting Chinese investment in Fiji. China welcomed the friendship gesture and furnished Fiji with financial assistance. This Chinese friendship was also due to Taiwanese involvement in the region, which was providing aid for diplomatic recognition and support at the UN. The ‘microstates’ hold about 7 per cent of UN votes. Both China and Taiwan need their votes at multilateral organisations and given that these microstates are mostly aid-dependent economies, initiated an era of Chequebook diplomacy, which is basically money for diplomatic recognition in the case of Taiwan or acceptance of One China Policy in the case of China. The microstates have time and again switched between China and Taiwan and played one against the other to get more aid money out of their diplomatic rivalry. The Sino–Taiwan aid competition in the Pacific forced US to make a strong comeback and ensure that China under the pretext of denying Taiwan space in the region actually spies on the US activities in the region. As a result, the US and its regional allies have significantly increased their foreign aid to the island nations in order to coax them to diminish their level of financial dependence on China. So far, they have not been successful enough and China’s aid package has gone far beyond the level US is giving. Today, China is the second largest donor to the region and largest financier to Fiji. Fiji has become the ace in this game as it is the regional hub of the Pacific Island states. Bearing the current high level of aid competition between traditional and emerging donors in mind, it is too early to judge whether Chinese aid will cause more harm to Fiji than benefit or vice versa. It also entirely depends on the Fijian government as to how much it relies on Chinese aid and how clean Chinese are with their soft loans. China has been blamed for not being clear and specific about the terms and conditions of its concessional loans. This vagueness and secrecy that is associated with Chinese aid been a cause for concern, especially among traditional donors.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Toyoda, Tetsuya, Ekaterina Vaseneva, and Ryo Takahama. "Security Policy Options for Japan in Three Time Frameworks." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 4 (December 15, 2022): 410–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-4-410-426.

Full text
Abstract:
This paper examines security policy options for Japan at the present stage that may be worth considering in the short term, the midterm, and the long term, respectively. Hence, the aim of the paper is to examine foreign policy security options for Japan in the foreseeable future. While providing a comprehensive overview of the Japanese foreign and security policy at the present stage, the article employs the case study methodological framework to analyze Japan’s foreign policy objectives in case of Tokyo’s relations with the most critical partners in the Asia-Pacific Region - namely, the United States, China, Russia, ASEAN, and Taiwan. Examining the origin and further development of the QUAD, the authors highlight the absence of ASEAN members and India’s hesitation to institutionalize the grouping, while analyzing the Russia-Japan relations they focus on common interests in security cooperation, as well on its limitations. As a result, in the short term, the expansion of the Japan-US alliance to the Indo-Pacific region is the most plausible option. However, without involving the ASEAN countries, the Free and Open IndoPacific (FOIP) strategy can only add Australia and India to the existing Japan-US alliance. In the midterm, an alliance with Russia may be, with some serious limitations, geographically a natural option. In the long term, Japan might need to find a proper place in a China-centered order in East Asia. Therefore, the authors conclude that the relative decline of US influence in East Asia is unavoidable in the coming decades, Japan must adjust or even reconsider its security policy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Brouwer, Gordon de. "Financial Markets, Institutions, and Integration in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 2, no. 1 (January 2003): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/153535103322022896.

Full text
Abstract:
East Asia has enormous scope to upgrade and integrate its financial markets, covering the spectrum of equity, bond, foreign-exchange, and derivatives markets. Financial markets and institutions in East Asia tend to be narrow and undeveloped, although there are important exceptions. Japan dominates the top tier of the region's markets by virtue of its size, but its markets are not advanced, and many of its private institutions are weak. Although the markets in Australia, Hong Kong SAR, and Singapore are smaller than those of Japan, they are more innovative, market-oriented, and technologically advanced. Markets in Malaysia, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand have made substantial progress to varying degrees; but China, Indonesia, and the Philippines have a considerable way to go in developing the information and governance infrastructure that financial markets need to function well. For all these countries, there is a clear role for regional cooperation among policymakers in building capacity in, and links between, financial markets in East Asia, as well as in encouraging stable speculation and the participation of nonresident and institutional investors in domestic financial markets. ASEAN+3 is an important and welcome advance in regional cooperation, but its membership does not span the depth of experience in financial markets and institutions that exists in East Asia.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Forster, Keith. "Australia's Taiwan Policy, 1942–1992. By Gary Klintworth. [Canberra: Australian Foreign Policy Papers, Australian National University, 1993. 150 pp. ISBN 0–7315–1535–8.]." China Quarterly 139 (September 1994): 804–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000043216.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Atkinson, Joel. "Vanuatu in Australia–China–Taiwan relations." Australian Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 3 (September 2007): 351–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710701531529.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Tow, William T., and Chen-shen Yen. "Australia–Taiwan relations: the evolving geopolitical setting." Australian Journal of International Affairs 61, no. 3 (September 2007): 330–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710701531511.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Papadimos, Andrew C. "A Comparison of Australia–Taiwan, Australia–PRC relations (1972–1990)." Asian Studies Association of Australia. Review 13, no. 2 (November 1989): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147538908712607.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Robinson, Thomas W. "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050657.

Full text
Abstract:
Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Jung, Dae-Sung. "An Empirical Study on Return Spillovers among Asian foreign exchange markets." Korea International Trade Research Institute 18, no. 5 (October 31, 2022): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.16980/jitc.18.5.202210.345.

Full text
Abstract:
Purpose - This paper analyzes the connectivity of Asian foreign exchange markets using the volatility spillover index of Diebold and Yilmaz (2009/2012). Design/Methodology/Approach - The paper used exchange rate data for 11 Asian countries (Korea, Japan, Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, China, Thailand, Indonesia, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Vietnam) and Australia. The data period is from January 2, 2015, to October 4, 2022. Analysis used the volatility spillover index model of Diebold and Yilmaz (2012). Findings - As a result, it was found that there were return spillovers in the Asian foreign exchange market, and the total volatility transfer is 59.5%. Singapore, Taiwan, Australia, Korea, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, China, the Philippines, Japan, Vietnam, and Hong Kong have the highest outflow transfer effect in the Asian foreign exchange market, in that order. Singapore, Korea, Australia, Malaysia, Taiwan, Thailand, Indonesia, China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Japan, and Hong Kong have the highest inflow transfer effect, in that order. Singapore, Taiwan, Australia, Korea, Malaysia, and Thailand are the leading markets in the Asian foreign exchange market, while Vietnam, Japan, Hong Kong, China, the Philippines, and Indonesia are dependent markets in the Asian foreign exchange market. As a result of analyzing through a sample moving average analysis, it was found that the outbreak of COVID-19 and the WHO pandemic declaration had the strongest effect on the linkage of the foreign exchange market. Research Implications - This study empirically demonstrates the importance of linkages between markets for investors and policy makers in the foreign exchange market.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia Foreign relations Taiwan"

1

Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

Full text
Abstract:
The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Papadimos, Andrew, and n/a. "Australia, Taiwan and the PRC: Evolving Relations." Griffith University. School of Asian and International Studies, 1994. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050831.170440.

Full text
Abstract:
In December 1972 the Australian government recognised the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) at the cost of breaking off all official contacts with Taiwan. Despite the initial shock to Australia-Taiwan relations of derecognition, trade contacts between Australia and Taiwan have continued to flourish, and in recent years, political relations between the two have also been improving. This thesis examines reasons behind the recent improvements in Australia-Taiwan relations and ways in which such improvements have been implemented - given the constraints that Australia has no official contacts with Taiwan. With its main focus as trade, this thesis shows that Taiwan's importance to Australia has been slowly evolving such that Taiwan is at present a more important and reliable trading partner to Australia than is the PRC. Improvements have been occurring in Australia-Taiwan political relations, therefore, primarily as a consequence of Taiwan's growing importanée in the Australian marketplace.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.

Full text
Abstract:
[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.

Full text
Abstract:
Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.

Full text
Abstract:
Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand. This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology. Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks, as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans- Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.

Full text
Abstract:
This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.

Full text
Abstract:
In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV) as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian market. Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has experienced many difficulties. As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of these joint ventures. This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture organisational management and joint venture project management have been identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.

Full text
Abstract:
The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Chen, Kaihe, and 陳開和. "Nationalizing society, identity politics, and foreign policy strategies: Taiwan's mainland policy, 1988-2000." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31245201.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Books on the topic "Australia Foreign relations Taiwan"

1

Stuart, Harris. Implications of Taiwan-Chinese relations for Australia. Canberra, Australia: Research School of Pacific and AsianStudies, Australian National University, 1995.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Klintworth, Gary. Australia's Taiwan policy, 1942-1992. Canberra: Australian Foreign Policy Publications Programme, Dept. of International Relations, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1993.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Marshall, Samantha E. Taiwan-U.S. relations. Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science, 2010.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Hoadley, Steve. New Zealand and Taiwan relations. Auckland: Co-published by the New Zealand Asia Institute and the Auckland Institute of Studies, 1998.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Taiwan tiao yue ji: Taiwan li shi yan yi, si tiao yue gai bian Taiwan. Taibei Shi: Duo jing yi shu ke ji gu fen you xian gong si, 2005.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Taiwan yu Lading Meizhou guan xi: Relaciones entre Taiwan y America Latina. Gaoxiong Shi: Li wen wen hua shi ye gu fen you xian gong si, 2006.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Jaw, Peter. Taiwan vs. China, 1958. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Jaw, Peter. Taiwan vs. China, 1958. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2009.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, ed. Transforming India-Taiwan relations: New perspectives. New Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies & Analyses, 2014.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Lasater, Martin L. U.S. interests in the new Taiwan. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Book chapters on the topic "Australia Foreign relations Taiwan"

1

Long, Simon. "Taiwan’s Foreign Relations." In Taiwan: China's Last Frontier, 129–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377394_6.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China." In Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Markovic Khaze, Nina. "China’s Changing Foreign Relations with Small and Middle Powers: A Comparative Analysis of the Cases of Australia, the Solomon Islands, and Central and East European Countries (CEEC)." In Кинески развојни изазови: промене и пројекције, 69–94. Београд: Институт за међународну политику и привреду, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_dokri.2022.ch3.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

"Conclusion Australia-Taiwan Relations in Perspective." In Australia and Taiwan, 197–202. BRILL, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004224209_011.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Firth, Stewart. "Foreign relations, 1901–83." In Australia in International Politics, 3–29. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003114918-2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Arnold, Walter. "Japan and Taiwan: Community of Economic Interest Held Together by Paradiplomacy." In Japan’s Foreign Relations, 187–99. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429046353-12.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Gulyás, Csenge. "Taiwan’s Foreign Relations with Developing Countries." In OBIC book series, 121–47. Budapest Business School, University of Applied Sciences, Oriental Business and Innovation Center (OBIC), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29180/9786156342393_5.

Full text
Abstract:
Taiwan, officially called by its own government the Republic of China (ROC), was led by the only legitimate Chinese government acknowledged by most countries of the world even after the unification of mainland China by the Communists in 1949. Later, due to regional developments and the changing interests of the great powers, the international influence of the government of the island diminished, with a major turning point in 1971, when a UN resolution gave the People’s Republic of China1 (PRC) representation in the organization instead of Taiwan. Subsequently, a significant number of the countries in the world, for political and economic reasons, sided with Beijing, acknowledging the Communist leadership as the real government of China (Salát, 2017). Today, in addition to the Holy See, only 13 of the 193 UN member states maintain full diplomatic relations with Taiwan, the vast majority of which are in the developing world (by the end of 2021, Nicaragua was the last state to sever diplomatic relations with Taiwan). Diplomatic recognition is an important expression of a state’s sovereignty. Therefore, the countries maintaining full diplomatic relations with Taiwan are extremely important international allies of the island’s government. For this reason, their examination also points to the essence of Taiwan’s foreign policy aspirations. At the same time, in some respects, relations between Taiwan and its diplomatic allies are more of a question of prestige, as third world states have little ability to advance Taipei’s interests on the international stage. In addition, Taiwan has informal diplomatic missions in 57 countries around the world,2 which is of great importance; it is enough to mention the case of the United States, Taiwan’s most important patron.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Lasater, Martin L. "China’s Independent Foreign Policy." In The Taiwan Issue in Sino-American Strategic Relations, 58–76. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429315206-4.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

"Taiwan in Japan's Foreign Relations: Informal Politics and Virtual Diplomacy." In Future Trends in East Asian International Relations, 163–88. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315040134-15.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Chan, Alfred L. "Modernizing the Military and Recalibrating Foreign Relations." In Xi Jinping, 379–433. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197615225.003.0011.

Full text
Abstract:
Xi effected the most sweeping restructuring of the military since 1949 to strengthen national defense, enforce territorial claims, and defend Beijing’s far-flung interests. Xi further centralized control of the PLA in the Central Military Commission, where he is chair, so that he could fight corruption and ensure the military’s loyalty to the Party. He also ordered the PLA and the People’s Armed Police to withdraw from business ventures. This chapter examines Beijing’s relations with Hong Kong, Taiwan, and foreign countries by referring to four layers of analysis: (1) continuity and change; (2) interdependence, cooperation, and conflict; (3) realist, liberal, and constructivist perspectives; and (4) system, state, and individual levels of analysis. It evaluates Beijing’s attempt to enhance China’s economic power and to enmesh the world with megaprojects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, and with its support of international institutions like the UN and peacekeeping forces.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Conference papers on the topic "Australia Foreign relations Taiwan"

1

Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah, and Baiq Wardhani. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy: Australia Turn Back the Boats Policy under Tony Abbott." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279004770483.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

Full text
Abstract:
Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Australia Foreign relations Taiwan"

1

Béraud-Sudreau, Lucie, Xiao Liang, Siemon T. Wezeman, and Ming Sun. Arms-production Capabilities in the Indo-Pacific Region: Measuring Self-reliance. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/xgre7769.

Full text
Abstract:
Armed forces in the Indo-Pacific region remain dependent on weapon systems imported from foreign suppliers. This is despite the efforts of many governments in the Indo-Pacific to implement policies that support the development of local arms industrial capabilities with the aim of increasing self-reliance. This report develops three indicators to give a score and regional ranking of self-reliance to twelve jurisdictions in the Indo-Pacific region: Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Singapore, Taiwan, Thailand and Viet Nam. Overall, this report contributes to knowledge and debates on armament trends and military modernization in the Indo-Pacific. In a region where tensions among neighbours are rising, it further contributes to transparency with regard to levels of self-reliance in domestic arms production, allowing for an independent assessment of the region’s respective arms industries.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Australia Foreign relations Taiwan' for particular source types:
Journal articles Dissertations / Theses Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography