Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australia Foreign relations History

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Australia Foreign relations History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Australia Foreign relations History"

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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.

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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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McDougall, Derek. "Foreign Policy Studies in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 3 (September 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.1523a.x.

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Jakwa, Tinashe. "Documents on Australian Foreign Policy: Australia and the Rhodesian Problem, 1961-1972." Australian Journal of Politics & History 64, no. 3 (September 2018): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12495.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.

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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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Reynolds, Wayne. "Documents on Australian Foreign Policy: Australia and the World 1920-1930." Diplomacy & Statecraft 32, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592296.2021.1883875.

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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.

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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.
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Strating, Rebecca. "A ‘New Chapter’ in Australia–Timor Bilateral Relations? Assessing the Politics of the Timor Sea Maritime Boundary Treaty." Australian Year Book of International Law 36, no. 1 (October 1, 2019): 58–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229_03601005.

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Abstract The signing of the 2018 Maritime Boundary treaty was described by Australia’s then Foreign Minister Julie Bishop as opening ‘a new chapter’ in diplomatic relations with Timor-Leste. This contribution examines the importance of the treaty to bilateral relations. It provides a brief history of the Timor Sea disputes, explains Timor-Leste’s policy aims, and analyses Australia's foreign policy shift on the boundary delimitation issue. While there are positive signs in resolving the boundary dispute, uncertainty over the development of the Greater Sunrise gas field may impact bilateral relations in the future.
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Pramanta, Rio Akbar, Roihanatul Maziyah, Dela Karisma, Putri Rahma Asri, Ayu Tiara Karel Bua, Dimas Bagas Priambodo, and Bayu Mahendra. "Kemitraan Strategis Non-Zero Sum Game: Hubungan ASEAN-Australia dalam Konteks Geopolitik." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i2.22347.

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ASEAN and Australia has a long history of mutual partnership. It is a strategic foreign policy for both parties. ASEAN needs to maintain its power and influence with their neighboring countries to maintain the political stability in the Southeast Asian region. On the other hand, Australia needs Southeast Asia because it serves as a strategic and crucial pivot of numerous benefits and interests for them, including but not limited to security and economics. However, ASEAN-Australia relations is not separated from the geopolitical implications. The geopolitical factors determine the strategic partnership between ASEAN and Australia, thus leading to the hypothesis in this article where Australia needs ASEAN more than the vice versa, and Australia is the one who benefits more in terms of relative gain, relative to ASEAN.Keywords: ASEAN-Australia relations, neorealism, relative gain, geopolitics
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Snyder, Craig A. "Southeast Asian Perceptions of Australia´ s Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 2 (August 2006): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs28-2g.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia Foreign relations History"

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Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.

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The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
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Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.

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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
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Eberly, Kurt Jeffrey. "Pennsylvanians, Foreign Relations, and Politics, 1775-1790." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1297560596.

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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.

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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Beacom, Robert John Aaron. "The new diplomacy? : British foreign relations and the Olympic Movement." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269814.

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Aldamer, Shafi. "Saudi-British relations, 1939-1953." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4386/.

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The present study attempts to understand the shift that occurred in Saudi-British relations by the year 1953. The tracing of such a shift is dealt with by investigating the development of these relations from 1939 and through to 1953.The research is drawn upon a documentary diplomatic history method reinforced by an analytical approach. Within the framework of analysis, the Realism approach to international politics is selected. Certain assumptions that most of - classical and modern - Realists agreed upon are in use, specifically the state-centric assumption, the rationality assumption, the unitary assumption, the anarchic assumption, and the security assumption. As is clear from existing secondary sources, Saudi Arabia and Britain enjoyed a kind of special relationship in the early 1940s, but by the last year of King Ibn Saud's reign (1953) these two states' relations had deteriorated into severe conflict. Though some existing sources have attempted to shed some light on that development, their findings are indeed modest. In fact, none of this literature has studied the topic from a purely Saudi-British perspective, nor has any of it explored and analysed the matter with the depth that it deserves. By focusing on Saudi-British relations the chapters of this thesis are endeavouring to answer profoundly a variety of questions that affected the main course of these relations. By questioning the impact of certain issues on Saudi-Anglo relations - such that of Saudi-US relations, the security concept, the Saudi-Hashemite problem, and the frontier conflict - the thesis will address its main theme.
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Totaro, Genevois Mariella. "Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia." Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.

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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.

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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.
Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Bai?arsaikhan, Dashdondogiin. "Mongol-Armenian political relations (1220-1335)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670046.

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Books on the topic "Australia Foreign relations History"

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Piggott, Leanne. Australia and Israel: A pictorial history. [Canberra]: Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2007.

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Piggott, Leanne. Australia and Israel: A pictorial history. [Canberra]: Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2007.

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O'Hare, Martin. Australia dan perjuangan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 1995.

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L'Estrange, Michael G. The Australia-Britain relationship today: Patterns of history, dynamics of change. London: Menzies Centre for Australian Studies, 2004.

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Blind loyalty: Australia and the Suez crisis, 1956. Carlton, Vic: Melbourne University Press, 1989.

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More than an ally?: Contemporary Australia-US relations. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2008.

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Australia and the world: A documentary history from the 1870s to the 1970s. Melbourne, Australia: Longman Cheshire, 1985.

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Cumpston, I. M. History of Australian foreign policy 1901-1991. Deakin West, Canberra: I.M. Cumpston, 1995.

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Doran, Stuart. Australia and the origins of the Pacific Islands forum. [Canberra]: Dept. of Foreign Affairs and Trade, 2004.

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The Poles & Australia: A partnership of values. North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australia Foreign relations History"

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China." In Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Elias, Amanuel, Fethi Mansouri, and Yin Paradies. "Race Relations in Australia: A Brief History." In Racism in Australia Today, 33–94. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-2137-6_2.

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Wood, Molly M. "Gender and American Foreign Relations." In The Routledge HISTORY of Gender, War, and the U.S. Military, 202–14. 1st edition. | New York : Routledge, [2017] |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315697185-16.

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Lowe, Norman. "Foreign Affairs and International Relations 1919–33." In Mastering Modern World History, 207–23. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19612-8_13.

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Lowe, Norman. "Foreign Affairs and International Relations 1933–9." In Mastering Modern World History, 224–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19612-8_14.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.

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Barnhart, Michael A. "History as Victim: The Sorry State of the Study of US-Japanese Relations, 1900-1945." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 121–33. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch8.

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Magu, Stephen M. "A Brief History of US–Africa Relations: To 1990." In Great Powers and US Foreign Policy towards Africa, 55–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-94096-0_4.

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Firth, Stewart. "Foreign relations, 1901–83." In Australia in International Politics, 3–29. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003114918-2.

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Holcombe, Charles. "Foreign Relations." In The Cambridge History of China, 296–308. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781139107334.015.

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Conference papers on the topic "Australia Foreign relations History"

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Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah, and Baiq Wardhani. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy: Australia Turn Back the Boats Policy under Tony Abbott." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279004770483.

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Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.

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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region. The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Nasirova, Kamala. "Theoretical analysis of political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-192-200.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of political aspects of international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons in the system of international relations. If we look at our recent history, we can see that in fact, in the modern system of international relations, the factors that determine the international protection of refugees and internally displaced persons are political elements, political causes and threats, as well as international political and military security. Therefore, the article touches on the issue of ensuring both the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and the violated rights of refugees and internally displaced persons through counter-attack operations of Azerbaijan in September-November 2020.
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Uzun Kocamış, Tuğçe, Serdar Kuzu, and Emre Aksu. "An Overview of Relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan in Light Of Economic Developments in Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00459.

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Kazakhstan is in a distinctive position among other Central Asian Republics due to its rich economic resources. It has the highest per capita GDP. Turkey is the first country to recognize the independence of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is the major strategic partner of Turkey in Central Asia. Due to its active and constructive approach, its importance has been increasing in Turkey’s foreign policy. Turkey, having qualified human resources, technology know-how, and international experience, is capable of supporting Central Asian countries in various areas. When their economy, production structure, export and import demands are compared withTurkey, we may see a great collaboration opportunities to complement each other. Due to the common history, ethnics, and culture, Turkey has become the strategic partner for Kazakhstan. Turkeyis also an important market for Kazakhstan as it has a continously developing industry, increasing consumer expenses, and growing export potential.
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Çetin, Semih, and Burak Sertkaya. "An Analysis of Links between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan from Economic and Commercial Perspectives." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00325.

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Kyrgyzstan has become an attractive market because the country has a central location in Central Asia and kept pace with the free market faster than other countries in the region. Since Kyrgyzstan is a member of the World Trade Organization country become more important than the other countries in the region. In this study the recent history and the development of foreign trade relation between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan and the problems encountered in this relation are considered. Despite the growing trend of bilateral trade and economic relations since the early 90s, contraction experienced in the trade volume in 1998 and 1999 depending on the Russian crisis. Since the early 2000s, again the increasing trend of economic relations was observed. In this context by examining the trade relations between the two countries, the trade relations between the two countries are discussed and problems that encountered in the development process of the relations are investigated and solutions suggested.
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Fedorova, Kapitolina. "Between Global and Local Contexts: The Seoul Linguistic Landscape." In GLOCAL Conference on Asian Linguistic Anthropology 2020. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/cala2020.5-1.

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Multilingualism in urban spaces is mainly studied as an oral practice. Nevertheless, linguistic landscape studies can serve as a good explorative method for studying multilingualism in written practices. Moreover, resent research on linguistic landscapes (Blommaert 2013; Shohamy et. al. 2010; Backhaus 2006) have shed some light on the power relations between different ethnic groups in urban public space. Multilingual practices exist in a certain ideological context, and not only official language policy but speaker linguistic stereotypes and attitudes can influence and modify those practices. Historically, South Korea tended to be oriented towards monolingualism; one nation-one people-one language ideology was domineering public discourse. However, globalization and recent increase in migration resulted in gradual changes in attitudes towards multilingualism (Lo and Kim 2012). The linguistic landscapes of Seoul, on the one hand, reflect these changes, and However, they demonstrates pragmatic inequality of languages other than South Korean in public use. This inequality, though, is represented differently in certain spatial urban contexts. The proposed paper aims at analyzing data on linguistic landscapes of Seoul, South Korea ,with the focus on different contexts of language use and different sets of norms and ideological constructs underlying particular linguistic choices. In my presentation I will examine data from three urban contexts: ‘general’ (typical for most public spaces); ‘foreign-oriented’ (seen in tourist oriented locations such as airport, expensive hotels, or popular historical sites, which dominates the Itaewon district); and ‘ethnic-oriented’ (specific for spaces created by and for ethnic minority groups, such as Mongolian / Central Asian / Russian districts near the Dongdaemun History and Culture Park station). I will show that foreign languages used in public written communication are embedded into different frameworks in these three urban contexts, and that the patterns of their use vary from pragmatically oriented ones to predominately symbolic ones, with English functioning as a substitution for other foreign languages, as an emblem of ‘foreignness.’
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7

Orlova, Valentina. "Banking System of Ukraine under Conditions of Overcoming the Consequences of 2008 Global Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c01.00132.

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In the modern market models state banking system plays the most significant role in the functioning of economic mechanism. It ensures control of total money supply, regulates movement of cash flows, and realizes accumulation and investment of financial resources, crediting different trades and people. In transition from socialist model of economics to market economy a precondition for the start of reformation of economic relations is multi-branch state banking system. In the beginning of 1990-s creation of such banking system began in Ukraine. However, crisis situation in economics that developed in 2008 has shown how imperfect and unadapted to the regularities of market economy was banking system in Ukraine. Now Ukrainian economics like world economy is recovering. However, the problem of growing treasury deficit and national debt becomes issue of the day for the Government as drastic, not predicted variations of foreign currency are able to make an impact on loan market. The article describes history of building Ukrainian banking system starting from market reforms. It gives analysis of the reasons that have caused collapse of the banking system under conditions of the global economic crisis of 2008. It also evaluates prospects for further development of banking sector in Ukraine.
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Karnyshev, Alexander. "Psychologo-Economic and Environmental Assessment Baikal Resources in the Geopolitics of China and Russia." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.37.

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In geopolitics, the concepts of geography and territory are reduced to the fundamental aspects of relations between States, they serve as a basic method of interpreting the past, they act as the main factors of human existence, organizing all other aspects of existence around them. It is in this perspective that the article examines the attitude to Baikal in the history of the mutually linked foreign policy of Russia and China. It is noted that the Mongols and Manchus, who once conquered China, not only found themselves largely assimilated by the defeated society, but over time, a large part of their ancestral territories began to be perceived as native Chinese. Far from being justified, this also applied to Baikal, although the Yakut etymology of its name, associated with the ethnic ancestors of the Yakuts — the Huns, has been clearly traced since ancient times. Since ancient times, Buryats and Evenks who voluntarily became part of Russia have lived around Baikal. Modern development is characterized by the “penetration” of the Chinese into the business of Asian Russia. In the Baikal region, this focus has basically three goals: forest, clean water, and ownership of land and other natural resources. In a special row, it is necessary to put projects for supplying the population of some Chinese territories with Baikal water, which is planned to be transported both in bottled form and in the future through pipes.
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Reports on the topic "Australia Foreign relations History"

1

Stelmakh, Marta. HISTORICAL CONTEXT IN THE COLLECTION OF ARTICLES BY TIMOTHY SNYDER «UKRAINIAN HISTORY, RUSSIAN POLITICS, EUROPEAN FUTURE». Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11098.

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The article examines the problem of the image formation of Ukraine in the international arena in the historical journalism of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the historical context in the journalistic collection «Ukrainian History, Russian Politics, European Future». It identifies the main considerations of the author on the past of Russian-Ukrainian relations and the need to develop historical consciousness in the fight against Russian manipulation. Methodology: the comparative, historical, system analysis and other methods are used in the process of scientific research. The results of the study were obtained by analysing the author’s journalistic works and by considering the main historical themes raised by Timothy Snyder. Main results: The historical context in Timothy Snyder’s journalism is often focused on the Holodomor and the events of World War II. After all, these events are connected with the beginning of the image formation of the Ukrainian people as supporters of Nazism by the Russian authorities and the devaluation of the Ukrainians’ contribution to the establishment of peace during the Second World War. It is determined that the non-reflective attitude to history, the inability to draw parallels between the events of the past and the future leads to an ineffective response to manipulation and propaganda, which can threaten world peace. Conclusions: the realization that Russian aggression against Ukraine has its own history is a necessary aspect in the elucidation of this issue. The Eurasian Union and cooperation with the European far-right are Russian propaganda tools that discredit the Ukrainian state in the world community. Publicist Timothy Snyder points out that Europe’s future interconnects with the past, so he emphasizes the need to study and rethink history, which today has become the object of propaganda and manipulation. Significance: The results of our study will help journalists who study the historical aspect of journalistic materials and research foreign materials on Ukrainian issues. In addition, our research is necessary for Ukraine, because Russia’s aggression continues, as well as the aggressor’s propaganda, which is based on the distortion and falsification of historical events.
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Oltarzhevskyi, Dmytro. HISTORICAL FEATURES OF CORPORATE MEDIA FORMATION IN UKRAINE AND IN THE WORLD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11067.

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The article examines the world and Ukrainian history of corporate periodicals. The main purpose of this study is to reproduce an objective global picture of the emergence and formation of corporate periodicals, taking into account the business and socio-economic context. Accordingly, its tasks are to compare the conditions and features of corporate media genesis in different countries, to determine the main factors of their development, as well as to clarify the transformations of the terminological apparatus. The research is based on mostly foreign secondary scientific works published from 1915 to the present time. The literature was studied using methods such as overview, historical, functional and thematic analysis, description, and generalization. A systematic approach was used to determine the role and place of each element in the system, as well as to comprehensively consider the object in the general historical context and within the current scientific discourse. The method of systematization made it possible to establish internal and external connections, patterns and contradictions in the development of the object of study. The main historical milestones on this path are identified, examples of the first successful corporate publications and their contribution to business development, public relations, and corporate communications are considered. It was found that corporate media emerged in the mid-nineteenth century spontaneously, on the wave of practical business needs in response to industrialization, company increase, staff growth, and consumer market development. Their appearance preceded the formation of the public relations industry and changed the structure of the information space. The scientific significance of this research is that the historical look at the evolution of corporate media provides an understanding of their place, influence, capabilities, and growing communicative role in the digital age.
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