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Academic literature on the topic 'Australia Foreign relations France'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Australia Foreign relations France"

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de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.

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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.
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S. Gusakova, Yuliya, Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov, and Michael V.Presnyakov. "COMPARATIVE CHARACTERISTICS OF LABOR RELATIONS CONCEPTS IN VARIOUS FOREIGN NATIONS." Revista de Investigaciones Universidad del Quindío 34, S2 (June 14, 2022): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33975/riuq.vol34ns2.878.

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This study tries to provide a comparative features of labor relations notions in some foreign nations. This study examines the legal laws and regulation of labor relationships, splitting states into 2 classifications. The initial incorporates Germany, Russia, France, and several other European nations. In the next - the USA, Australia, Great Britain, and other nations of the Anglo-Saxon legal systems. The comparative examination of various states’ legislation and formal-logical and functional methods are used to gratify the study’s objectives. The conclusion is made that the borrowing of the experience of the nations’ adhering to the Anglo-Saxon pattern is not acceptable for Russia because, in them, the contract of labor is demonstrated not as a means able to guarantee the workers’ rights but as a legal means to generate circumstances able to infringe on their benefits.
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Sullivan, John, and Genevieve Lester. "Revisiting Domestic Intelligence." Journal of Strategic Security 15, no. 1 (April 2022): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.1976.

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This article looks at the evolution of US domestic intelligence prior to and since 9/11 in light of the Capitol attacks. It also reviews the literature and practice of intelligence reform in the context of foreign comparative experience (France, UK, Canada, Australia). It looks at the promise of fusion centers, cocontemporay domestic intelligence models, and the continuing need for domestic intelligence reform. Additional Keywords: Domestic Intelligence, Intelligence Reform, Intelligence Fusion
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Gusakova, Yuliya S., Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov, and Michael V. Presnyakov. "Legal regulation of service and labor relations in various legal systems." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (July 10, 2021): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1064p.35-40.

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The article provides a comparative characteristic of the concepts of labor relations in some foreign countries. The article analyzes the legal regulation of labor relations, dividing states into two groups. The first includes Russia, France, Germany and a number of other European states. In the second - the USA, Great Britain, Australia and other countries of the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The author denotes the similarities and differences in choosing one of the two models, namely: European (continental) and Anglo-Saxon (Anglo-American). The conclusion is drawn that the borrowing of the experience of the countries adhering to the Anglo-Saxon model is unacceptable for the Russian state, since in them the labor contract is presented not as a tool capable of guaranteeing the rights of workers, but as a legal way to create conditions that can infringe on their interests. In turn, at the moment these countries are moving towards the socialization of labor relations.
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Sviatoshniuk, Serhii S., Liliia O. Bakalo, Oleg V. Bilostotskyi, Serhii F. Gut, Oleg I. Chaikovskyi, and Oleksandr M. Zaiets. "Legal Mechanisms for Protection of the Rights of Participants in Contractual and Non-Contractual Legal Relations." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 71 (December 25, 2021): 147–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3971.07.

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The aim of this study is a comprehensive analysis of legal mechanisms to protect the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations based on the experience of foreign countries, namely: Australia, Brazil, Spain, Mexico, Germany, Portugal, Turkey, France, and Switzerland. This research involved the following methods: sociological analysis, system-structural and comparative methods, logical-semantic and formal-logical methods, as well as the dialectical method. Our study resulted in identification of the main characteristics and features of legal mechanisms to protect the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations of each of the studied countries. As a result, we drew conclusions about the need to update the regulatory framework of most of the said countries. The further use of mechanisms for legal protection of the rights of participants in contractual and non-contractual relations will help ensure their real and effective protection.
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Anwar, Syed Tariq. "FDI Regimes, Investment Screening Process, and Institutional Frameworks: China versus Others in Global Business." Journal of World Trade 46, Issue 2 (April 1, 2012): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2012008.

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The main purpose of this paper is to investigate and analyse foreign direct investment (FDI) regimes and their screening processes, institutional frameworks, and business environments in world trade. China's FDI regime is specifically compared with that of the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom. Other countries (France, Germany, Japan, Hong Kong, and Switzerland) were also included in the discussion to evaluate their regulatory and investment issues. By using interdisciplinary literature, secondary data, and research surveys and reports from multilateral institutions, the study investigates the changing profile of FDI regimes in world trade. The paper reveals that China's FDI regime has embraced significant changes to attract foreign investment. Currently, the Chinese market is open yet restricted in its own regulatory environment and institutional hurdles. Investment regimes in the United States, Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom continue to change to attract foreign investment that is critical to their economies. We believe that more country- and industry-specific studies are needed to investigate FDI regimes and their institutional frameworks. In today's world trade, China is particularly an interesting case study since the country aggressively attracts foreign investment while keeping its hybrid economy. Policymakers, multinational corporations (MNCs), governments, and researchers need to pay attention to today's changing FDI regimes because of growth opportunities and MNC expansion. The study provides useful discussion and meaningful implications that can be used by policy analysts and practitioners worldwide.
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Aldrich, Robert. "The Decolonisation of the Pacific Islands." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014558.

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At the end of the Second World War, the islands of Polynesia, Melanesia and Micronesia were all under foreign control. The Netherlands retained West New Guinea even while control of the rest of the Dutch East Indies slipped away, while on the other side of the South Pacific, Chile held Easter Island. Pitcairn, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, Fiji and the Solomon Islands comprised Britain's Oceanic empire, in addition to informal overlordship of Tonga. France claimed New Caledonia, the French Establishments in Oceania (soon renamed French Polynesia) and Wallis and Futuna. The New Hebrides remained an Anglo-French condominium; Britain, Australia and New Zealand jointly administered Nauru. The United States' territories included older possessions – the Hawaiian islands, American Samoa and Guam – and the former Japanese colonies of the Northern Marianas, Mar-shall Islands and Caroline Islands administered as a United Nations trust territory. Australia controlled Papua and New Guinea (PNG), as well as islands in the Torres Strait and Norfolk Island; New Zealand had Western Samoa, the Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau. No island group in Oceania, other than New Zealand, was independent.
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Kuzmenko, Taras, Tetiana Tsoi, Iuliana Goncharenko, Liudmyla Zhvania, and Nataliia Kvitko. "Social communications of students in the modern intercultural space." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-C (June 19, 2021): 303–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-c1015p.303-314.

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The aim of this article is to study the influence of social communications on the formation of relations between students in the intercultural space on the example of the State Higher Educational Institution "Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University" and Kyiv University named after Borys Hrinchenko. Methods: analysis, synthesis, abstraction, modeling, description, observation, comparison, tabular and graphical representation, questionnaires and generalizations. Results: It is determined that countries such as Australia, Canada, Great Britain, New Zealand, France and the Netherlands have the highest rates of attracting foreign students to study in higher education institutions. The most international universities in the world are the University of Hong Kong, ETH Zurich, Chinese University of Hong Kong, University of Oxford and Imperial College London, which occupy the first five positions in the World University Rankings 2021. It was found that most often social communication between students belonging to different socio-cultural groups occurs using social media.
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Kucherenko, Oleksii. "FRANCHISING AGREEMENT UNDER THE LEGISLATION OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES." Scientific Notes Series Law 1, no. 9 (2020): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2522-9230-2020-1-9-33-37.

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The article is devoted to the topical issue of studying the foreign experience of legal regulation of the franchise agreement. The author emphasizes that there is no comprehensive full-fledged regulation of the franchise agreement either in the national legislation of individual EU member states or at the international level. The article focuses on the franchisor's obligation to enter into an agreement to provide future franchisees with information about doing business under the franchise system, including the basic conditions of the franchise, data on the number of franchisees in the network, its growth, financial performance, etc. The experience of legal regulation of a franchise agreement in such foreign countries as the USA, Great Britain, Italy, Germany, Spain, Estonia, Lithuania, Australia, etc. is considered. The duality of the legal regulation of franchising at the federal and local levels, as well as the prevalence of the most favorable rules for franchisors (USA) is demonstrated. The author focuses on the experience of the institute of self-regulation of franchising and the establishment of appropriate criteria for franchise companies in the absence of government regulation (Britain). The need to adopt a single institutional law in the field of franchising and to enshrine in it all the key terms used in franchising: the actual franchise agreement, know-how, entrance fee, royalties (periodic payments for the use of intellectual property), the franchisor's goods (Italy). It is expedient to establish a provision on mandatory pre-contractual disclosure of information, according to which the counterparty is provided with information on experience, company experience, prospects for the development of the relevant market, duration of the agreement, terms of renewal or termination of contractual relations (France).
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Luo, Yingyi, Shelley Marshall, and Denise Cuthbert. "The Human Rights Implications of Not-for-Profit Surrogacy Organizations in Cross-Border Commercial Surrogacy: An Australian Case Study." Business and Human Rights Journal 7, no. 1 (February 2022): 163–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bhj.2021.49.

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Cross-border surrogacy is a global industry that offers intended parents options for family formation by providing foreign surrogate mothers remuneration, directly or via an intermediary, in excess of their actual out-of-pocket expenses. It is a multi-million-dollar business with no international regulation.1 In most countries, limited domestic regulation or oversight is in place. Many countries − such as Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand, Canada, Hong Kong and South Africa − only permit altruistic surrogacy, while Germany and France ban surrogacy entirely.2 Fully legalized commercial surrogacy is the model followed in some states in the United States of America (USA), as well as Georgia and Ukraine.3 This unregulated cross-border market has produced a lucrative business, with surrogacy arrangements growing by nearly 1,000 per cent between 2006 and 2010.4 The for-profit surrogacy sector has expanded and fertility not-for-profit organizations have also entered the market.5
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia Foreign relations France"

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Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.

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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained: The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
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Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.

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Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.

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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.

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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.

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Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand. This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology. Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks, as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans- Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
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Styan, David A. "Franco-Iraqi relations and Fifth Republic foreign policy, 1958-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/15/.

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This study analyses the evolution of France's relations with Iraq since 1958. It seeks to understand the motivations behind French government, state and private sector interests in Iraq. This is done in the dual context of France's economic rivalry with other western powers in the Middle East, and the Iraqi state's attempts to follow an independent foreign policy while using its oil revenues to rapidly industrialise and arm itself. The text first charts France's rivalry with Britain in the ex-Ottoman empire and its fears of Anglo-American domination of oil supplies. It then demonstrates that while France's early links with Israel continued under President De Gaulle, by the mid sixties they had been eclipsed by the commercial importance of trade with Arab states. The core text then focuses on France's relationship with Iraq since 1958, the year in which new governments came to power in both states. Despite the 1972 nationalisation of the Iraq Petroleum company, in which France had a 25% stake, French politicians and businessmen nevertheless gained favourable access to oil supplies, greatly increasing their exports of defence and high technology products, including a nuclear reactor, to Iraq during the seventies. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) intensified both bilateral trade links and the indebtedness of Iraq to France. By the mid-eighties what become a de-facto alliance generated severe problems for France's middle eastern policies, particularly towards Iran. The central themes of the study are the processes of foreign policy formation in France, and the extent and impact of economic interests underlying policy making. The thesis argues that substantial state ownership in France's oil, defence and aeronautical industries, coupled with the common interests and interpretations of a relatively homogeneous and interconnected corps of businessmen, politicians and civil servants, helps explain the continuity of French policy in the region. This is seen to be true despite the change of government (from Gaullist to Socialist) in France in May 1981.
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Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.

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The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.

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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.

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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Books on the topic "Australia Foreign relations France"

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Wailly, Henri de. Cette France qu'ils aiment haïr: Australie 1995-USA 2003. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2004.

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Wailly, Henri de. Cette France qu'ils aiment haïr: Australie 1995, USA 2003. Paris, France: L'Harmattan, 2004.

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Barratt, Glynn. The Russians and Australia. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1988.

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Australia, Parliament Senate Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade. Australia-India relations, trade, and security. Canberra: Australian Govt. Pub. Service, 1990.

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Rifai, Amzulian. Refleksi hubungan Indonesia Australia. [Palembang]: Universitas Sriwijaya, 1996.

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Rix, Alan. The Australia-Japan Political Alignment. London: Taylor & Francis Inc, 2003.

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Byrnes, Michael. Australia and the Asia game. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 1994.

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Pierre, Touchette, ed. Canada-France maritime relations. Ottawa: Library of Parliament, 1987.

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B, Trood Russell, McNamara Deborah J, and Griffith University. Centre for the Study of Australian-Asian Relations., eds. The Asia-Australia survey, 1994. Melbourne: Macmillan Education Australia, 1994.

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Australia. Parliament. Senate. Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade. Australia and Latin America. Canberra: The Committee, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australia Foreign relations France"

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China." In Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Reeder, Tyson. "Britain, France, and the Road to War." In The Routledge History of U.S. Foreign Relations, 133–47. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034889-13.

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Bergmane, Una. "Consulting Foreign Affairs Archives in France and America." In Resources and Applied Methods in International Relations, 33–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61979-8_3.

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Krotz, Ulrich. "Historical Construction, International Relations Theory, and Foreign Policy." In History and Foreign Policy in France and Germany, 24–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230353954_3.

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Markovic Khaze, Nina. "China’s Changing Foreign Relations with Small and Middle Powers: A Comparative Analysis of the Cases of Australia, the Solomon Islands, and Central and East European Countries (CEEC)." In Кинески развојни изазови: промене и пројекције, 69–94. Београд: Институт за међународну политику и привреду, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_dokri.2022.ch3.

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Firth, Stewart. "Foreign relations, 1901–83." In Australia in International Politics, 3–29. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003114918-2.

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Dawson, William Harbutt. "(1871–1887) Foreign Relations—(i) France." In The German Empire 1867–1914, 79–115. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351059916-3.

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"The provisional state and 'eternal France'. Franco-German relations, 1963–9." In German Foreign Policy, 211–31. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203066300-17.

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"PART II : Australia-Japan Relations Aspects of Japanese Politics and Foreign Policy [1971]." In Japanese Foreign Policy and Understanding Japanese Politics, 183–214. Global Oriental, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004227101_017.

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Duke, Simon, and Sophie Vanhoonacker. "2. The European Union as a Subsystem of International Relations." In International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0002.

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This chapter focuses on the European Union as a subsystem of international relations. It examines the following questions, taking into account the historical context in which EU foreign policy has developed as well as the theoretical pluralism that has characterized its study. First, how has the EU dealt with its own international relations internally? Second, what are the ideas and principles underlying EU foreign policy? Third, what is the EU's collective action capacity in relation to the rest of the world? The chapter illustrates interstate dynamics as a result of European integration by focusing on the cases of France, Germany, and Benelux (Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg). It also considers the EU's international identity and its role as a collective actor.
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Conference papers on the topic "Australia Foreign relations France"

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Prakoso, Fauzi Firmansyah, and Baiq Wardhani. "National Identity Analysis and Foreign Policy: Australia Turn Back the Boats Policy under Tony Abbott." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279004770483.

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Widyarta, Mohammad. "Foreign Aid and Modern Architecture in Indonesia: Intersecting Cold War Relations and Funding for the Fourth Asian Games, 1962." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4014p90ju.

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Between 1950 and 1965, foreign aid played a crucial role within the Indonesian economy. With the Cold War as a backdrop, this aid came from both Western and Eastern blocs with the intention of drawing Indonesia into their spheres of influence. The aid also played a crucial role in the development of architecture in the archipelago. A major endeavour within this period was the construction of buildings and venues for the Fourth Asian Games to be held in Jakarta in 1962 which involved a new stadium, an international-standard hotel and a large by-pass road around part of the city. Financial and technical aid from the Soviet Union, Japan and the United States was obtained to realise these projects. All the while, the Asian Games, along with the modern structures constructed for the event, provided Indonesia an opportunity to advance its own agenda, which was to construct a sense of self-confidence and national pride and to situate itself as a leader among decolonised nations. Nevertheless, foreign financial and technical aid played an important role in the realisation of these projects. The availability of foreign aid was intrinsically tied to President Ahmad Sukarno’s ability to play the interests of all sides. This paper examines plans and preparations for the Fourth Asian Games as a case of engagement between the two Cold War blocs with Indonesia in the middle. By focusing on the key building projects for the Games, the paper reveals the role of foreign aid in the development of architecture in Indonesia during a critical period in its post-war and post-independence formation. This development took place through the interaction of different interests—those of the Western Bloc, the Eastern Bloc, and Indonesia—in the midst of the Cold War and decolonisation period. A glimpse into the interaction may suggest a case of competition. However, examination of the three projects indicates that it was a case of multipolar collaboration instead.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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