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1
de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
2
Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.
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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high
levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to
a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction
market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging
multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to
bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV)
as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely
used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian
market.
Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an
active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian
contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction
market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European
competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian
construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has
experienced many difficulties.
As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business
environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining
increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused
on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have
investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and
uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a
new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little
literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian
countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures
in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of
these joint ventures.
This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of
existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint
venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture
organisational management and joint venture project management have been
identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a
questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are
further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
3
Klaussner, Miriam. "An examination of communication across cultures in news media and at informal/personal levels : with concentration on relations among two South East Asian countries and Australia and those two countries and Germany." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2002.
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In the age of globalisation dominated by mass communication, the flow of information contributes to a big extent to the worldviews of its "global citizens".
From this point of view the mass media can be seen as one of the most salient sources of cross-cultural communication. This study investigates mass
communication across cultures, focusing on South East Asia (Malaysia and Singapore), Australia and Germany. The centre of attention is the Western media coverage of South East Asia and vice versa. In this context a content analysis of
newspapers of the three regions has been conducted. In addition, working practices and conditions of Western foreign correspondents in South East Asia have been
examined. Apart from the investigation of inter-cultural media coverage, another focus of attention will be the examination of two levels of communication: The business
level, concentrating on issues like e.g. the Asian business etiquette; and the private level, looking into the transition to a different culture from the perspective of Australian and German expatriates. Apart from investigating mass communication across cultures and to provide a written analysis of the findings, a series of radio documentaries in English and in German has been produced. They cover the following issues: Foreign correspondents in South East Asia, the expatriate-lifestyle of Australians and Germans in South East Asia, business etiquette in Asia, student exchange Germany-Asia, image and prejudices East-West and Tourism.
4
Min, Gyungsook. "Reporting East Asia : foreign relations and news bias." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4721.
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This thesis, Reporting East Asia: Foreign Relations and News Bias, seeks to argue for the importance of understanding foreign relations in the study of 'bias' in international news. It begins by pointing out that many previous studies have examined pressures on news emanating from inside national boundaries, but have excluded force from outside, and most notably, the military and economic relations between reporting and reported nations. For the purpose of the study, newspapers from three countries; the US, South Korea and Japan (which different represent types of power order within the military and economic spheres in the Pacific region), were chosen. Three recent key events in the region were selected as case studies for news analysis: 1)The Shooting Down of the Korean Airline 007, by the Soviet Union in 1983; 2)The Former Philippine President, Marcos' Step Down in 1986 : and 3) the Anti-Government Demonstrations in South Korea in 1987. Throughout the thesis, the relationship between reporting countries and reported countries has been analysed. The relationships between the reporting nations and more powerful and influential nations, has also been examined, in order to establish how far the news content of a less powerful country is also shaped by its relations with dominant nations. The results of the study indicate that there is a strong relationship between the 'biased' news reporting of international events and the unequal relationships between and among nations. Consequently, it implies that understanding foreign relations is an important tool in the analysis of bias in international news reporting. However, the thesis concludes by suggesting that in order to fully understand the operating environment of international news, the internal dynamics of news organizations, media systems (including the relationship of news media to governmenta, and national power structures) needs to combined with the analysis of foreign relations in any future research.
5
Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
6
Liu, Qianqian. "China's strategy towards East Asian regional cooperation since the Asian financial crisis." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609782.
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7
Bonnor-Hay, Jenelle. "The politics of Asia-Pacific economic co-operation." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128786.
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The focus of this thesis is on the political agenda underlying AsiaPacific
economic co-operation. These agenda will be explored with
reference to the Asia-Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum, and an
attempt made to assess the feasibility of the APEC forum by examining the
discrepancies between the stated objectives of APEC and the implicit
political factors behind each participant's position.
8
Wen, Haitao. "Defence-oriented industrialization, perestroika and ending the cold war : a case study of USSR's alteration of its policy towards northeast Asia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110872.
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In the midst of the most serious economic and political
crises since its founding seven decades ago, there have been
significant developments in Soviet Asian policy within the
framework of global detente during the past two years. Following
the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, with the Gorbachev-Den
Xiaoping summit in Beijing, Sin-Soviet rapprochement was accomplished,
mainly according to terms set out by Beijing.
Then, with another summit between Gorbachev and Roh Tae Woo,
the Soviet Union and South Korea established diplomatic relations
in 1990. At the same time, Soviet-Japanese relations
also experienced some progress. These developments pose a
sharp contrast to the typical Soviet Cold War attitude towards
Northeast Asia, which was characterised by an accelerated
military build up beginning in the late 1960s in the Soviet
Far East and strategic alignment with North Korea and Vietnam,
directed against the US-led alliance and China. This alteration
of Soviet Asian policy has deep political and economic
reasons. It shows that under great political and economic
pressure within the society, the Soviet Union endeavours to
reduce international tension and build new ties of economic
cooperation. The alteration also indicates that in search of
new economic partners to revive its collapsing economy, the
Kremlin is willing to distance itself from North Korea, a
country that has been its most important Cold War ally (given
there were not any better candidates) in Northeast Asia.
9
Manickam, Ravindran. "The strategic role of the United States of America in South East Asia since 1975." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114555.
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One of the constant features of the United States foreign policy is the maintenance of an
international environment in which the United States can survive and prosper. This is based on an
economic-strategic nexus. This has been emphasised since the time of the Truman administration
after the second World War. For instance Truman stated during the height of the Korean War and
other communist rebellions in the Southeast Asian region that the loss of any one of those
countries would mean the loss of freedom for millions of people, the loss of vital raw
materials,and the loss of points of critical strategic importance to the free world. This
perception was crystallised into the containment policy to halt the spread of communism. This
policy was also emphasised in the Southeast Asian region. However with the achievement of detente
with China and the Soviet Union in 1972, the containment policy transformed to maintenance of a
balance of power policy in the region.
10
Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.
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11
Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
12
Ye, Shulan. "Rising China's regional policy in East Asia : a constructivist perspective." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1191.
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13
Vanhove, Eric A. "U.S. foreign policy in the Caucasus and Central Asia : pipeline politics and the national interest." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1997. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA333979.
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14
Tuke, Victoria. "Japan’s foreign policy towards India : a neoclassical realist analysis of the policymaking process." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49539/.
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This thesis analyses the formation of Japanese foreign policy through the case study of relations with India. The study concentrates on three streams of Japanese diplomacy; namely economic relations, nuclear policy and security issues through the theoretical framework of neoclassical realism (NCR). This approach, considered the ‘third generation’ of the mainstream paradigm, utilises neo-realism’s focus on structural factors and ultimately places primacy on systemic forces. Yet NCR seeks a more nuanced appraisal of foreign policy and incorporates internal structures into analysis. The dissertation argues that structural factors including India’s economic growth, the rise of China and facilitation provided by the US, initiated interest in India and continues to shape the development of policy. ‘China-hedging’ does not provide the only rationale. Furthermore, whilst structure is vital, with differing influential weight dependent on policy, it is unable alone to explain the exact nature and timing of policy decisions. In order to achieve this, the domestic ‘black box’ needs to be explored through analysis of unit-level variables such as policymakers’ perceptions, business interests, public opinion and norms. Elites in Japan have been particularly slow to appreciate India’s strategic worth despite favourable environmental conditions. The business community is noted as an important influence but whilst public opinion plays a minimal role overall, the prevalence of norms is able to dictate how policy is framed. The scope of the research project is confined to approximately the past two decades, though attention is given to historical relations to place contemporary analysis in context. Empirical data was sourced from academic, government and media outlets in addition to extensive interview fieldwork in Tokyo, Delhi, London and Washington DC. This thesis contributes to a nascent literature on an increasingly important area of not only Japan’s diplomacy but the regional dynamics of region no scholar of international relations can ignore.
15
Salmons, Richard Louis. "The Role of Status in Asia-Pacific International Relations." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144667.
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International Relations widely assumes that states pursue status,
which may provide both emotional and strategic benefits. However,
IR’s existing status literature frequently renders the desire
for status as a constant that cannot explain varying policy
outcomes, and in many cases is overly focused on the connection
between status concerns and war. The importance of status as a
causal factor in IR may be better understood by considering that
if states normally aspire to valued status roles, then threats to
those roles can cause states to change policy settings to protect
them. States with aspirations to the most prized status roles,
notably major power status, should be especially prone to this.
This thesis considers three case studies involving major power
aspirants, where key foreign policy decisions have been widely
attributed to status concerns. As the epicentre of today’s
power transition, the Asia-Pacific region is the focus of the
empirical analysis. The cases all take place during the immediate
post-Cold War period, where the realignment of international
polarity threw into question many established status roles. These
were: Japan’s 1992-93 bid for a permanent seat on the UN
Security Council; China’s 1996 signing of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty; and India’s 1998 Pokhran II nuclear
tests. The project involved interviews with experts with close
knowledge of the cases in each of the three countries, with a
view to assessing leadership self-perceptions regarding national
status at the moments in question.
The thesis outlines a three-phase approach to understanding
status concerns and advances the central argument that the middle
“status crisis” phase acts as the causal driver of policy
change. There is generally a phase of normal status-seeking,
during which a state accumulates prestige to win recognition for
valued status roles; unexpected events may cause a status crisis,
forcing a revaluation of the state’s status position; and the
state embarks on a phase of enhanced prestige-building, narrowing
and intensifying its status ambitions. In short, changed status
perceptions due to a status crisis can cause change to
status-seeking policies, which become more provocative or risky
than before. The case studies highlight examples of
status-seeking involving material power, legitimacy, and
institutional roles.
The thesis makes two contributions to the literature. First, the
argument extends existing theories of status by better
operationalising the concept. It adds to social identity theory
by explaining the circumstances when states may adopt specific
strategies to win status recognition, and it reinforces arguments
that efforts to gain status recognition need not be conflictual
or disruptive to the status quo. Second, the research enriches
our understanding of the historical cases, some of which are
mired in long-running debates about causal factors, and it offers
ways for IR scholarship to account for the role of status in
these episodes. With ongoing power shifts in the Asia-Pacific and
beyond, status will continue to be a key concept in IR and this
thesis provides us with new ways of understanding the
relationship between status concerns and policy change.
16
Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
17
Ibrahim, Azeem. "United States policy towards the Caspian Region since the end of the Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609635.
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Traylor, John Christopher 1960. "American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.
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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)
19
D'Haeseleer, Tineke. "Northeast Asia during the Tang dynasty : relations of the Tang court with Koguryŏ, Bohai, and Youzhou-Yingzhou." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609937.
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Nasser, Mosaed Abdullah. "Principles and policies in Saudi Arabian foreign relations with special reference to the Superpowers and major Arab neighbours." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4515/.
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Saudi Arabian foreign policy decisions are made by a small group in private and with little public discussion or explanation. Open debates on issues are not encouraged, particularly those that have a direct relation to the nation's security. No concept of public accountability exists. Secrecy is stressed to ensure internal security, as well as stability in the society. However, foreign policy decisions are not made without considerable thought and time spent in discussing the issues with those the leaders of government believe can make a contribution to their understanding of the problems. The decision-making process has the following four characteristics: 1) There is a strong link between domestic and foreign policies because of the historical legacy of the state. For this reason, decision-making includes members of the royal family and religious establishment. 2) Other groups do participate and wield differing degrees of influence depending on the issue area. 3) Much bargaining occurs before an important decision is announced. 4) The process is slow, as the leaders are not prepared to meet crisis situations. For this reason, the leadership usually turns to outside powers to settle the problem. In addition to the delay in making a decision, there is also the failure to follow through. These characteristics are influenced by the increasing complexity of Saudi Arabia's regional and global environment, and by the growing demand on the country to play a larger role in global politics. The methods used by the government result more in a reactive rather than a pro-active policy. The Saudis are more likely to react to events, panic in crises, and delay making decisions at the time the decisions should be made.
21
Darmono, Juanita Amanda. "ASEAN's diplomatic strategy after the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26805.
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This thesis examines the diplomatic strategy adopted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in response to the 1978 Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia and the subsequent shift in the regional distribution of power with regard to the security of the ASEAN nations. I argue that ASEAN has demonstrated considerable success in preventing a collapse of regional order in Southeast Asia.
It is important to understand that ASEAN is a product and tool of its members' foreign policy and should therefore be assessed in the foreign policy, rather than in the regional integrationist, context. This will be examined from the point of view of a group of relatively weak, insignificant states within the international arena, historically plagued by conflict and intervention by external powers, exacerbated by a history of intra-regional enmity rather than cooperation, military weakness, and no collective tradition of diplomatic expertise. Yet, despite these shortcomings and ASEAN's previous inability to come together on issues of economic integration, ASEAN's response to the Third Indochina conflict has allowed its member nations to maintain their independence, preserve their freedom of action, rally international support, and confront the great powers involved in this issue through the use of a regional organization.
This thesis will also counter the prevailing view that existing intra-ASEAN differences regarding the primary external threat in the issue (namely Vietnam, China or the Soviet Union) have seriously divided its members to the point of potentially threatening the organization's existence. Instead, I will argue that the combination of ASEAN's curious mode of "conflict resolution" through "conflict avoidance", as well as its diplomatic "division of labour," have effectively incorporated existing intra-ASEAN differences as bargaining assets for the organization's political viability. These internal cleavages have been far from resolved or reconciled, but rather skirted over by a web of unwritten laws, implicit rules and mutual understandings regarding one another's accepted role within the organization. This implicit "regime" has served several
purposes: it has allowed ASEAN to sustain its image of unity, boosted its political visability in the international forum, and prevented the "loss of face" of fellow members on points of contention.
Research for this thesis was conducted in part at the ASEAN Secretariat and the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta, and the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) in Singapore.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
22
Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.
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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
23
Lee, Jae-hyung. "China and the Asia-Pacific region : geostrategic relations and a return to a naval dimension." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4782.pdf.
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Bibliography: leaves 285-314. Introduction -- Ch. 1. Sea power and the world -- Ch. 2. Chinese sea power and the century of humiliation -- Ch. 3. China's emerging sea power in the PRC period -- Ch. 4. China's expanding maritime sphere of influence int he Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean -- Ch. 5. Southeast Asia: gateway to China's maritime expansion -- Ch. 6. Russia and India: China's immediate competitors -- Ch. 7. Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK): China's competitive neighbours -- Ch. 8. The United States: China's strategic competitor -- Conclusion "The thesis examines China's geostrategic relations with Asia-Pacific countries with special reference to its naval ambitions toward the region. The thesis concentrates especially on the People's Republic of China (PRC)'s apparent intention to expand its maritime influence into the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean by putting pressure on the security of sea lines of communication (SLOCs) from the Gulf to the nations of East Asia via the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal, the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, the South China Sea, and the Taiwan Strait." -- ABSTRACT
24
Hogan, Mary Vivianne. "The development and role of ASEAN as a regional association." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B16043017.
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Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.
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Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to
speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand.
This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal
alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two
countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a
tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology.
Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks,
as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the
Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and
specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New
Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between
Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans-
Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as
the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
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Ma, Yansheng 1956. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.
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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.
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Reeves, Jeffrey. "Mongolian state weakness, foreign policy, and dependency on the People’s Republic of China." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/287/.
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This thesis draws on a synthesis of foreign policy analysis (FPA) and constructivism in order to demonstrate how post Cold War Mongolia’s relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) can be analysed through a multisectoral approach to explain the dilemmas that a weak state faces when conducting its relations with a much more powerful neighbour. It proposes that the dissonance between Mongolia’s social identity and its structures of governance is the basis for the Mongolian state’s weakness and that such weakness makes growing economic dependency on the PRC more difficult to manage. Moreover, the resulting combination of economic dependency and state weakness seriously limits the government’s ability to maintain an effective broader foreign policy. The dissertation draws on government texts, academic and media articles, and interviews in Mandarin Chinese, Mongolian, and English. The thesis looks in detail at the nature of Mongolian identity politics by focusing on identity development over la longue durée. It then demonstrates how the international community failed to take account of the dynamics of Mongolian identity politics when it came to assisting the Mongolian government with the country’s post Cold War transition from communism. This led to an undue reliance on what can be termed ‘Washington Consensus’ type political and economic reforms that considerably added to the weakness of the state. The thesis then focuses on Mongolia’s economic relations with the PRC to show how such state weakness has resulted in a relationship of growing dependency. Building on economic dependency theory, the thesis then further examines the implications of Mongolia-Sino relations from environmental, societal, and military perspectives. In conclusion, the dissertation argues that the division between the Mongolian state and society has been exacerbated by the country’s adherence to capitalism and democracy in ways that have created the potential for domestic instability by increasing the depth and breadth of economic dependence on the PRC. This imposes severe constraints on foreign policy options but has also demanded some imaginative innovations that give interesting insights into the measures a vulnerable state can take to maximise its international presence. Ultimately, however, the disjuncture between social identity and the state acts as a constraining factor on such initiatives in the case of Mongolia.
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Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.
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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.
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Fjader, Christian Olof. "The Problem of the 'Borderline States' in Regionalism: 'Rationalist' and 'Ideational' Approaches." University of Sydney, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6350.
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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)This thesis deals with the theoretical and methodological development of the study of Regionalism in International Relations. It rests on the assumption of a dichotomy in Regionalism studies between Rationalist and Ideational approaches, hampering the understanding of the motives for and nature of Regionalism. The “Rationalist” approach focuses on material interdependency as the main driving force behind integration. Thus, Regionalism is seen as a consequence of rational calculations and bargains by rational agents. In contrast, the “Ideational”, or Social Constructivist approach, emphasizes shared regional identity and culture as driving forces that produce levels of “cognitive interdependence”. As will be demonstrated, however, neither approach alone provides a satisfactory explanation to the motives for and nature of Regionalism, including the process of enlargement. This thesis thus, aims to test, challenge and further develop explanatory models in the theory of Regionalism.In particular the thesis aims to add to the understanding of the process of enlargement, as well as its motives, through deploying those models to the problem of the ‘borderline states’. The problem of the ”borderline states” is demonstrated by the means of two case studies: Australia and Turkey in the context of their relationship with their respective regions - European Union and emerging Regionalism in East Asia, and in particular their position in European and East Asian Regionalism. They are labelled ‘borderline states’ not for their geographical properties, but for the permanent partiality of their inclusion within their regions. Such states are in constant flux, varying their degree of belonging depending on the criteria of enclosure. As this thesis demonstrates, Rationalist approach has a particular strength in analysing the process of enlargement, whilst Ideational approach is required for analysing the motives of enlargement. Moreover, it argues that a potential point of converge between the two approaches is analysing the stability of enlargement. It then further argues that analytical eclecticism can be useful in terms of identifying and framing problems that are significant, but for ontological and epistemological reasons have a tendency to be ignored by the paradigmatic approaches. Finally, the thesis proposes new definitions of region and Regionalism to accommodate a more eclectic understanding of what constitutes a region, what drives Regionalism and in particular how a region’s membership is determined.
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Kilic, Gulay. "Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613194/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the basic factors that motivate Turkey&rsquoforeign aid policy towards Central Asia from a comparative perspective. Generally, the development aid aims eliminating the problems that have arisen from underdevelopment and contributing to regional and universal peace. In addition to this holistic goal, there are several other motivating factors. This thesis explores the reasons behind the foreign assistance programs of Turkey, the United States, Japan, and Russia towards Central Asia which ensure the development of the Central Asian countries and their integration within the international system. From a comparative perspective of the development aid provided by Turkey to the region and the aid provided by the other donor countries will also be presented. This thesis, argues that Turkey does not provide development assistance to the Central Asian countries merely as a result of its foreign policy interests, but also it aims to integrate these countries with the international system. This thesis consists of four chapters other than introduction and conclusion chapter. The second chapter examines relationship between foreign aid and foreign policy. The third chapter explores general characteristics of post- Soviet Central Asia. The forth chapter discuses Turkey&rsquo
s foreign aid policy towards Central Asia and the fifth chapter examines other donors&rsquo
foreign aid policy towards Central Asia.
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Huma, Zille. "China's foreign policy towards Central Asia : expanding the concepts of national interest and national security." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/53068/.
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The present study provides an analysis of China's foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace ‘culture of China's foreign policy'. The culture of China's foreign policy approach deals with China as an identity and process rather than being static or within boundaries. The present research highlights China's multilateral and cooperative policies in Central Asia and with Russia as an outcome of evolutionary process of construction of China's identity. The complex process of building relations with Central Asian region although within a short period of time (in post-Soviet context) are analysed to make a case for China's innovative (partially) political processes of dealing with frontier security and embracing multilateralism. This is explained by studying the evolution of China's identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy towards Central Asia. The theoretical foundation of Peter Katzenstein thesis is helpful premises upon which an argument in favour of the discourse of identity and security is developed to see how culture of national security of China and ‘complementarity' of Central Asian states is at work in security cooperation seen among these states. By problematizing the notion of ‘national interest', the present study argues that interests of the states can be contextualized in a broader environment referred as civilization to trace the relationship between interests and identities of China as at play in Central Asian region. By placing the political state of ‘China' in the broader context of civilization and as evolving, helps understand how Chinese political spectrum seeks to construct and maintain a great power identity while locating ‘self' against ‘others'. It further argues that the cooperative and multilateral policies of China in form of Shanghai Cooperation Organization can be understood best by studying how the configurations of identity of China has guided the policy formation process; that constructs and reconstructs interstate normative structure in form of SCO.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
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Steverson, Pugh Tiana. "Giving to Get: A Neorealist Explanation of Japan’s Foreign Aid Program." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2259.
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Many countries use aid as a political tool, but Japan is unique in that foreign aid is one of its most important foreign policy tools. Drawing from literature on donor motivations for aid-giving, this paper argues that the neo-realist view of aid-giving offers the best explanation for why Japan provides aid. More specifically, Japan’s aid-giving is motivated by its pursuit of economic and strategic goals. This underlying motive for aid-giving necessarily impacts how Japan provides aid and how it uses aid to respond to human rights violations in recipient countries.
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Ko, Sung-youn. "Military Spending, External Dependence, and Economic Growth in Seven Asian Nations: a Cross-National Time-Series Analysis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279398/.
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The theme of this study is that seven major East Asian less developed countries (LDCs) have experienced "dependent development," and that some internal and external intervening factors mattered in that process. Utilizing a framework of "dependent development," the data analysis deals with the political economy of development in these countries. This analysis supports the fundamental arguments of the dependent development perspective, which emphasize positive effects of foreign capital dependence in domestic capital formation and industrialization in East Asian LDCs. This perspective assumes the active role of the state, and it is found here to be crucial in capital accumulation and in economic growth. This cross-national time-series analysis also shows that the effects of external dependence and military spending on capital accumulation and economic growth can be considered as a regional phenomenon. The dependent development perspective offers a useful way to understand economic dynamism of East Asian LDCs for the past two decades.
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Grossman, Jonathan. "Class relations and the policies of the Communist Party of South Africa, 1921-1950." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34718/.
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The Communist Party(CP) was formed in 1921, on the foundation created by the International Socialist League (ISL). An investigation of the theory and practice of the CP reveals the combination of a socialist commitment with an abstract theoretical perspective. The Party was obstructed, through its own idealised understanding of class relations, from pursuing its declared goals. This study investigates the rhythms of struggle and the dynamic development of the workers' movement. It examines the growing social weight and developing structural strength of black workers and the organisation and action which these generated. CP policies are examined in the light of these developments. Oppression which spans different classes created the underlying basis for a class alliance between the oppressed black petty bourgeoisie and exploited and oppressed black workers. The CP tended to conflate a co-incidence of different processes of radicalisation and different class interests. The Party broke from the white labour tradition out of which it had emerged; it pursued a policy of popular frontism for much of its history. This policy, and the conflation of different processes and class interests promoted an uncertainty within the Party as to its role. On this basis, the Party did not always identify underlying processes, and hence its uncertainty as to how to relate to the dynamic processes of radicalisation, organisation and action, and the ebbs and flows of the class struggle was promoted. In 1950, the Party responded to the threat of state banning, and, at a time when working class combativity was developing, it disbanded. In the period under study, the goal of working class leadership in an organised class alliance was not achieved.
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Chang, Hung. "Cross-strait relations in the process of economic integration : same game, but different logic." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91137/.
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This thesis provides a theoretical and empirical examination of the contentious “sovereignty” dispute between Taiwan and China, especially following the signing of the Cross-Strait Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) in 2010. Distinctive from many contemporary studies of cross-Strait relations, this research analyzes Beijing’s and Taipei’s political agendas regarding sovereignty in the broader context of East Asian economic integration, as the ECFA is in fact the byproduct of their regional strategies. Commercial diplomacy and interdependence theory constitute the theoretical framework of this thesis. Moreover, this thesis employs various definitions of sovereignty in order to evaluate the extent to which China has impacted upon Taiwan’s sovereignty in the process of economic integration. By employing document analysis and elite interview methodologies, this thesis finds that Taipei has a limited ability to protect its sovereignty from China’s commercial diplomacy in the post-ECFA era. This outcome can be explained by Beijing’s efforts to marginalize Taiwan during the construction of East Asian regionalism, which has driven Taipei to shift its strategy from confrontation to cooperation with Beijing so as to secure its economic and sovereignty interests. To date, economic integration features centrally in Taiwan’s new Mainland policy. This has increased the degree of Taiwan’s economic dependence on China, which gives greater scope for Beijing to wield commercial diplomacy to infringe upon Taiwan’s domestic, functional, and de jure sovereignty. This thesis makes two overall contributions. The most significant contribution of this thesis is its pioneering research approach, which analyzes how China and Taiwan reconcile their economic interests and sovereignty concerns through the lens of commercial diplomacy. Furthermore, by categorizing sovereignty according to its different aspects, this thesis also contributes to the understanding of the effectiveness of China’s commercial diplomacy in furthering its sovereignty interests with regards to Taiwan.
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Xiaodi, Wu. "Back to the heartland? transformation of Chinese geopolitics and the 'renewed' importance of Central Asia /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Berananda, Usana. "Australia's involvement in the Cambodian peace settlement : the Red Book initiative." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145650.
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Oakman, Daniel. "Crossing the frontier : Australia, Asia and the Colombo Plan, 1950-1965." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/120880.
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The Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic Development of South and
Southeast Asia developed out of a meeting of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in
Ceylon, January 1950. To date, few scholars have examined the Colombo Plan in any
significant detail and most assessments focus on the development of educational links
between Australia and Asia, largely because of the significant numbers of scholars who
came to Australia under the scheme.
This thesis explores the Colombo Plan from a variety of perspectives, focusing on
the economic, political, social and strategic context surrounding the emergence and
implementation of the program between 1950 and 1965. This thesis argues that the
Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be
understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. The Colombo Plan was an attempt to
counter communist expansion in the newly independent nations of Southeast Asia by
raising living standards and thus removing the conditions considered likely to create
popular sympathy for communist forces. More significantly, the Colombo Plan, with its
modernist assumptions about the importance of development, technology and social
progress, was to be a vehicle for the transmission of Western values.
By exploring the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the Colombo
Plan, this thesis illustrates that the plan was an important part of Australian foreign policy,
and was motivated by international security priorities and the need to allay domestic
cultural concerns. One of the important ways Australia expressed and promoted its
political and economic interests in the Asian region was through the Colombo Plan. This
scheme functioned as a humanitarian program intended to improve the living conditions
in Asian countries, however, it also operated as ‘unspoken propaganda’ designed to
improve trade relations, establish diplomatic and cultural contacts, and help deflect
criticism of the White Australia Policy. This examination of the Colombo Plan reveals
the changing nature of Australia’s regional identity and the nature of its engagement with
Asia during the 1950s and early 1960s.
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Okamoto, Jiro. "Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
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Park, Jae Jeok. "Alliance persistence in the Asia-Pacific : an order insurance explanation." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150395.
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Terada, Takashi. "Creating an Asia Pacific economic community : the roles of Australia and Japan in regional institution-building." Phd thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147083.
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Jiang, Yang. "China's policymaking on regional economic cooperation." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150429.
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Broadbent, Stephen J. "Australia's defence export policy." Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145187.
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Doran, Stuart Robert. "Western friends and eastern neighbours : West New Guinea and Australian self-perception in relation to the United States, Britain and Southeast Asia, 1950-1962." Phd thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147937.
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Fitriani, Evi. "Observing the Asia-Europe meeting (ASEM) from Southeast Asia." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150705.
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The inauguration of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Bangkok in 1996 was celebrated with enthusiasm and hopes in the two regions because this region-to-region forum represented a breakthrough in Asia-Europe relations and a unique arrangement: it did not include the United States (US) and was the first forum to which Asian countries have been summoned as a group to sit vis-a-vis their Europeans counterparts. However, the enthusiasm soon shifted toward pessimism and criticism after the Asian financial crisis in 1997/1998 and following the war against terrorism after 9/11. ASEM, however, has survived despite the many criticisms about its ineffectiveness. Why have Southeast Asian countries maintained the ASEM process? How do the participants in the ASEM process perceive this inter-regional institution? This thesis addresses the question 'What has ASEM delivered to Southeast Asian countries?' It aims not only to investigate the insights into ASEM from state and non-state actors in Southeast Asia but also to examine the reasons for the longevity of ASEM from Southeast Asian perspectives. The main data for this research were collected through 82 in-depth interviews in six countries with interviewees comprised of state and non-state actors from ASEAN as well as non-ASEAN countries. The results of the research contribute to the study of ASEM and ASEAN, and to an understanding of wider regional institutions in Asia. The thesis finds that ASEM has delivered significant outcomes for Southeast Asian countries due to the functions of the ASEM forums in facilitating regional identity-building and in pursuing foreign policy advantages for ASEAN countries. The interactions in the ASEM region-to-region forums helped facilitate the development of Asian identity or identities through the frequent social interaction among leaders and elites. A sense of regional awareness resulted from the cognitive process and collective experience in the ASEM process, which in turn, has been used by ASEAN and other East Asian countries for other forums. The case study on Myanmar's accession to ASEM highlights the success of the Asian countries in extracting foreign policy benefits from ASEM by taking advantage of its inter-regional meeting format. Despite its neglected position in regional affairs, ASEM has delivered strategic advantages for ASEAN countries. In addition, the findings reveal that ASEM's informal institutional arrangements are shaped by Southeast Asian countries. The informality has helped circumvent complexities in the inter-regional relations, thus, not only contributing to the longevity of the inter-regional relations between Asian and European countries but also accommodating the need of Southeast Asian countries for informal and non-binding cooperative institutions. In general, the ASEM process and institution have been conducted in line with'ASEAN way'. Maintaining ASEM by continuing to attend the summits and joining relevant initiatives seems to be more useful than killing it off. ASEM can be considered as a low-cost form of diplomacy that can be useful in times of crisis.
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Hirano, Chalinee. "Japan's Southeast Asian policy in the post-cold war era." Master's thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144411.
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Dugis, Vinsensio. "Australian-Indonesian relations, a study of political, economic and defence cooperation (1986-1996)." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/111279.
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This thesis analyses the relationship between Australia and Indonesia between 1986-1996 and particularly focuses on cooperation in the areas of politics, economics and defence. It is argued that the relationship between Australia and Indonesia has become stronger due to the mutual interests of the two countries.Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1997
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Munro, Ronald. "The Australia-Korea relationship, 1889-1953." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151164.
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Scrivener, Richard James. "Australia's relations with Iran and the Australia-US Alliance, 1979-2005." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111463.
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Australia has been a close ally of the US for over five decades. Strategic alignment with Washington has been, and remains, a central tenet of Australian strategic thinking and the US alliance continues to serve as an ideational framework for the formulation of Australian foreign policy. In contrast, Australia's relations with Iran since the 1979 Iranian Revolution have been at the lower end of the scale of importance, and based principally upon a trade relationship that has been dominated by the export of Australian agricultural commodities. Considered together, these two very different international relationships present an interesting problem, on two levels, for the study of Australian foreign policy.
First, the extreme animosity between Washington and Tehran highlights a particular problem for Australian foreign policy-how to manage a potential clash of interests with a superpower ally. Second, the Australia-Iran relationship has been dominated by trade interests, while Canberra's interests in supporting the US alliance are predominantly strategic. Thus, the foreign policy challenges that have at times arisen because of Australia's relations with Iran in the context of the US alliance reflect the problem of balancing trade and strategic interests in Australian foreign policy.
For most of the period between 1979 and 2005 Australia has managed these two relationships through a policy of non-linkage between strategic and international trade interests. This thesis presents an analytical framework that explains Australian policies of non-linkage in terms of the impact of domestic political dynamics on the foreign policy formulation process. The framework employs the concept of an issue area to analyse how domestic political and economic interests coalesce around specific foreign policy concerns, and demonstrates that the interaction between interests associated with strategic and international trade issue areas has determined whether Australia pursues policies of linkage or non-linkage with respect to its relations with Iran and the US.
This thesis contributes to the study of Australian foreign policy by offering a framework that: 1) organises the plurality of foreign policy interests in the domestic political domain into issue areas, 2) explains the domestic political dynamics that determine the capacity of each issue area to shape the formulation of foreign policy within Cabinet. It contributes to the broader field of Foreign Policy Analysis by demonstrating that the application of issue area analysis provides new perspectives on, and insights into, the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy.