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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

MILLAR, T. B. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy January-June 1965." Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 267–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00437.x.

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2

BEDDIE, B. D. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy, July-December 1965." Australian Journal of Politics & History 12, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1966.tb00447.x.

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3

Jakwa, Tinashe. "Documents on Australian Foreign Policy: Australia and the Rhodesian Problem, 1961-1972." Australian Journal of Politics & History 64, no. 3 (September 2018): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12495.

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4

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.

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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.

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5

Won, Tae Joon. "Britain's Retreat East of Suez and the Conundrum of Korea 1968–1974." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0215.

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This article examines the discussions and decisions which occurred within the British government concerning Britain's military involvement in the Korean peninsula at a time when Britain was pulling out of its military obligations in Asia – colloquially known as the ‘retreat East of Suez’ – in the late 1960s and the early 1970s. After the end of the Korean War, Britain created the Commonwealth Liaison Mission in Seoul and provided a frigate for use in Korean waters by the American-led United Nations Command and British soldiers for the United Nations Honour Guard. When relations between North and South Korea reached crisis point at the end of the 1960s, London was concerned that Britain could be entangled in an unaffordable military conflict in the Korean peninsula. The Ministry of Defence therefore argued for the abolition of the commitment of the British frigate, but the Foreign Office opposed this initiative so as to mitigate the blow to Anglo-American relations caused by Britain's refusal to commit troops to Vietnam. When Edward Heath's government negotiated a Five Power Defence Agreement with Singapore, Malaysia, Australia and New Zealand in April 1971, the Ministry of Defence was, despite the objections of the Foreign Office, finally successful in repealing the frigate commitment for reasons of overstretching military resources. Furthermore, the Ministry of Defence then called for the abolition of the Commonwealth Liaison Mission altogether when it was then discovered that the British contingent of the United Nations Honour Guard would have to fight under the command of the United Nations Commander in case of a military conflict in the Korean peninsula. But this proposal too was rebuffed by the Foreign Office, concerned that such a move would greatly damage Anglo-Korean relations at a time when Britain was considering establishing diplomatic relations with North Korea.

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6

STONE, JULIUS. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy: January-June, 1955." Australian Journal of Politics & History 1, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1955.tb00981.x.

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7

ALEXANDER, FRED. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy: July-December, 1955." Australian Journal of Politics & History 1, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1956.tb00989.x.

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8

HARPER, N. D. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy: January-June, 1956." Australian Journal of Politics & History 2, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1956.tb00997.x.

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9

CORBETT, D. C. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy: July-December 1960." Australian Journal of Politics & History 7, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1961.tb01016.x.

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10

BURNS, A. L. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy January-June 1961." Australian Journal of Politics & History 7, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1961.tb01068.x.

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11

GRIMSHAW, CHARLES. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy: July-December 1961." Australian Journal of Politics & History 8, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1962.tb01025.x.

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12

GRIMSHAW, CHARLES. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy, January-June, 1962." Australian Journal of Politics & History 8, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1962.tb01037.x.

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13

RAWSON, D. W. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy: July-December 1962." Australian Journal of Politics & History 9, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 78–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1963.tb01052.x.

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14

NEALE, R. G. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy: January-June 1963." Australian Journal of Politics & History 9, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1963.tb01058.x.

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15

MILLER, J. D. B. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy July-December 1963." Australian Journal of Politics & History 10, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1964.tb00728.x.

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16

KING, PETER. "Problems of Australiam Foreign Policy, January-June 1964." Australian Journal of Politics & History 10, no. 2 (April 7, 2008): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1964.tb00762.x.

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17

ALEXANDER, FRED. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy July-December 1964." Australian Journal of Politics & History 11, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1965.tb00410.x.

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18

BARCLAY, G. St J. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy January-June, 1966." Australian Journal of Politics & History 12, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 321–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1966.tb00892.x.

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19

HUDSON, W. J. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy July-December 1966." Australian Journal of Politics & History 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1967.tb00307.x.

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20

GELBER, H. G. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy January-June 1967." Australian Journal of Politics & History 13, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 313–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1967.tb01283.x.

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21

BURNS, A. L. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy, July-December 1967." Australian Journal of Politics & History 14, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1968.tb00608.x.

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22

BULL, HEDLEY. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy January-June 1968." Australian Journal of Politics & History 14, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 311–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1968.tb00710.x.

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23

BARCLAY, GLEN ST J. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy July-December 1968." Australian Journal of Politics & History 15, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00935.x.

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24

HUDSON, W. J. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy January-June 1969." Australian Journal of Politics & History 15, no. 3 (April 7, 2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1969.tb00953.x.

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25

RICHARDSON, J. L. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy July-December 1969." Australian Journal of Politics & History 16, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1970.tb00962.x.

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26

SAWER, GEOFFREY. "Problems of Australian Foreign Policy June 1956 - June 1957." Australian Journal of Politics & History 3, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1957.tb00364.x.

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27

McDougall, Derek. "Foreign Policy Studies in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 3 (September 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.1523a.x.

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28

YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

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29

KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.

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30

Arkhipov, V. "Australia: Economy and Foreign Investment." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2008): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-5-82-89.

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31

Mat Yazid, Mohd Noor. "Indonesian Relations with the Eastern Europe, Soviet Union and China before 1965: Systemic and Domestic Factors." Review of European Studies 8, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n3p253.

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<p>This article discusses the Indonesian relations with Eastern Europe Communist states, Soviet Union and China Communists before 1965 and how the systemic and domestic factors influenced Indonesian decision. Indonesian foreign relation was closer to communist state after President Sukarno’s official visits to Moscow and Beijing in 1956. Why President Sukarno foreign relations closer to communist states? What was the international political situation that influenced Sukarno to lean to East bloc? What was the domestic situation that influenced Sukarno to do so? Why Indonesian closer relation with the communist not began earlier than 1956? Among the main discussions in this article are: the Indonesian-Soviet Union relations, Indonesian-China relations, Communist ideology and Indonesian relations with Eastern European Communists states. Indonesian relations with Communists state changed dramatically after the Indonesian Coup of September 1965 and the collapsed of President Sukarno and the formation of “new order” regime under Suharto in Indonesia. The changes of domestic politics in Indonesia after September 1965 strongly influenced the Indonesian relations with the Communists states.</p>

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32

Balnave, Nikola. "Company-Sponsored Recreation in Australia: 1890-1965." Labour History, no. 85 (2003): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27515931.

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33

Цирина, Мадина, and Madina Tsirina. "THE LEGAL NATURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CENTRE FOR SETTLEMENT OF INVESTMENT DISPUTES (ICSID)." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 4 (August 23, 2017): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_598063fb2cc860.59765189.

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The article discusses the criteria of the definition of «investment» and protecting the rights of foreign investors (diplomatic protection, judicial protection). Special attention is paid to questions of investment dispute settlement in the framework of the International center for settlement of investment disputes (International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, ICSID) under the Convention on the settlement of investment disputes between States and natural and legal persons of other States 1965 (Washington Convention 1965), the competence of which is the resolution of legal disputes arising from relations connected with foreign investments, that is, relations between a foreign person (investor) and the state. The author provides a detailed analysis of the Washington Convention of 1965, concluded that its provisions cover how to operate an international legal institution (ICSID), as well as regulate the procedure of the settlement of investment disputes. It is noted that, despite the fact that the arbitration and conciliation used in the resolution of investment disputes, based on the norms of international public law, established under the Washington Convention of 1965 on settlement of investment disputes (ICSID), is an international body and the rules of dispute resolution are contained in the text of the international agreements – the Washington Convention of 1965, which is intended to apply precisely to private law disputes.

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34

Pradana, Hafid Adim. "Persepsi Suharto dan Perubahan Kebijakan Luar Negeri Indonesia terhadap Cina pada Awal Orde Baru." Indonesian Perspective 1, no. 1 (June 2, 2016): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v1i1.10427.

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Leadership change from Sukarno to Suharto had given impact to Indonesia foreignpolicies. One of many changes of Indonesia foreign policies in Suharto regime is the severance ofdiplomatic relations with China. This paper aim to explain the Indonesia’s foreign policy change inthat time, especially the severance of diplomatic relations with China in 1967. Despite it becomes ahistorical relic, a case study of Indonesia’s foreign policy under Suharto remains important sincethere have been no specific research focusing on the severance of diplomatic relations betweenIndonesia and China. Using Perception Theory from Ole R. Holsti as the tool of analysis, thispaper concludes that the deteriorating relations between Indonesia and China in 1967 wasinfluenced by Suharto’s perception considered that China is a threat to Indonesia following theattempted coup in 1965.Keywords: Suharto’s perception, Indonesia’s foreign policy, China

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35

Nikola Balnave and Raymond Markey. "Employee Participation and Industrial Welfarism in Australia, 1890–1965." Labour History, no. 112 (2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.112.0137.

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36

de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.

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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.

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37

Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.

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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.

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38

Shryock, Richard W. "Romanian foreign policy since 1965:The political and military limits of autonomy." Studies in Comparative Communism 18, no. 1 (March 1985): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(85)90056-0.

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39

Forestier-Peyrat, Étienne. "The Cold War Politics of Soviet Federal Structures, 1945–1965." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 3 (2021): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01026.

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Abstract This article shows how official discussions of federal arrangements within the USSR affected Soviet foreign policy from the 1940s through the 1960s, especially on questions of decolonization and relations with the United States and other Western countries. Connecting Soviet domestic history and international developments, the article shows how the federal structure of the USSR was used in transnational debates on composite polities, race, and nationality and also how it was debated internally. Attacks on the highly centralized nature of Soviet federal structures in international arenas and the countermeasures adopted as part of the ideological Cold War had long-term as well as short-term effects on Soviet politics and foreign policy. Within the USSR, such attacks raised questions about the ethnofederal structure of the USSR and provided comparison points for both loyalist and dissident proponents of national rights in the country.

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40

Rodman, David. "West Germany and Israel: foreign relations, domestic politics, and the Cold War, 1965–1974." Israel Affairs 26, no. 4 (June 7, 2020): 612–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2020.1775956.

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41

Maulucci, Thomas W. "West Germany and Israel: Foreign Relations, Domestic Politics, and the Cold War, 1965–1974." German History 38, no. 2 (April 22, 2020): 358–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa023.

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42

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.

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43

Lee-Koo, Katrina. "Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth: Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in Australian Foreign Policy Making." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 2 (March 6, 2020): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz029.

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Abstract As a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contradictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to underpin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not publicly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth. This article examines the depth of Australia's commitment to pro-gender norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia's politics limit the capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.

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44

Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.

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45

BARCLAY, G. ST J. "Friends in Salisbury: Australia and the Rhodesian Unilateral Declaration of Independence, 1965-72." Australian Journal of Politics & History 29, no. 1 (April 11, 2008): 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1983.tb00301.x.

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46

Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.

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47

Snyder, Craig A. "Southeast Asian Perceptions of Australia´ s Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 28, no. 2 (August 2006): 322–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs28-2g.

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48

Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.

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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.

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49

Bloomfield, Alan. "Australia, and ASEAN at Fifty." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i2.85.

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In its early documents related to Asianist orientation, Australia looked at engaging its immediate neighbourhood through institution such as ASEAN. ASEAN which was created to bring about synergies within the region and also engage important stakeholders as dialogue partners. Australia has been involved in Vietnam as part of its alliance obligations with US in 1970s and subsequently also. Australia has looked into ASEAN as a vehicle for cooperation, development and building better relations with Indonesia. The author argues that while Australia has aligned itself with the concept of the ASEAN way, there has not been any tectonic shift in the way Australia conducts its foreign policy. Even though Australia was one of the earliest dialogue partner in ASEAN, it has calibrated its policy depending on the national government priorities and the international interests of the country. The article also outlines the narrative from Australian perspective and situates ASEAN in the larger foreign policy discourse in Australia.

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Abdullah, Anzar. "Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia-Australia Since Whitlam, Fraser, Until Hawke Era in An Attempt To Establish Political Stability in Southeast Asia." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.135.

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Abstract:

Talking about foreign policy relations of a country, it cannot be explained without adapting to the changes that occur in the growing environment or situation of both countries. Adjustments to the environment and the situation, especially the foreign policy are done in order to maintain the physical, economic, politic and social culture of the country in the midst of the real conditions of the situation occurred, like the history of bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia). This is a study of the history of Australian foreign policy towards Indonesia since Whitlam government in 1972 until Hawke. The goal of the study is to explain how the foreign policy of the Australian Prime Ministers during their reigns. Although in reality in the course of its history, Australian and Indonesian diplomatic relations were full of intrigues, turmoil and conflicts, but it did not severe the relation of the two nations. Eventually, the conclusion of this study explicitly states that Australia and Indonesia still need each other in an attempt to establish political stability, economic and security in Southeast Asia and the Pacific peacefully.

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