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1
Ferranti, Richard de. "Evatt and the Manus Negotiations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112094.
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Most histories of Australian-American relations in
the period immediately after the war mention, at least in
passing, the curious phenomenon of Australia at tempting to
bargain with the United States over the US’ rights to use a
base which the Americans themselves had built on Australian
mandated territory in the process of beating back the
Japanese from Australian shores. Manus Island, previously shrouded in obscruity, became the focus of an extended debate both in parliament and in the press over the state of Australia's relations with the USA and whether or not Dr. Evatt's 'wheeling and dealing' on the matter had contributed to a perceived deterioration in the Australian-US relationship, considered to have been so close during the war.
2
Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
3
Hubbard, Christopher. "From ambivalence to activism: Australia and the negotiation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1517.
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This Dissertation presents a study of Australia's involvement in the negotiation and early interpretation of the 1968 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), an instrument which remains the most important global nuclear arms control measure in international law. Using data from recently released Australian government documents, the study analyses the process by which Australia was transformed from an ambivalent nuclear sceptic within the Western alliance, into a steadfast global campaigner against the spread of nuclear weapons. It concludes that Australia's urgent search during 1967 and 1968 for coherence in its policy on nuclear weapons acquisition, largely played out within sections of the Australian bureaucracy and political leadership, was not only the catalyst for that transformation, but also an important step in Australia's search for "middle power" status in both a regional and wider sense. The study uses an interdisciplinary theoretical model which asserts the complementary nature of international law and international relations theory in explanations of relations between states. That model proposes that each discipline is capable of enhancing the insights of the other, in order to account - more closely in concert than each does individually - for the rule-following behaviour of nation-states. Beginning in Chapter One with a critique of the NPT and the regime of institutions and understandings which surround it, the study moves, in Chapter Two, to a review of the domestic and international context in which Australia's nuclear weapons policy debate was conducted, while introducing the elements of division within the Australian federal bureaucracy which largely prosecuted that debate. Chapters Three and Four analyse the debate in detail, concluding that its inconclusive result induced Australia's refusal to agree to America's request for immediate accession to the NPT. This, in tum, resulted in Australia exercising, through its recalcitrance, disproportionate influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the treaty. Chapter Five moves analysis to the international arena, and the forum of the United Nations General Assembly, in which Australia finally found the limit of America's willingness to accommodate the concerns of a small but significant Western ally located in a region of strategic importance. Chapter Six examines the process by which Australia's influence over the US on the interpretation of the terms of the NPT was translated into guidance to other nuclear threshold states through the Western alliance. It also examines the level of influence exerted by Australia through its bilateral discussions with other states over the terms of the treaty. It concludes that Australia, mainly through the former process, could claim a significant role in the formulation of the world's most important multilateral nuclear convention through its insistence on interpretative clarity. Finally, the study draws general conclusions on the significance of Australia's nuclear weapons debate for its aspirations to "middle power" status. It concludes that its indisputable leadership role, after 1972, in global nuclear disarmament efforts of many kinds, is an example of that status. Its most important theoretical conclusion concerns the demonstrated utility of an interdisciplinary model for the study of relations between states.
4
Hill, Maria Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Australian's in Greece and Crete : a study of an intimate wartime relationship." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40076.
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Historians have largely ignored the importance of relationships in war, particularly at a grass roots level. Examining the past from a relational point of view provides a new perspective on war not accessible through other forms of analysis. A relational approach to a study of the campaigns in Greece and Crete helps to explain, amongst other issues, why so many Australian lives were saved. Australians entered Greece with little background knowledge of the country and the people they were required to defend. There was no serious consultation with the Australian government apart from the cursory briefing of its Prime Minister. Although Britain had numerous intelligence officers operating on the ground in Greece prior and during the campaign, little information about the true political situation in the country had filtered through to the Australian high command. This placed the troops in a very vulnerable position on the Greek frontier and, later, on Crete. Military interaction with the Greeks proved difficult, as key officers from the Greek General Staff and senior government ministers did not intend to fight the Germans. As a result, little coordination took place between the Australian and Greek forces hindering the development of a successful working relationship. Conversely, relations with the Greek people were very amicable with many Greeks risking their lives to help Australian troops. The altruism of the Greeks was one of the most striking features of the Greek and Crete campaigns. Unlike Egypt, where the Australians felt alienated by the values and customs of the Egyptian people, in Greece they warmed to the behaviour of the Greeks. Although they did not speak the same language nor share a similar culture, they had many characteristics in common with the Greeks whose strong sense of loyalty to their allies really impressed the Australians. On their part, the Australians displayed respect for the values and customs of the Greek people. Through their interaction during the war, the Greeks came to regard the Australians, not only as friends, but also as brothers, forging an intimate relationship that has been incorporated in the social memory of both countries.
5
Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
6
Rademacher, Franz L. "DISSENTING PARTNERS: THE NATO NUCLEAR PLANNING GROUP 1965-1976." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217257345.
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Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.
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Walton, David. "Regional dialogue in Australia-Japan relations, 1952 to 1965 : the beginnings of a political relationship in regional affairs /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2001. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16288.pdf.
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9
Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
10
King, Amy Sarah. "Imperialism, industrialisation and war : the role of ideas in China's Japan policy, 1949-1965." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:69862b37-49c2-456d-be1d-23759948a920.
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This thesis is a study of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign economic policy towards Japan between 1949 and 1965. In particular, the thesis explores Chinese policy-makers’ ideas about Japan in the wake of the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945), and considers how those ideas shaped China’s foreign economic policy towards Japan between 1949 and 1965. To do so, the thesis employs a four-part ideas framework that examines Chinese policy-makers’ background, foreground, cognitive and normative ideas about Japan, and shows how the interaction between these four different idea types shaped China’s Japan policy between 1949 and 1965. Furthermore, the thesis draws on over 200 recently declassified Chinese-language archival records from the Chinese Foreign Ministry, as well as additional Chinese, Japanese, US and British archival sources. It argues that China’s experience of Japanese imperialism, industrialisation and war during the first half of the twentieth century deeply shaped Chinese ideas about Japan after 1949, though in ways that at first seem counterintuitive. Although Japan had waged a brutal war against China, Chinese policy-makers viewed Japan as an important source of industrial goods, technology and expertise, and a symbol of a modern, industrialised nation-state. However, China’s experience of Japanese imperialism and militaristic aggression often made it difficult to justify the policy of ‘trading with the enemy’. Ultimately, the thesis argues that China sought to expand economic ties with Japan after 1949 because Chinese policy-makers believed that doing so would assist China in becoming a modern and industrialised state, one that was strong enough to withstand foreign imperialism and restore its central position in the international system. Chinese conceptions of Japan thus help to explain how Japan became China’s largest trade partner by 1965, despite the bitter legacy of the War of Resistance and the Cold War divide between the two countries after 1949.
11
Wisbauer, Elisabeth. "Les relations germano-israéliennes de 1965 à 2006 : de la normalisation à la normalité ?" Thesis, Lille 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LIL30029/document.
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Le 12 mai 1965 sont établies les relations entre la République fédérale et l’Etat d’Israël. Aujourd’hui le débat sur la nature des relations met en lumière une certaine réalité : les relations sont différentes des autres liens que l’Allemagne entretient avec d’autres Etats.Agir pour la sécurité et le droit à l’existence de l’Etat israélien est l’engagement constant de la République fédérale ce qui la place dans une position délicate d’équilibre entre la responsabilité morale historique qui la contraint à s’impliquer d’une part et une normalité qui l’obligerait à se distancer.La question du Proche-Orient est la pierre d’achoppement entre les deux Etats ce qui l’oblige également à trouver un équilibre entre les attentes contradictoires de l’Etat israélien et des Etats arabes.Dans ces conditions comment la République fédérale adapte-t-elle sa politique extérieure ?On 12 May 1965 the diplomatic ties between Israel and Germany were established. Actually the debate on the nature of the bilateral ties highlights a certain reality : the relation between the two states are different from the others.The steady commitment of Germany to act for the security and the right of Israel to exist contrains Germany to find a balance between its moral, historical responsability and normality which obliges Germany to take a distance from past.The question of Middle East is a stumbling block which leads Germany to find a balance between the contradictory expectations of the State of Israel and the Arabian states.Under these circumstances how does Germany adapt its foreign policy ?
12
Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.
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Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to
speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand.
This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal
alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two
countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a
tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology.
Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks,
as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the
Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and
specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New
Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between
Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans-
Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as
the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
13
Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
14
Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.
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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high
levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to
a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction
market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging
multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to
bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV)
as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely
used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian
market.
Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an
active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian
contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction
market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European
competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian
construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has
experienced many difficulties.
As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business
environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining
increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused
on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have
investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and
uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a
new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little
literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian
countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures
in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of
these joint ventures.
This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of
existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint
venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture
organisational management and joint venture project management have been
identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a
questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are
further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
15
Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.
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The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
16
Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
17
Fenton, Damien Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "SEATO and the defence of Southeast Asia 1955-1965." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/39436.
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Despite the role played by the South East Treaty Organisation (SEATO) in the defence of Western interests in that region during the Cold War, there has to date been no scholarly attempt to examine the development and performance of the organisation as a military alliance. This thesis is thus the first attempt to do so and as such seeks to take advantage of the recent release of much SEATO-related official material into the public domain by Western governments. This material throws new light upon SEATO???s aims and achievements, particularly in regard to the first ten years of its existence. Because SEATO was eventually rendered irrelevant by the events of the Second Indochina War (1965-1975) a popular perception has arisen that it was always a ???Paper Tiger??? lacking in substance, and thus easily dismissed. This thesis challenges this assumption by examining SEATO???s development in the decade before that conflict. The thesis analyses SEATO???s place in the wider Cold War and finds that it was part of a rational and consistent response within the broader Western strategy of containment to deter, and if need be, defeat, the threat of communist aggression. That threat was a very real one for Southeast Asia in the aftermath of the First Indochina War and one that was initially perceived in terms of the conventional military balance of power. This focus dominated SEATO???s strategic concepts and early contingency planning and rightly so, as an examination of the strength and development of the PLA and PAVN during this period demonstrates. SEATO developed a dedicated military apparatus, principally the Military Planning Office (MPO), that proved itself to be perfectly capable of providing the level of co-ordination and planning needed to produce a credible SEATO deterrent in this regard. SEATO enjoyed less success with its attempts to respond to the emergence of a significant communist insurgent threat, first in Laos then in South Vietnam, but the alliance did nonetheless recognise this threat and the failure of SEATO in this regard was one of political will rather than military doctrine. Indeed this thesis confirms that it was the increasingly disparate political agendas of a number of SEATO???s members that ultimately paralysed its ability to act and thus ensured its failure to meet its aims, at least insofar as the so-called ???Protocol States??? were concerned. But this failure should not be allowed to completely overshadow SEATO???s earlier achievements in providing a modicum of Western-backed stability and security to the region from 1955-1965.
18
Murphy, T. A. "The Snowy Mountains Engineering Corporation as an instrument of Australian foreign policy." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130322.
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Australia's foreign policy may be drafted in Canberra, but it is
implemented in the jungles of Java and the bazaars of Dar-es-Salaam,
as well as in the offices and boardrooms in Washington, London or Bonn.
The aim of this sub-thesis is to examine the role of the Snowy
Mountains Engineering Corporation (SMEC) as an instrumentality for the
practical implementation of Australia's foreign policy, particularly in
relation to developing countries, and more specifically in the AsiaPacific
Region. Towards this end a comparison and contrast will be
made of two SMEC overseas projects. As well as covering some specific
details, it is hoped that these two case studies will present SMEC's
overseas operations in microcosm.
19
Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest." Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.
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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice?
It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government
The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics.
The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial.
Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response?
Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion?
Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.
The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
20
Furlet, Brooke (Brooke Gardiner). "The Influence of Naval Strategy on Churchill's Foreign Policy: May - September 1940." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501254/.
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This study examines Churchill's struggle during the summer of 1940 to preserve Britain's naval superiority worldwide, through the neutralization of the French fleet and by securing the active participation of the United States. Sources consulted included autobiographies of the participants, especially those by Churchill, Reynaud, Baudouin, and Weygand, document collections, and British and American official histories. This study is organized to give a chronological analysis of Churchill's efforts from 10 May to 2 September 1940, ending with the United States' acceptance of the destroyers-for-bases agreement. This act committed them to shared strategical responsibilities with Great Britain. The thesis concludes that Churchill's efforts in this period laid the foundation for later Allied victory.
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Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a policy of neutrality with the prospect of integration : Ireland, the European economic community, and Ireland's United Nations policy, 1965-1972." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2003. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/1/Greg_Spelman_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
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Spelman, Greg Thomas. "Reconciling a Policy of Neutrality with the Prospect of Integration : Ireland, the European Economic Community, and Ireland's United Nations Policy, 1965-1972." Queensland University of Technology, 2003. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/15787/.
Full textAbstract:
The decade of the 1960s was a period of significant evolution in the foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Ireland. On 31 July 1961, Ireland applied for membership of the European Community. That application was vetoed in January 1963 by the French President, Charles de Gaulle. Nevertheless, it was an indication of the growing "Europeanisation" of Irish foreign policy, which was secured in May 1967 in a renewed and ultimately successful application by Ireland for membership of the Common Market. Because of the overlapping interests of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), however, these initiatives towards integration with Western Europe posed a dilemma for the decision-makers in Dublin given that, in the Irish context, foreign policy was predicated on neutrality. Since Ireland's admission to the United Nations (UN) in 1955 and especially from the reinstatement of Frank Aiken as Minister for External Affairs in 1957, the diplomatic component of Ireland's neutrality was defined largely by its UN policy. Ireland's continued attachment to neutrality, despite its application for European Community membership, caused significant frustration to the governments of the member-states, especially France under de Gaulle, and was seen to be an obstacle to Ireland's accession. These concerns were communicated explicitly to Dublin, along with the view that Ireland needed to demonstrate a greater propensity to support Western interests on major international issues. Pressure of this kind had dissuaded other European neutrals (Austria, Finland, Malta and Sweden) from pursuing membership of the European Community until 1995 - after the Cold War had ended - but it did not deter the Irish. Despite the pressure from the European Community, Irish policy continued to be characterised by neutrality and, almost invariably, conflict with French UN policy. This included, amongst other matters, policy in relation to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, the financing of peacekeeping, the Vietnam War, representation of China at the UN, and various decolonization problems in Southern Africa. This insulation of Ireland's foreign policy from the imperatives of the application for membership of the European Community was largely the product of the fragmentation of decision-making in the formulation of Irish diplomacy. This research project takes a unique perspective on the topic by focusing, in particular, on the period 1965 to 1972 and, also, breaks further new ground in utilizing documentary material only recently released by the National Archives in Dublin, the University College Dublin Archives, the Public Record Office, London, and the UN Archives in New York, along with published diplomatic records and secondary sources. Consequently, it offers an original contribution to our understanding of Irish foreign policy in this crucial period of its development and the capacity of the Irish Government to reconcile the two fundamental and apparently conflicting pillars of its foreign policy - neutrality and membership of the European Community.
23
de, Somer Gregory John Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.
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Gridan, Irina. "Le satellite récalcitrant : la Roumanie de Gheorghiu-Dej face à l'URSS : acteurs, vecteurs et enjeux d'une politique extérieure sous influence (1944-1965)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010603.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche éclaire la prise de décision en politique extérieure dans la Roumanie de Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, entre 1944 et 1965. Les mécanismes en amont de la décision, les processus de sa mise en œuvre, les problématiques liées à sa réception sont analysés. La thèse étudie les relations entre acteurs impliqués - cercles dirigeants du parti et de l'État diplomates en poste à Moscou, fonctionnaires du ministère des Affaires étrangères, spécialistes des questions économiques ou conseillers soviétiques -, interroge leurs trajectoires et leurs compétences. À partir d'une influence, soviétique omniprésente, véhiculée par des canaux et des institutions multiples, il s'agit de voir comment le rapport à cette domination est renversé. Les acteurs du processus décisionnel, structurés en réseaux coopératifs ou concurrents, en cercles d'allégeances et d'intérêt, contribuent à une prise de décision diplomatique inextricablement liée à des enjeux de politique intérieure. Dans le cercle restreint du Secrétariat et du Bureau politique, la lutte interne pour le pouvoir constitue d'abord un moteur de la soviétisation, puis de la désatellisation économique et de l'émancipation de la diplomatie roumaine. À destination de la puissance tutélaire soviétique, ainsi que de l'opinion roumaine et internationale, la politique extérieure devient un outil de consolidation, pour un régime et des dirigeants qui souffrent, initialement, d'un déficit de reconnaissance. Elle alimente un discours de légitimation politique, dont l'orientation nationale prend appui sur la mobilisation des masses et de l'opinion et qui revêt parfois les apparences d'une prise en compte des aspirations populairesThis research sheds light on the decision-making in foreign policy in Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's Romania, from 1944 to 1965. The mechanisms of the decision, its implementation and the issues related to its reception are discussed all through the analysis, as well as different categories of actors : the ruling circles of the Party and of the State, diplomats in Moscow, officials of Foreign affairs Ministry, economy specialists and Soviet advisors. The point is to study these actors' trajectories and to question their skills. Starting from a situation where the Soviet influence and interests are pervasive through multiple channels and institutions, it is shown how the relation to the Soviet domination is reversed. The actors involved in the decision-making process, organized in cooperative or competitive networks and in circles of loyalty and interest, contribute to diplomatic decisions that are inextricably linked to domestic policy issues. In the inner circle of the Secretariat and of the Politburo, the internal struggle for power is to be seen as an impulse first for Sovietization and then for economic desatellisation and for diplomatic emancipation. Foreign policy becomes a powerful tool of consolidation for a regime and for leaders who initially suffer from a serious lack of recognition, both toward Soviet power and toward Romanian and international public opinions. It supplies a discourse of political legitimization whose nationalist accents are first perceptible and then resolute. Based on mass and opinion mobilization, this discourse sometimes contrasts with totalitarian propaganda, to assume the appearance of popular aspirations consideration
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Bunts-Anderson, Kimberly. "Relations between teachers' conceptions of in-class and out-of-class interactions and reported teaching practices teachers' belief study /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/82707.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Linguistics & Psychology, Department of Linguistics, 2006.Bibliography: p. 372-438.
Introduction: the influence of second language teachers' conceptions and the role of interactions in language learning -- Literature review -- Theory and methodology -- Teachers' conceptions of in-class interactions -- Teachers' conceptions of out-of-class interactions -- Differences between EAP teachers' experiences and conceptual development: in-class and out-of-class interactions -- Two categorical frameworks for ICI and OCI context: similarities, differences and relations -- Discussion and conclusion.
Spoken interaction with others is one of the most powerful tools in learning and teaching a second language. This investigation is concerned with uncovering and categorising the ways a group of L2 teachers' describe their experiences and beliefs of two types of spoken interaction; those that occur in the classroom (ICI) and those that occur outside the classroom (OCI). Twenty-eight EAP teachers were interviewed using phenomenographic and ethnographic investigative approaches and asked to describe their experiences and how they thought about and used spoken interactions in the teaching and learning of a situated lesson. The conceptions that emerged as consistent (reported as experienced most frequently across the group and within individual transcripts) were identified and categorised into two sets of categories of description (COD) one for each type of interaction. Across the group of teachers, five stable ICI categories of conceptions were identified and four stable OCI categories of conceptions were identified. These categories describe the range of conceptions that emerged across the group as a whole and do not attempt to rate the understandings of individual teachers. -- The conceptions of interactions in both sets of categories followed a hierarchal pattern of development from less complete to more complete understandings of these interactions. These descriptions formed two frameworks that are supported by similar patterns describing less complete and more complete understandings of various concepts in sets of categories published in other education settings (Marton & Booth, 1997). Exploration into the teaching and learning approaches reported in the teachers' experiences of ICI and OCI indicated that the utilization of interactions was constrained by the ways these interactions were conceived. Relations between more developed conceptions of both phenomena emerged in situations where more developed conceptions were reported. In these situations both ICI and OCI were simultaneously present in the teachers' awareness and perceived as different aspects of the same teaching/ learning situations. Across the group the teachers reported less powerful ideas of how to utilize OCI than how to utilize ICI.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xvii, 496 p. ill
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Amaral, Raquel Filipa Mouta. "Portugueses pelo Mundo: a importância da diáspora portuguesa para a política cultural externa de Portugal. O caso Portugal-Austrália." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/17378.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisEste trabalho de investigação tem como objetivo estudar a importância da diáspora portuguesa na política externa de Portugal e no desenvolvimento de relações numa vertente bilateral, incidindo sobretudo sob o eixo cultural, e considerando um caso concreto: o caso Portugal - Austrália. Partindo do plano geral para o particular, começa por apresentar um estudo da política externa portuguesa, desde os seus três eixos históricos até ao quarto eixo: o das comunidades. É ainda considerada uma ferramenta essencial, a diplomacia, e explorado um conceito atual aplicado ao tema do trabalho: a diplomacia pública. O estudo aqui exposto dá ênfase ao vetor cultural sendo também apresentada uma breve análise da política cultural externa de Portugal. Por fim, é apresentado o caso de estudo: a comunidade portuguesa na Austrália aplicada à análise das relações bilaterais Portugal – Austrália. Neste último capítulo, analisam-se as dinâmicas de organização civil enquanto ações de promoção cultural considerando o Estado português e a comunidade portuguesa aliados na promoção de Portugal.
This research paper aims to study the importance of the Portuguese diaspora in the foreign policy of Portugal and the development of relations in a bilateral aspect. It focuses mainly on the cultural axis and considers a specific case: the Portugal-Australia case. Starting from a general plan, ending with a specific one, it begins by presenting a study of the Portuguese foreign policy, from its three historical axes to the fourth axis: that of the communities. It also goes through the analysis of an essential tool, diplomacy, and exploration of a current concept applied to the main topic: public diplomacy. The study outlined here gives emphasis to the cultural aspect, for this reason is presented a brief analysis of the foreign cultural policy of Portugal. Finally, the study case is brought out: the Portuguese community in Australia applied to the analysis of the Portugal – Australia bilateral relations. In this last chapter, I analyze the dynamics of civil organization as cultural promotion actions considering the Portuguese State and the Portuguese community allies in the promotion of Portugal.
N/A
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Oakman, Daniel. "Crossing the frontier : Australia, Asia and the Colombo Plan, 1950-1965." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/120880.
Full textAbstract:
The Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic Development of South and
Southeast Asia developed out of a meeting of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in
Ceylon, January 1950. To date, few scholars have examined the Colombo Plan in any
significant detail and most assessments focus on the development of educational links
between Australia and Asia, largely because of the significant numbers of scholars who
came to Australia under the scheme.
This thesis explores the Colombo Plan from a variety of perspectives, focusing on
the economic, political, social and strategic context surrounding the emergence and
implementation of the program between 1950 and 1965. This thesis argues that the
Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be
understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. The Colombo Plan was an attempt to
counter communist expansion in the newly independent nations of Southeast Asia by
raising living standards and thus removing the conditions considered likely to create
popular sympathy for communist forces. More significantly, the Colombo Plan, with its
modernist assumptions about the importance of development, technology and social
progress, was to be a vehicle for the transmission of Western values.
By exploring the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the Colombo
Plan, this thesis illustrates that the plan was an important part of Australian foreign policy,
and was motivated by international security priorities and the need to allay domestic
cultural concerns. One of the important ways Australia expressed and promoted its
political and economic interests in the Asian region was through the Colombo Plan. This
scheme functioned as a humanitarian program intended to improve the living conditions
in Asian countries, however, it also operated as ‘unspoken propaganda’ designed to
improve trade relations, establish diplomatic and cultural contacts, and help deflect
criticism of the White Australia Policy. This examination of the Colombo Plan reveals
the changing nature of Australia’s regional identity and the nature of its engagement with
Asia during the 1950s and early 1960s.
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Najjarine, Karim, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia 1965-1972 : an examination from the Australian archival record." 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/12424.
Full textAbstract:
Australia’s relationship with Indonesia has been a topic in diplomatic, academic, defence and intelligence circles in Australia for over fifty years. Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia in the period from the attempted coup in October 1965 until the fall of the Liberal – Country Party coalition in 1972, remains relatively overlooked by Australian researchers. There is virtually no research of this period drawn from Australian archival sources. This thesis seeks to rectify this gap in our knowledge. The study suggests that Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia from 1965 to 1972 was dominated by a fear which contradicted Australian intelligence and defence assessments of Indonesia’s threat potential to Australia. This study will examine how this fear contributed to, and was also reinforced by, a lack of a clear working definition of what constituted ‘security’ in an Australian context. It bred a sense of insecurity and vulnerability by which Australian policy makers departed from a course of rationality. This is reflected in Australian relations with the New Order Government which were dominated by strategic concerns. Although Australia desired an informal closeness to the New Order Government, Jakarta’s increasing repression exposed Australia to international and domestic opprobrium with regard to the more salient abuses of the New Order Government.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Tothill, F. D. "South African-Australian diplomatic relations 1945-1961." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/16217.
Full textAbstract:
This is the first study of official relations between South Africa and Australia as
conducted through resident High Commissions or Embassies. It reaches the conclusion
that, though neither country loomed large on the other's scale of priorities, the relationship
was at the outset perceived to be of greater value to Australia than to South Africa.
It was initiated by the Australian government in 1945 as was the airlink which
connected the two countries in 1952. Then flown by propeller-driven aircraft, the air
route led to the expansion of Australian territory when the United Kingdom transferred
to Australia sovereignty over the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in the Indian Ocean, eight
hours flying time from Perth and an essential refuelling stop en route to Southern Afnca.
The first Australian High Commissioner, Sir George Knowles, arrived in South
Africa in August 1946. The Smuts government did not attach much value to the relationship.
Pleading shortage of staff, and to the embarrassment of the Australian government,
it had not reciprocated with its own appointment by the time of its fall in May
1948. On assuming office the following month the new Prime Minister, Dr Malan
responded positively to an Australian reminder about the lack of a South African High
Commissioner. Dr P.R. Viljoen was appointed to the position and arrived in Canberra
in June 1949. The relationship lacked substance and for relatively lengthy periods in
the 1950s the High Commissioner's post was left vacant on both sides.
The Australian government had proposed the establishment of relations on
grounds inter alia that members of the British Commonwealth should be informed
about each other's attitudes, policies and problems in the work of the United Nations.
Yet it was the United Nations, particularly its composition, which subjected the relationship
to its greatest strains.
In focusing on the role and functions of individual diplomats the study throws
light on what the profession or occupation of diplomacy encompassed at the time. Also
canvassed is the development of the South African and Australian Departments of
External Affairs from their beginnings to the early 1960s.D. Litt et Phil. (History)
30
Baba, Gurol. "The wavy cross : Australia, Turkey and the US 1945-1975." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150120.
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Bray, Barbara (Barbara Dorothee). "Chinese-Australian relations from 1969 to 1983, with special emphasis on the role played by the two major Australian parties." 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb8266.pdf.
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Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
Full textAbstract:
The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Dungey, Mardi. "International influences on the Australian economy." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146002.
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Lee, David. "From fear of depression to fear of war: a reinterpretation of the political issues involved in the transition from the Chifley government to the Menzies government, 1945-1952." Phd thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112060.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis I attempt to trace the most important differences between the Chifley and
Menzies governments Without disagreeing with the view that the two governments
agreed on many things, such as the need for a large immigration programme,
Keynesian economic ideas, and the welfare state, I argue that there was a fundamental
difference between the two governments: their attitudes and policies to the threats of
depression and war. A Labor government afraid of depression but relatively confident
that another war would not break out, gave way to a Liberal-Country party
government which feared the outbreak of war but not a depression.
The Labor government hoped to protect Australia from depression by
participating in the new economic world order being built by the United States after
the second world war. However it tried to mould the American multilateral system into
one which would guarantee full employment throughout the world. America’s idea of
free trade defeated Australia's idea of full employment in the making of the new
economic world order. But multilateralism foundered because of the dollar shortage in
the world outside the United States. The United States wanted to dismantle the sterling
area and to incorporate it immediately into the multilateral world order. However the
United Kingdom found that she could not adopt multilateralism without massive
foreign aid from the United States. Instead of embracing multilateralism, the United
Kingdom resolved to shore up the sterling area, until some means of overcoming the
dollar shortage could be found. The Australian Labor government resolved to
cooperate with the United Kingdom in consolidating the sterling area as a
discriminatory economic bloc. Chifley made a deliberate decision to stick with the
United Kingdom rather than to seek a stronger economic relationship with the United
States.
The opposition Liberal and Country parties chafed at the restrictions and rationing caused by the Labor government’s pro-sterling area economic policies. They defeated the Labor government in 1949 by campaigning against its policy on the
sterling-dollar problem, its domestic economic policy, its handling of the coal strike,
and bank nationalisation. The issue of socialism was largely rhetorical.The
fundamental difference between the two governments was not about the degree of
government ownership of industry and banking. The Menzies’ government’s major
new initiative was to make serious defence preparations against the danger of war. It
abandoned Labor's internationalist foreign policy and regional defence policy and
substituted for them a policy of making Australia a partner in the western anticommunist
alliance being formed against the Soviet Union and the emergent
communist China.
Menzies expanded defence spending along with public and private investment in
a policy of ‘national development’. This was in stark contrast to Chifley’s fiscally
cautious anti-depression economic policy. It involved running a huge import surplus at
a time when the sterling-dollar problem was still serious and when Australia was
vulnerable to an economic downturn. Fortunately for Menzies, American
rearmament, the Korean war wool boom, and a dollar loan .from the United States
temporarily solved the dollar problem for Australia and the sterling area. Menzies
succeeded in being able to have both increased defence expenditure and increased
civilian investment. Moreover the Menzies government decided that Australia could
not be developed at the rate it wanted simply with British and Australian capital. Its
policy was that Australia had to forge a new political and economic relationship with
the United States. The Liberal-Country party government hoped that this policy would
free up the economy, enable Australia to borrow from America, increase the flow of
American capital into Australia, and allow the government to abolish the controls and
restrictions associated with Labor’s policy of protecting the sterling area.
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Kawaja, Marie. "The politics and diplomacy of the Australian Antarctic." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150707.
Full textAbstract:
During the first half of the twentieth century, Antarctica evolved from a heroic destination for the adventurous scientist/explorer into an imperial 'question' and finally into an international 'problem'. It is this period before the Cold War and the negotiation of the Antarctic Treaty that is the focus of this thesis. The study commences at Federation and concludes in 1945 and examines the political and diplomatic events that led to the creation of the Australian Antarctic Territory in 1933, and the consequences ofAustralia becoming Antarctica's major claimant state.
In examining a question of Australian foreign policy in the early twentieth century, the thesis focuses on what Carl Bridge and Bernard Attard describe as that 'older pre-1945' Australia that 'cries out to be studied and understood'. A study of Australia's involvement with the Empire's Antarctic policy offers a unique opportunity to assess the Anglo-Australian relationship on a matter relating to diplomacy rather than the much-examined relationship associated with war or peace processes. Accordingly, this thesis investigates the policy advisory role of the Department of External Affairs to determine to what extent the Department considered Australia's national interests within the wider concerns of Empire. Since Stanley Melbourne Bruce was both Prime Minister and External Affairs Minister during the crucial years of policy determination (1926-29), the thesis considers how he balanced Australian goals and aspirations against those of the Empire, particularly if competing priorities were identified. Because Antarctic exploration has been closely associated with science, this study also assesses the influence ofthe Australian scientific community on the Australian government's Antarctic policy, particularly of the Australian National Research Council (ANRC), which included Douglas Mawson. The thesis additionally explores the extent of Australian press scrutiny and considers its impact on Australian policy.
The changing balance of British imperial relations after the Great War was the crucial context within which Australian Antarctic policies evolved. Demands by the dominions for a voice in the making of the Empire's foreign policies ultimately led to the enactment of the Statute of Westminster in 1931. Australia did not adopt the Statute until 1942, preferring instead to conduct its foreign policy within the established imperial framework. The annexation of what became the Australian Antarctic Territory, however, did not have its origins as an Australian foreign policy matter. It was an imperial policy formulated at the 1926 Imperial Conference and affirmed at subsequent Imperial Conferences. Australia believed at the time that the would be implemented as an imperial venture, in collaboration with the relevant dominions. Notable studies of British Antarctic policy have not credited the dominions with any real contribution in the making of the Empire's Antarctic policy, and have seen them as little more than appendages to the imperial power. However, historical documents in Canberra reveal Australia was significantly involved in shaping and implementing the Empire's Antarctic policy, The view that Australia was a passive witness to imperial Antarctic events in the period before the Second World War cannot be sustained.
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Doran, Stuart Robert. "Western friends and eastern neighbours : West New Guinea and Australian self-perception in relation to the United States, Britain and Southeast Asia, 1950-1962." Phd thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147937.
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Kuruppu, Nihal Randolph Henry. "An Indian perspective of the relationship between India and Australia, 1947 to 1975: personalities and policies, peaks and troughs." Thesis, 2000. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15300/.
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Hein, Rodger W. "Australian responses to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956." Thesis, 1999. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32975/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the varying responses by different sections of the
Australian community to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956.
The hypothesis of this work argues is that the different responses were
predictable, given the backdrop of Cold War thinking of the time, community
attitudes, and the political mix in Australia in 1956. The responses accurately
reflected Australian social, political and religious attitudes in the 1950s.
39
Berananda, Usana. "Australia's involvement in the Cambodian peace settlement : the Red Book initiative." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145650.
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Dugis, Vinsensio. "Australian-Indonesian relations, a study of political, economic and defence cooperation (1986-1996)." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/111279.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses the relationship between Australia and Indonesia between 1986-1996 and particularly focuses on cooperation in the areas of politics, economics and defence. It is argued that the relationship between Australia and Indonesia has become stronger due to the mutual interests of the two countries.Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1997
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Munro, Ronald. "The Australia-Korea relationship, 1889-1953." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151164.
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Scrivener, Richard James. "Australia's relations with Iran and the Australia-US Alliance, 1979-2005." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/111463.
Full textAbstract:
Australia has been a close ally of the US for over five decades. Strategic alignment with Washington has been, and remains, a central tenet of Australian strategic thinking and the US alliance continues to serve as an ideational framework for the formulation of Australian foreign policy. In contrast, Australia's relations with Iran since the 1979 Iranian Revolution have been at the lower end of the scale of importance, and based principally upon a trade relationship that has been dominated by the export of Australian agricultural commodities. Considered together, these two very different international relationships present an interesting problem, on two levels, for the study of Australian foreign policy.
First, the extreme animosity between Washington and Tehran highlights a particular problem for Australian foreign policy-how to manage a potential clash of interests with a superpower ally. Second, the Australia-Iran relationship has been dominated by trade interests, while Canberra's interests in supporting the US alliance are predominantly strategic. Thus, the foreign policy challenges that have at times arisen because of Australia's relations with Iran in the context of the US alliance reflect the problem of balancing trade and strategic interests in Australian foreign policy.
For most of the period between 1979 and 2005 Australia has managed these two relationships through a policy of non-linkage between strategic and international trade interests. This thesis presents an analytical framework that explains Australian policies of non-linkage in terms of the impact of domestic political dynamics on the foreign policy formulation process. The framework employs the concept of an issue area to analyse how domestic political and economic interests coalesce around specific foreign policy concerns, and demonstrates that the interaction between interests associated with strategic and international trade issue areas has determined whether Australia pursues policies of linkage or non-linkage with respect to its relations with Iran and the US.
This thesis contributes to the study of Australian foreign policy by offering a framework that: 1) organises the plurality of foreign policy interests in the domestic political domain into issue areas, 2) explains the domestic political dynamics that determine the capacity of each issue area to shape the formulation of foreign policy within Cabinet. It contributes to the broader field of Foreign Policy Analysis by demonstrating that the application of issue area analysis provides new perspectives on, and insights into, the relationship between domestic politics and foreign policy.
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Thompson, Laura. "The Australian Government, the US alliance, and the Cuban Missile Crisis: A history and policy analysis." Thesis, 2017. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/35980/.
Full textAbstract:
In October 1962, the world was brought to the brink of nuclear catastrophe. The Cuban
Missile Crisis marked the closest the United States (US) and the Soviet Union came to
military conflict that might have led to nuclear annihilation during the Cold War. This
thesis investigates the Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis. In doing
so, it makes an original contribution to Australian Cold War history and to the extensive
literature on the crisis.
The Australian Government’s policy response to the crisis is examined in the context of
the Australia-US alliance. A diplomatic history, this thesis relies heavily on declassified
government records from Australian and American archives. Additionally, oral history
interview transcripts, audio-visual materials, Hansard, newspapers, and private
collections, were consulted in order to reconstruct comprehensively Australia’s policy
on this matter and the factors that shaped it.
This thesis examines: Australia’s awareness of the Cuban situation; the Menzies
Government’s policy on the crisis, specifically, factors it considered—and did not
consider—in formulating its policy; and the Government’s immediate implementation
of that policy, including the reactions of some sections of the Australian community to
that policy. It demonstrates that despite limited advance notice and awareness of the
Cuban situation, the Government swiftly declared support for the US in the crisis,
specifically, its resolution to be presented to the United Nations Security Council. It reveals that certain politicians, diplomats, and public servants were concerned about:
Australia’s obligations under the Australia New Zealand United States Security Treaty;
the legality of the US response; the precedent set by the quarantine; the implications of
US policy on the crisis regarding Australian nuclear ambitions; Australia maintaining its
trade relationship with Cuba; and the repercussions the crisis could have on collective
defence arrangements, which Australia relied on for its security. Despite these concerns
and challenges, the Government considered the successful management of the US
alliance paramount in formulating and implementing its policy on the crisis.
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Saito, Tadashi. "Trade without diplomatic relations : a comparative study of China-Japan and China-Australia trade relations in the 1960s." Master's thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128709.
Full textAbstract:
This sub-thesis deals with Sino-Japanese and Sino-Australian trade
relations from 1960 to 1972. During this period, both Japan and Australia
maintained trade ties with China (the People's Republic of China), although
they had broken off diplomatic relations with her.1 The main interest here
is how and why these trade relations were maintained without diplomatic
relations. This, then, is a study of trade relations between states which
have no diplomatic relations.
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Smith, Robert Hugh 1942. "Policing and Australian security in the South Pacific : with special reference to police education and training programs." 1995. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8608.
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Jia, Wen. "The demise of the 'new diplomacy'? : assertive China & the Australian case." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149952.
Full textAbstract:
15 years since introducing a kinder, softer, more nuanced approach known as 'new diplomacy' for shorthand, a series of recent assertive acts on the part of China suggest a departure from this approach. This apparent shift is puzzling to scholars of Chinese foreign and security policy, who for some time now have been pointing to the tremendous benefits that China has accrued through its pursuit of its 'new' diplomatic approach, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region. Two broad schools of thought have been identified in this investigation to account for this apparent puzzle. The first 'Strong China' school argues that the departure from the 'new' diplomatic approach is quite a natural and inevitable consequence of China's growing strength and its desire for greater international influence and eventually, hegemony. This school of thinking suggests that the 'new diplomacy' was a temporary adaptive measure adopted for purely instrumental purposes by the Chinese government. It is thus already becoming a thing of the past as China's power grows. An opposing 'Weak China' school suggests that China's assertive behaviour is a reflection not of China's growing strength, but of internal weaknesses that are yet to be overcome. The 'Weak China' school predicts that the departure from the 'new' diplomatic approach is likely to be a temporary phenomenon. As China's power and confidence grows, and as China gains greater exposure to international norms and institutions, a more consistent adherence to the 'new' diplomatic approach seems a more likely outcome. This thesis examines three cases from Australia's recent experience with China's apparent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach -a novel research contribution in its own right given that none of these cases have been subjected to rigorous scholarly analysis -to argue that the answer to the puzzle outlined above actually lies somewhere between the 'Strong China' and the 'Weak China' schools. On the one hand, it argues that advocates of the 'Strong China' school are correct in asserting that China's apparent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach has been a direct outcome of its growing power. On the other, they are also incorrect in identifying China's growing power being the underlying cause for that departure. Rather, it argues that China's growing power is actually exacerbating China's internal fragilities in line with what advocates of the 'Weak China' school suggest. However, where supporters of the 'Weak China' school argue that this departure is a temporary phenomenon, this thesis argues that they have underestimated the quite deep and enduring nature of those internal fragilities. As China's power grows, those fragilities will likely be emphasised, not reduced, hence leading to more rather than less assertive behaviour on the part of China. The thesis therefore sides with the 'Strong China' school in arguing that China's recent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach is more likely to be a lasting one. However, it sides with the 'Weak China' school in emphasising that the departure is a reflection not of China's inherent strength and international ambition, but its growing weaknesses that are being exacerbated by China's continuing rise. Hence, in order to adequately account for China's recent departure from its 'new' diplomatic approach, the thesis concludes that a synthesis of the arguments associated with seemingly opposing 'Strong China' and 'Weak China' schools of thinking is called for.
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Okamoto, Jiro. "Australia's foreign economic policy and ASEAN." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149958.
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Applegate, Craig John. "The external costs associated with Australia's foreign debts : analysis and measurement." Phd thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/128798.
Full textAbstract:
An important macroeconomic issue in Australia is whether
Australia's foreign debt, particularly that of the private sector,
imposes an external cost on other residents of the country. The
traditional source of an external cost associated with foreign debt
is ruled out in the Australian case as it is found not to have any
monopsony power in the world capital market. However, an
external cost can also come from interaction between private and
public debt.
This interaction could occur in the event of default, in
which the government intervenes with the debt repayment of the
private sector. The possibility of default, although examined in the
literature, has not been explicitly incorporated in the Australian
foreign debt debate. In light of this, a model is developed in which
it is sometimes optimal for the government to intervene in
repayments of private sector foreign debt. The external cost
imposed by the private sector foreign debt takes the form of the
imposition of an ex-ante expected default penalty on other
borrowers within an economy.
In the 1980's, the governments of those countries which
have had problems in repaying their debts and which have also
had large private sector foreign debts, have tended to interfere in
the repayment of those private foreign debts. The scale of
Australia's foreign debt as a proportion of G.N.P. is found to be
roughly comparable to that of Latin America. Between January 1990 and March 1993 , the
Commonwealth of Australia is found to have paid an average of
0.55 percent on its seven-year borrowings in the Eurodollar
market above the rate paid by the I.M.F'/World Bank. This is
interpreted as the default risk premium on Australia's debt. It
appears to be possible that it may be in the interest of the
Australian government to interfere in the foreign debt repayments
of both the public and private sector in the future. The analysis in
chapter seven indicates that it is possible for foreign debt to result
in an external cost in these circumstances.
A time-series analysis for the Australian government
eurodollar debt is carried out for the period 1986 to 1993, when
the Commonwealth's credit-rating was downgraded. The economic
variables identified in the literature, however, were found to be
statistically insignificant in this case. The chosen factors for default
risk premia are those that are considered to be relevant to the two
major theories used in the empirical analysis. These are the
efficient risk-sharing and default-based penalty theories of
sovereign debt. These include exogenous shocks and variables
relating to both the benefit and penalty for default.
Although theory and recent history suggest that such an
external cost exists, in the case of Australia for the period covered,
the determinants of this external cost are difficult to establish.
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Chapman, Paul (Paul Noel). "The policy implications of Japanese foreign direct investment in Australia." 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phc4662.pdf.
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Black, Erin. "Specters of "Isolationism"? Debating America's Place in the Global Arena, c.1965-1974." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/17731.
Full textAbstract:
The United States emerged from the Second World War determined to play a leading role in the maintenance of international order. Increasing levels of tension between the United States and the forces of communism after 1945, however, slowly forced a redefinition of what might be more distinctly termed America's "global" responsibilities, such that by 1961 John F. Kennedy declared that the United States would "pay any price. . .in order to assure the survival and success of liberty." An identifiable Cold War consensus took shape based on the assumption that it was America's responsibility to lead, protect, and defend, the "free-world." Since America was effectively waging a battle to ensure the successful spread of its own values, the Cold War consensus also served to severely limit debate—dissent essentially implied disloyalty. By the mid-1960s, however, the Cold War consensus began to crack and a debate over American foreign policy began to emerge.
That debate is the focus of this dissertation, which looks at the opposition to Cold War policies which emerged in the Senate, most notably among the members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee --many of whom had once played a role in developing the very foreign policies they now protested. The war in Vietnam provided the focal point for much of the dissent, but the foreign aid program also became heavily criticized, as did America's NATO policy, particularly the size of the American military presence in Europe. More important, however, Senate dissenters came to question the United States' very position as the principle defender of the free world. They did not dispute the idea that America had a significant role to play in the global arena, but they did not believe that role should consist of being the world's policeman, the self-appointed arbiter of other’s affairs, and the keeper of the status quo. Because of their views, the so-called dissenters were labelled as "neo-isolationists." They saw themselves the true "internationalists," however, believing that the Cold War had led to confusion between internationalism and indiscriminate global involvement.