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1

Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Myth and Misrepresentation in Australian Foreign Policy: Menzies and Engagement with Asia." Journal of Cold War Studies 13, no. 4 (October 2011): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00168.

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The prevailing orthodoxy in the academic literature devoted to the history of Australia's post-1945 international relations posits that a mixture of suspicion and condescension permeated the attitude of the governments headed by Robert Menzies (1949–1966) toward the Asia-Pacific region. Menzies's regional policies, according to this view, not only prevented Australia from engaging meaningfully with its Asian neighbors but also ended up antagonizing them. This article rejects the conventional view and instead shows that the prevailing left-Labor assessments of Menzies's regional policy are fundamentally marred by an anachronistic disregard of the diplomatic dynamics, political challenges, and economic realities of Cold War Asia.
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2

Sullivan, John, and Genevieve Lester. "Revisiting Domestic Intelligence." Journal of Strategic Security 15, no. 1 (April 2022): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.1976.

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This article looks at the evolution of US domestic intelligence prior to and since 9/11 in light of the Capitol attacks. It also reviews the literature and practice of intelligence reform in the context of foreign comparative experience (France, UK, Canada, Australia). It looks at the promise of fusion centers, cocontemporay domestic intelligence models, and the continuing need for domestic intelligence reform. Additional Keywords: Domestic Intelligence, Intelligence Reform, Intelligence Fusion
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3

Dutton, David. "An Alternate Course in Australian Foreign Policy: Korea 1943-50*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 43, no. 2 (April 1997): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1997.tb01385.x.

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4

Crenshaw, Martha, and Robert Kumamoto. "International Terrorism and American Foreign Relations, 1945-1976." American Historical Review 106, no. 1 (February 2001): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652327.

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5

Fogg, Kevin W. "Islam in Indonesia’s Foreign Policy, 1945-1949." Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies 53, no. 2 (December 10, 2015): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajis.2015.532.303-305.

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Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counter-example. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948.[Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]
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6

Fraser, Graham, and Costas Melakopides. "Pragmatic Idealism: Canadian Foreign Policy, 1945-1995." International Journal 54, no. 2 (1999): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203388.

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7

Rickertt, Jeff. "The Far Left in Australia since 1945." Australian Journal of Politics & History 65, no. 1 (March 2019): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12545.

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8

McDougall, Derek. "Foreign Policy Studies in Australia." Australian Journal of Politics & History 55, no. 3 (September 2009): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2009.1523a.x.

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9

YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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10

Sayle, Timothy Andrews. "French Foreign Policy since 1945: An Introduction." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 4 (December 2017): 239–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00775.

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11

KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
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12

Leiby, Richard A., and Petra Goedde. "GIs and Germans: Culture, Gender, and Foreign Relations, 1945-1949." German Studies Review 27, no. 1 (February 2004): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433600.

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13

Rystad, Goran, and Michael Wala. "Winning the Peace: American Foreign Policy and the Council on Foreign Relations, 1945-1950." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081830.

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14

Arkhipov, V. "Australia: Economy and Foreign Investment." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2008): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2008-5-82-89.

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15

Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Dedominionization: the Anglo-Australian experience, 1939–1945." Historical Journal 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 861–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00015120.

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ABSTRACTThe role of decolonization in the decline of the British empire has received a great deal of attention. In comparison there has been little research or analysis of the process of dedominionization affecting Australia and the other dominions. During the Second World War economic ties were seriously weakened and there were substantial conflicts over economic policy between the British and Australian governments. Australia refused to reduce imports in order to conserve foreign exchange, thus contributing to the United Kingdom's debt burden. The Australian government insisted that the British guarantee Australia's sterling balances and refused to adopt the stringent fiscal policies requested by the Bank of England and the British treasury. Australia also took the opportunity to expand domestic manufacturing industry at the expense of British manufacturers. Economic separation and conflict were complemented by political and strategic differences. In particular, the Australian government realized that British military priorities made it impossible for the United Kingdom to defend Australia. This led the Australians towards a policy of cooperating with the British embargo on Japan, only to the extent that this would be unlikely to provoke Japanese military retaliation. In general, the Australians preferred a policy of compromise in the Far East to one of deterrence preferred by the British.
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16

Bosworth, Richard. "Australia and Assisted Immigration from Britain, 1945-1954*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 34, no. 2 (June 28, 2008): 187–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1988.tb01174.x.

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17

Adams, D. K. "Reflections on American foreign policy since 1945." International Affairs 67, no. 1 (January 1991): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621320.

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18

Kumamoto, Robert. "Diplomacy from below: International terrorism and American foreign relations, 1945–1962." Terrorism 14, no. 1 (January 1991): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109108435855.

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19

Fatalski, Marcin. "Foreign Policy of the Polish People’s Republic on Mexico 1945-1989." Ad Americam 19 (February 8, 2019): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.19.2018.19.04.

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In the period between 1945-1989, Polish-Mexican relations were determined by the Cold War rivalry. Poland remained in the Soviet sphere of influence and its sovereignty was limited by Moscow. Although controlled by the Kremlin, Poland had its own initiatives in foreign policy. Warsaw considered Mexico to be the most important partner in Latin America (not to mention the communist ally, Castro of Cuba), thus Polish diplomacy made many efforts to strengthen mutual political, cultural and economic relations. Mexico, with its independent foreign policy, progressive state ideology and tremendous market, seemed a particularly valuable partner in Latin America to the Polish communist leaders. The climax of Polish diplomatic initiatives occurred in the 1970s. Mexico was also interested in cooperation with Poland, especially in its economic dimension but the result of the efforts was mixed. The poor performance of Polish-Mexican economic relations when compared with the Mexican commercial exchange with other East European countries proves that the efforts of the Polish government in the economic sphere were rather futile. Political relations were good, however geopolitically both countries belonged to different spheres. The special, independent position of Mexico in world politics made such friendly relations possible.
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20

Alvarez, David. "Diplomatic solutions: German foreign office cry ptanalysis, 1919–1945." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 9, no. 2 (January 1996): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850609608435314.

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21

Jones, Benjamin T. "The Far Left in Australia since 1945." Journal of Australian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2019.1574292.

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22

Mead, Walter Russell, Justus D. Doenecke, and Mark A. Stoler. "Debating Franklin D. Roosevelt's Foreign Policies, 1933-1945." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 6 (2005): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031799.

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23

Boehling, R. "Book Review: GIs and Germans: Culture, Gender and Foreign Relations, 1945-1949." German History 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 284–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540502300221.

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24

DÉVAVÁRI, ZOLTÁN. "HUNGARIAN DIPLOMACY AND THE DISINTEGRATION OF YUGOSLAVIA 1990–1991." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 33 (December 22, 2022): 174–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2022.33.174-190.

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This study aims to explore Hungarian–Yugoslav diplomatic relations in the first phase of the disintegration of the second Yugoslav state through relevant documents from the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and accounts from the contemporary Hungarian press. The study mainly focuses on relations between the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Except for Serbia, diplomatic relations between Hungary and the other Yugoslav republics were not taken into consideration due to length constraints. The study also examines Budapest’s diplomatic activities with the great powers regarding the Yugoslav question. The documents used this study can be found in XIX-J-1-j records at the Department of Political Government and Party Authorities of the Hungarian National Archives after 1945 (Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár Országos Levéltára 1945 utáni Politikai Kormányszervek és Pártiratok Főosztálya, MNL OL).
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25

Brawley, Sean, and Chris Dixon. "Jim Crow Downunder? African American Encounters with White Australia, 1942––1945." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 4 (November 1, 2002): 607–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.4.607.

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Between 1941 and 1945, as the U.S. military machine sent millions of Americans——and American culture——around the world, several thousand African Americans spent time in Australia. Armed with little knowledge of Australian racial values and practices, black Americans encoutered a nation whose long-standing commitment to the principle of "White Australia" appeared to rest comfortably with the segregative policies commonly associated with the American South. Nonetheless, while African Americans did encounter racism and discrimination——practices often encouraged by the white Americans who were also stationed in Australia during the war——there is compelling evidence that their experiences were not always negative. Indeed, for many black Americans, Australians' apparent open-mindedness and racial views of white Britons and others with whom African Americans came into contact during the war. Making use of U.S. Army censors' reports and paying attention to black Americans' views of their experiences in Australia, this article not only casts light on an aspect of American-Australian relations that has hitherto recieved scant scholarly attention and reveals something about the African American experience, but also offers insights into race relations within the U.S. armed forces.
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26

Donaghy, Greg. "Pierre Trudeau and Canada’s Pacific tilt, 1945–1984." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 74, no. 1 (March 2019): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702019834883.

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Canadian international history is currently enjoying an Asian moment. A handful of younger scholars have cast their attention eastward, generating exciting new work on Canadian relations with specific countries and regions across the Pacific region. This article draws on some of their work, as well as the author’s own long-standing research on Canada’s Department of External Affairs, to weigh the Pacific’s changing importance to Canada. The article argues that the domestic and foreign policies of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, elected in 1968, were truly transformational. Trudeau swept away the traditional hesitations and confining North Atlanticism that characterized the diplomacy of his postwar predecessors. Instead, he pursued a full-throttled policy of strategic engagement that repositioned Asia front and centre of contemporary Canadian foreign policy.
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27

Doiar, Larуsa. "Foreign policy orientations post-war USSR (1945—1947)." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 12 (December 29, 2020): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2020.12(293).38-43.

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The presented article is devoted to an important period of national history, its first postwar years (1945—1947). This paper raises the issue of the formation of the foreign policy segment in the life of the post-war Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Based on the analysis of the events of that time, the author gives a list of defining for the then Ukraine areas of foreign policy of the USSR and the USSR. Among the latter are the following: legitimization of the new western borders of Ukraine by signing the Soviet-Czechoslovak (June 29, 1945), Soviet-Polish (August 16, 1945) and Soviet-Romanian (February 10, 1947) agreements; formation of bilateral relations of the USSR with other countries of the world; Ukraine's participation in international humanitarian cooperation, in particular, its receipt of assistance from the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRRA); the inclusion of Ukraine in the orbit of the newest Slavic movement, and in fact, actualized in the postwar period of Slavophilism, the homeland and ideological inspiration of which Ukraine, in fact, has been since the mid-nineteenth century; exposing the foreign policy activity of the Ukrainian SSR in relation to the Bandera movement, aimed at discrediting it internationally and finally exposing its treacherous nature in the eyes of the Ukrainian people. The presented article is written on the materials of the Book Chamber of Ukraine. The author presents the little-known and, in fact, unused Ukrainian Soviet socio-political magazine Modern and Future.
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Zolov, Alexander. "Poland in the foreign policy of the USSR in 1941–1945." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 02 (February 1, 2021): 134–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202102statyi16.

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29

de Bruyn, Martyn. "AUKUS and its significance for transatlantic relations." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (January 19, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17427.1.

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The AUKUS agreement between Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States is a major step in formalizing Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific. The announcement surprised the Biden Administration’s European allies and led to an indignant reaction from France, which saw its submarine contract with Australia fall victim of the deal. The AUKUS agreement led to a renewed debate about the soft power nature of European Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) in which the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy called for a strategic compass. This paper analyzes the strategic policy papers of the European Union and the United States on the Indo-Pacific and concludes that their different approaches to peace and security complement each other in important ways.
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Aydın, Mustafa. "Turkish Foreign Policy in the Chaos of War, 1939-1945." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 23, no. 6 (October 4, 2021): 854–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2021.1981687.

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31

Kakovkina, Olga. "Foreign Delegations in Dnipropetrovsk City and Dnipropetrovska Oblast in 1945–1959." Roxolania Historĭca = Historical Roxolania 2 (December 28, 2019): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/30190213.

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The purpose of the article is to figure out the features of a foreign presence in the city and the region during 1945–1959, its intensity and content on the example of the visit of foreign delegations – from the end of the World War II, as a result of which the political map of Europe and the world, the content of international relations have changed, to the assignment to Dnipropetrovsk the status of a conditionally closed city in August 1959, which led to the prohibition of its visit by foreigners until 1987.Research methods: historical-chronological, comparative.Main results: One of the aspects of foreign presence in the region is revealed on the example of target groups, which, as a rule, came at the invitation of public organizations, as well as certain departments. Some features of visiting the region by foreign delegations, quantitative indicators, the composition of individual groups, residence programs, service problems were identified. It was found that a certain limit in visiting foreigners to the region, as well as in the whole USSR, was 1953, when, as a result of the liberalization of the foreign policy of the Soviet leadership, the foreign presence in the region became more massive and public. Dnipropetrovsk and the surrounding areas, along with Kyiv, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhya, were one of the visiting points. The purpose of its visits was to familiarize with the Soviet reality for the formation of a certain image of the USSR, to demonstrate the "advantages" of the Soviet model, and, therefore caused a significant ideological load of programs and strict control by the party bodies. Since the mid-1950s, with the intensive development of international economic relations in the region, primarily in heavy industry, the number of delegations with production targets had been growing. The economic component of relations dominated the tourism sector, which almost did not cover the Dnipropetrovsk region, given the formation of closed industries. In conclusion, it was noted that already at the stage of late Stalinism, the city and region were a significant part of the international presentation of the USSR and Ukraine. However, the stay of foreign groups revealed significant problems in their service due to material difficulties, lack of experience and personnel, and the specifics of organizing admissions under conditions of totalitarian state.Practical significance: the article recommended for the practice of teaching and research regional and urban history.Originality: sources that were first introduced to scientific circulation were used – the Central State Archive of the Public Organizations of Ukraine, the State Archive of the Dnipropetrovsk Region (oblastʼ) and regional periodicals of the period.Scientific novelty: the issue of the presence of foreign delegations in the Dnipropetrovsk region during 1945–1959 was considered, the problem of the place of Dnipropetrovsk region, Dnipropetrovsk in the system of international relations of Ukraine of the totalitarian period was determined.Article type: explanation.
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32

Dutton, D. J. "The ambiguities of power: British foreign policy since 1945." International Affairs 72, no. 2 (April 1996): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624401.

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33

ABREU, MARCELO DE PAIVA. "Foreign Debt Policies in South America, 1929-1945." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 20, no. 3 (September 2000): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572000-1082.

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ABSTRACT This paper examines the similarities and contrasts of strategies adopted by the larger South American economies - Argentina, Brazil and Chile - in dealing with the problems raised by the fall of their export revenues coupled with the almost complete interruption of the inflow of foreign capital in the late 1920s and early 1930s. The characteristics of foreign indebtedness of these countries in the late 1920s and the ways the external shock affected their balance of payments from 1928-29 to 1933-34 are also considered. Their differentiated adjustment processes including debt adjustment schemes adopted during the 1930s and early 1940s are compared. Permanent debt settlements are described and discussed. Finally, it considers the links between growth performance of these countries and differentiated foreign debt policies.
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34

Ambrosius, LLoyd E., and Michael Wala. "Winning the Peace: Amerikanische Aussenpolitik und der Council on Foreign Relations, 1945-1950." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (June 1991): 995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162669.

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35

Diebold, William, and Michael Wala. "Winning the Peace: Amerikanische aussenpolitik und der Council on Foreign Relations, 1945-1950." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 3 (1990): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044433.

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36

Johnson, Loch K., C. Thomas Thorne Jr., David S. Patterson, and Richard M. Bissell Jr. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1945-1950: Emergence of the Intelligence Establishment." Journal of American History 84, no. 1 (June 1997): 296. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952865.

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37

Godovanyuk, K. A. "The Factor of Australia in British Foreign Policy." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S4 (September 2022): S308—S314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622100070.

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Abstract The Australian component of UK foreign policy in the context of the changing world order is outlined. It is highlighted that, in a value and ideological sense and due to the common Anglo-Saxon identity, London assigns Canberra a key role in the coalition of like-minded countries (“network of liberty”); in geostrategic terms, it perceives Australia as a platform to expand the UK influence in the Indo-Pacific. At present, the “special” partnership between the two countries is underpinned by a number of new agreements, including a “historical” trade deal aimed at strengthening economic ties and in-depth political, diplomatic, and defense cooperation, based on a new military alliance, AUKUS. At the same time, the traditional pragmatism inherent in the foreign policy of Australia, which positions itself as a reliable international actor, is being replaced by increasing military–political and economic dependence, which plays into the hands of London. Coming closer with Australia also allows Britain to present itself as the key extraregional player in the system of anti-Chinese alliances in the Indo-Pacific, with Washington and Canberra in the forefront.
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38

Jones, Kevin, and Ann Mari Jordens. "Alien to Citizen: Settling Migrants in Australia 1945-75." Labour History, no. 77 (1999): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516679.

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39

Preston, Andrew. "Religion and American foreign policy, 1945–1960: the soul of containment." Cold War History 9, no. 4 (November 2009): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682740903268529.

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40

Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.

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The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
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41

Lee-Koo, Katrina. "Pro-Gender Foreign Policy by Stealth: Navigating Global and Domestic Politics in Australian Foreign Policy Making." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 2 (March 6, 2020): 236–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz029.

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Abstract As a middle-power nation, Australia promotes its global effectiveness, in part, through the adoption of international norms. Among those that it has more recently embraced has been pro-gender norms. The inclusion—for the first time—of gender equality considerations into overarching strategic doctrines, and the development of stand-alone gender strategies demonstrates this. While this is not without its shortcomings and contradictions, it is evidence that Australia is allowing feminist design to underpin areas of its foreign policy. However, unlike other states, this is not publicly emphasized. In fact, it is as if these policies were developed by stealth. This article examines the depth of Australia's commitment to pro-gender norms in foreign policy. It argues that there is a genuine embrace of pro-gender norms, but the masculinist cultures of Australia's politics limit the capacity for it to be publicly debated and celebrated.
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42

Arapi, Arshela, and Valentina Duka. "Economic Relations between Albania and France 1945–1990." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2017): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ajis-2017-0023.

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Abstract France had trade deals with several Balkan countries, which were often carried out by private firms that exchanged mutual interest. It would be of interest that even with Albania resumed exchanges for a category of articles despite the lack of a regular convention. Their purpose was to resume the works on kerosene requirements. This brought about the improvement of the Albanian economy and meeting the needs of the France for these products, which in turn strengthened even more the economic and political relations of the two countries. With the insistence of the French side, on August 1956, a trade agreement was signed between Albania and France, where the French Government allowed the exchange of goods between the two countries as a compensation to French firms seeking to collaborate with our country. It is worth pointing out that the trade relations that Albania had with France until 1964 was generally satisfactory. Albania's export and import plans were satisfactorily fulfilled and a better basis for new successes in forecasts and plans for the future in 1965 was provided. In the official talks with the French side in mid eighties, the Albanian side proposed the establishment of a joint group within the Chambers of Commerce to look at the possibilities of France purchasing our minerals and the possibilities of Albania buying their equipment. Based on the credits opened by French firms and our foreign trade enterprises, the release of the respective goods was followed in both directions. Thus, our companies have been releasing confectionery, towels, clothespins, chairs etc. French companies have continued to release electronic equipment, clay, oil spill delta and various exchange parts. Several other economic agreements were signed between two countries which increased the level of Albanian exports towards France.
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43

Reid, Brian Holden. "The foreign policy of the British Labour governments, 1945–1951." International Affairs 61, no. 4 (1985): 697. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2617740.

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44

Smith, Gaddis, and Gabriel Kolko. "Confronting the Third World: United States Foreign Policy, 1945-1980." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 2 (1989): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043943.

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45

Turetzky, Marc David. "The Presidency and National Security: Presidential Foreign Policymaking, 1945-1999." Congress & the Presidency 27, no. 1 (March 2000): 93–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460009507778.

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46

Carter, Erin Baggott. "Diversionary cheap talk: economic conditions and US foreign policy rhetoric, 1945-2010." International Interactions 46, no. 2 (December 3, 2019): 163–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2020.1688319.

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47

Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.
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48

Moeller, Robert G. "Reviews of Books:GIs and Germans: Culture, Gender, and Foreign Relations, 1945-1949 Petra Goedde." American Historical Review 108, no. 4 (October 2003): 1233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/529932.

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49

Forestier-Peyrat, Étienne. "The Cold War Politics of Soviet Federal Structures, 1945–1965." Journal of Cold War Studies 23, no. 3 (2021): 175–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01026.

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Abstract This article shows how official discussions of federal arrangements within the USSR affected Soviet foreign policy from the 1940s through the 1960s, especially on questions of decolonization and relations with the United States and other Western countries. Connecting Soviet domestic history and international developments, the article shows how the federal structure of the USSR was used in transnational debates on composite polities, race, and nationality and also how it was debated internally. Attacks on the highly centralized nature of Soviet federal structures in international arenas and the countermeasures adopted as part of the ideological Cold War had long-term as well as short-term effects on Soviet politics and foreign policy. Within the USSR, such attacks raised questions about the ethnofederal structure of the USSR and provided comparison points for both loyalist and dissident proponents of national rights in the country.
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50

Rezaei, Alireza. "Book Review: International Relations: The Kurds and US Foreign Policy: International Relations in the Middle East since 1945." Political Studies Review 10, no. 2 (April 4, 2012): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9302.2012.00262_8.x.

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