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1
Hill, Maria Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The Australian's in Greece and Crete : a study of an intimate wartime relationship." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40076.
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Historians have largely ignored the importance of relationships in war, particularly at a grass roots level. Examining the past from a relational point of view provides a new perspective on war not accessible through other forms of analysis. A relational approach to a study of the campaigns in Greece and Crete helps to explain, amongst other issues, why so many Australian lives were saved. Australians entered Greece with little background knowledge of the country and the people they were required to defend. There was no serious consultation with the Australian government apart from the cursory briefing of its Prime Minister. Although Britain had numerous intelligence officers operating on the ground in Greece prior and during the campaign, little information about the true political situation in the country had filtered through to the Australian high command. This placed the troops in a very vulnerable position on the Greek frontier and, later, on Crete. Military interaction with the Greeks proved difficult, as key officers from the Greek General Staff and senior government ministers did not intend to fight the Germans. As a result, little coordination took place between the Australian and Greek forces hindering the development of a successful working relationship. Conversely, relations with the Greek people were very amicable with many Greeks risking their lives to help Australian troops. The altruism of the Greeks was one of the most striking features of the Greek and Crete campaigns. Unlike Egypt, where the Australians felt alienated by the values and customs of the Egyptian people, in Greece they warmed to the behaviour of the Greeks. Although they did not speak the same language nor share a similar culture, they had many characteristics in common with the Greeks whose strong sense of loyalty to their allies really impressed the Australians. On their part, the Australians displayed respect for the values and customs of the Greek people. Through their interaction during the war, the Greeks came to regard the Australians, not only as friends, but also as brothers, forging an intimate relationship that has been incorporated in the social memory of both countries.
2
Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
3
Ferranti, Richard de. "Evatt and the Manus Negotiations." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112094.
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Most histories of Australian-American relations in
the period immediately after the war mention, at least in
passing, the curious phenomenon of Australia at tempting to
bargain with the United States over the US’ rights to use a
base which the Americans themselves had built on Australian
mandated territory in the process of beating back the
Japanese from Australian shores. Manus Island, previously shrouded in obscruity, became the focus of an extended debate both in parliament and in the press over the state of Australia's relations with the USA and whether or not Dr. Evatt's 'wheeling and dealing' on the matter had contributed to a perceived deterioration in the Australian-US relationship, considered to have been so close during the war.
4
Marshall, Helen. "Australian foreign policy and Cambodia : international power, regionalism and domestic politics." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112135.
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The Hawke Labor government came to power in March 1983 committed to playing a more active
role in finding a solution to the Cambodian conflict, improving bilateral relations with Vietnam
and restoring Australian aid. This signalled a departure from the Fraser government's
minimal involvement in the issue, and reflected a closer identification of Australia's interests
with the Asia-Pacific region. As Foreign Minister, Bill Hayden, explained:
The war in Cambodia, in all its many dimensions, is the greatest unresolved source of
tension in Southeast Asia...The future of Australia lies in developing a mature and
balanced set of relationships with its neighbours in Southeast Asia. Indochina is part of that neighbourhood.
5
Hallsey, Joshua. "U.S. Foreign Policy and the Cambodian People, 1945-1993." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HallseyJ2007.pdf.
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Mead, Jonathan, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "The Australia-Indonesia security relationship." Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.
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7
Wuryandari, Ganewati. "Human rights in Australian foreign policy, with specific reference to East Timor and Papua." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0041.
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[Truncated abstract] This thesis focuses on human rights in Australia’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2004 taking East Timor and Papua as case studies. It encompasses the Paul Keating years (1991 to 1996) as well as John Howard’s three consecutive terms as Prime Minister (from 1996 to 2004). As a consequence of events unfolding in this period of time, the thesis does not consider Australian foreign policy towards East Timor beyond the 1999 referendum that resulted in the separation of East Timor from Indonesia and focuses on Papua until 2004. The primary empirical aim of this thesis is to compare and contrast the two administrations’ approaches and responses to human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua. Drawing upon a variety of theoretical concepts in human rights and foreign policy, this thesis shows that incorporating a concern for human rights in the foreign policy making process is problematic because the promotion of human rights often comes into conflict with other foreign policy objectives . . . The two case studies on human rights abuses in East Timor and Papua reflect the tensions between concepts of realism and idealism in Australian foreign policy. However, the situation of East Timor shows that public pressure is required to balance the disparity of national interest and human rights. The role of public pressure has been largely absent in debates on human rights and foreign policy. While this study focuses on East Timor and Papua as case studies, the discussion of the findings has far reaching implications for Australian foreign policy and international relations, especially concerning the scholarly debate over the place of human rights in foreign policy.
8
Carver, Michael M. "“A CORRECT AND PROGRESSIVE ROAD”: U.S.-TURKISH RELATIONS, 1945-1964." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1300992155.
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Peterson, Jody L. "Anglo-American Relations and the Problems of a Jewish State, 1945- 1948." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501226/.
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This thesis is concerned with determining the effect of the establishment of a Jewish state on Anglo-American relations and the policies of their governments. This work covers the period from the awarding of the Palestine Mandate to Great Britain, through World War II, and concentrates on the post-war events up to the foundation of the state of Israel. It uses major governmental documents, as well as those of the United Nations, the archival materials at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the memoirs of the major participants in the Palestine drama. This study concludes that, while the Palestine problem presented ample opportunities for disunity, the Anglo-American relationship suffered no permanently damaging effects.
10
Hamid, Mahmud Shakir. "US foreign policy and Germany (1933-1949)." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683058.
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Kim, Nam G. (Nam Gyun). "US-Japan Relations during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278651/.
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During the Korean War, US-Japan relations changed dramatically from the occupation status into one of a security partnership in Asia. When North Korea invaded South Korea, Washington perceived Japan as the ultimate target. Washington immediately intervened in the Korean peninsula to protect the South on behalf of Japanese security. Japanese security was the most important objective of American policy regarding the Korean War, a reality to which historians have not given legitimate attention. While fighting in Korea, Washington decided to conclude an early peace treaty with Japan to initiate Japanese rearmament. The issue of Japanese rearmament was a focal point in the Japanese peace negotiation. Washington pressed Japan to rearm rapidly, but Tokyo stubbornly opposed. Under pressure from Washington, the Japanese government established the National Police Reserve and had to expand its military forces during the war. When the Korean War ceased in July 1953, Japanese armed forces numbered about 180,000 men. The Korean War also brought a fundamental change to Japanese economic and diplomatic relations in Asia. With a trade embargo on China following the unexpected Chinese intervention in Korea, Washington wanted to forbid Sino-Japanese trade completely. In addition, Washington pressed Tokyo to recognize the Nationalist regime in Taiwan as the representative government of the whole Chinese people. Japan unsuccessfully resisted both policies. Japan wanted to maintain Sino-Japanese trade and recognize the Chinese Communists. The Korean War brought an economic boom to Japan. As a logistical and service supporter for United States war efforts in Korea, Japan received a substantial amount of military procurement orders from Washington, which supplied dollars, technology, and markets for Japan. The Korean War was an economic opportunity for Japan while it was a military opportunity for the United States. The Korean War was the beginning of a new era of American-Japanese military and economic interdependence. This study is based on both American and Japanese sources--primary and secondary.
12
Wang, Chian 1955. "The Republic of China's Foreign Policy 1949-1988: Factors Affecting Change in Foreign Policy Behavior." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277809/.
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The Republic of China (ROC) has faced severe foreign policy challenges since its relocation from mainland China to Taiwan, and it has had to modify its position several times as its environment has changed. Its foreign policy since 1949 has gone through three distinct phases of development. A series of diplomatic adversities befell the ROC following its defeat in the United Nations in 1971, which presented the nation with an unprecedented challenge to its survival. These calamitous events for the ROC presented it with a frightening identity crisis: it was isolated in the international community and had become a "pariah" state. This case study examines and analyzes the various changes in the ROC's foreign policy behavior and attempts to determine what has influenced or induced changes in its foreign policy.
13
Tully, John Day. "Identities and distortions: Irish Americans, Ireland, and the United States, 1932-1945." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1095347712.
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Akbaba, Turgay. "FROM NEUTRALITY TO ACTIVE ALLIANCE: TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY, 1945-1952." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/282183.
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HistoryM.A.
Basing its foreign policy on the Wilsonian internationalism, the new Turkish Republic established good relations with countries around the world. It signed neutrality and friendship treaties, and pursued a neutral foreign policy. However, at the end of World War II, it abandoned its longtime neutral foreign policy and aimed to establish closer ties with the American-led West. This thesis examines how and why Turkey shifted its foreign policy from neutrality to active alliance. In the first half of the thesis, I closely deal with what role international developments played in that shift. First, I focus on how Josef Stalin's efforts to obtain bases and joint-control with Turkey over the Turkish Straits created a threat to Turkey's national security. Then, I explore how this threat forced Turkey to leave its neutral foreign policy and seek closer ties with the U.S. In the second half of the thesis, I examine how Turkey's search for economic aid and military commitment accelerated and intensified the shift from neutrality to active alliance. First, I focus on how Turkish officials aggressively sought economic assistance from the U.S. and how U.S. officials became resistant to the Turkish requests for additional aid beginning with the second half of 1947. Considering that Turkey was less vulnerable to the Soviet threat, U.S. officials judged that Turkey did not need aid as much as Western Europe did. In order to overcome the resistance, Turkish officials exaggerated the Soviet threat and used the problem of high defense spending. Then, I explore how Turkish officials sought a military commitment from the U.S. A U.S. military commitment could alleviate the problem of high defense spending and facilitate the flow of economic aid from the U.S. Therefore, Turkish officials carried on a diplomatic offensive to secure a military commitment from the U.S. In doing so, they distanced themselves from neutrality and became an institutional ally of the U.S. in 1952.
Temple University--Theses
15
Baughen, G. A. K. "The place of New Zealand as a security partner for Australia." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112132.
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Until recent years it was common for commentators on either side of the Tasman to
speak of the congruence of the security outlooks of Australia and New Zealand.
This view was founded not just on geostrategic considerations, or on the formal
alliance dating from 1944, but on a range of perceived similarities between the two
countries, historical, ethnic, cultural, economic, political. It was cemented by a
tradition of intimate military co-operation, and the associated Anzac mythology.
Nevertheless, Australia and New Zealand have never had identical security outlooks,
as has lately become better appreciated. The catalyst has been the policy of the
Lange and Palmer Governments in New Zealand towards nuclear defence, and
specifically towards visits of nuclear armed or powered ships and aircraft in New
Zealand. However, this is only the clearest expression of the dissimilarities between
Australia and New Zealand which have existed as a counterpoint to the trans-
Tasman security relationship. The relationship endures, but its shape is changing as
the two nations develop in sometimes divergent directions.
16
Dai, Ke. "Theoretical analysis of US's foreign aid." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595544.
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Gwozdziowski, Joanna Monica. "Soviet doctrine justifying military intervention from 1945 to 1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:90e7a6c9-6f60-4e9f-8e75-2df68a018e03.
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This thesis is about the Soviet doctrine used to justify or threaten military intervention since 1945. This interventionist doctrine achieved greater currency in 1968 in the form of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". This doctrine, generally associated with the 1968 Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, stipulated that Moscow reserved the right to intervene militarily or otherwise if developments in any given socialist country inflicted damage on socialism within that country or the basic interests of other socialist states. The ideological justification for the Soviet invasion was assumed by many observers to have been a quickly engineered reaction to the crisis, rather than a long-standing doctrine. This thesis suggests, however, that the "Brezhnev Doctrine" was not an original formula, but a newer version of a previous doctrine. The thesis traces the origins of the "Brezhnev Doctrine". It examines four crises in Soviet-East European relations for evidence of the doctrine. The thesis looks at how the effectiveness of the doctrine as a tool of Soviet foreign policy began to decline in the mid-1970s. While the doctrine appeared to be extended to the Third World - Afghanistan 1979 - and was "self-administered" by an East European country - Poland 1981 - it proved far less successful than in the past in suppressing opposition. Finally, the thesis examines the demise of the doctrine under Mikhail Gorbachev. The conclusions drawn by this thesis are: that the Soviet interventionist doctrine was not a new phenomenon; that it contained political, ideological, and military components; and, that it served a number of functions within the socialist community.
18
Lomas, Donna Louise. "Canada’s evolution towards dominion status : an analysis of American-Canadian relations, 1919-1924." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25458.
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The purpose of this study has been to address an imbalance existing in the historiography relating to American-Canadian relations in the period between 1919-1924. Relying primarily on American sources, this study has attempted to argue that the Canadian government had a unique opportunity to inititiate and execute an independent foreign policy by exploiting her position within the British Empire as well as her close relationship with the United States. In contrast to a number of Canadian studies which have argued that the United States impeded Canada's diplomatic growth in the post World War I period, this work maintains that the United States tried to encourage Canada to assume a more autonomous position because it was in America's interest to do so. Canada's similar attitudes with the United States towards the questions of the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Asian immigration and Article Ten in the League of Nations' Covenant convinced the United States that the Canadian government was potentially useful to the American government in helping to protect its international interests in institutions where it was not represented. The evidence presented in this study maintains that it was the Canadian and British governments that were reluctant to carry out the final steps of appointing a separate Canadian representative to Washington in the early 1920s. As a result, Canada lost her opportunity to establish an independent
policy because the United States found alternative methods of protecting its international interests.Arts, Faculty of
History, Department of
Graduate
19
Law, Yuk Fun. "Revolution or rediscovery? : Post-World War Two American foreign policy at a crossroad." HKBU Institutional Repository, 1994. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/41.
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Marandas, Susan M. "American foreign policy : the utility of force as an influence, bargaining, or coercive force in the Caribbean Basin." PDXScholar, 1987. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3722.
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Throughout history states have pursued both cooperative and power-oriented strategies. Moralists and realists have long questioned the appropriateness of using force to gain state objectives. Recent analysts have stressed that states have a moral duty to manage international uncertainty in the best interests of their citizens. While this might involve utilizing both power-seeking and order-seeking strategies, it has been suggested that pursuing order-seeking strategies could help alleviate international uncertainty.
An historical survey, as well as recent case studies in Grenada and Nicaragua, indicate that the United States often has relied upon military strategies in the Caribbean Basin. The United States has employed a variety of techniques including "shows-of-force," threats, coercive diplomacy, intervention, and covert activities. These policies appear to have been based upon the assumption that military policies can be carefully calculated to alter the behavior of another state. Due to classified information, sensitive information is often restricted regarding this topic. However, available information indicates that American foreign policy regarding the use of force in the Caribbean Basin has not been useful.
While such policies may appear to have been successful in the short run, the same policies often have brought negative repercussions in the long run. Not only has the United States been regarded unfavorably, but it has been portrayed as a nation which only observes international law when it is convenient to do so. Further, international uncertainty has often been exacerbated by U.S. actions. Also, it is not clear that such military strategies always have been carefully designed~ and even if they were, such policies would not be completely predictable. The United States needs to design new foreign policy strategies, relying less upon military force.
21
Lindner, Jörg. "Den svenska Tysklands-hjälpen 1945-1954." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Historiska studier, 1988. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-65859.
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Swedish postwar aid to Germany from 1945 to 1954 is described and analyzed, especially as an expression of Swedish attitudes developed over a long period of societal evolution. As early as 1943/44 both Swedish voluntary agencies and the Swedish government began to plan program of postwar aid to Germany. Older and more recent attitudes to Germany, the views of Germans living in exile in Sweden and the intentions of the Western allies toward a conquered Germany were central in determining the nature and scope of Swedish aid. Programs incorporated the values of traditional Christian charity, secularized philanthropy and applied methods developed for emergency aid abroad and for social assistance at home. The new concept of the welfare state, strong in Sweden at the time, led to aid also being aimed toward long-term socio-political goals. Children, young people, mothers, refugees, displaced persons and what was regarded as the German elite were the main recipients of various aid efforts. In the atmosphere of the Cold War, aid came to be increasingly directed to West Germany. Postwar aid, with Germany as the main non-Scandinavian recipient, was Sweden's first experience as a long-term aid donor. While the efforts of voluntary agencies were concentrated abroad, the Swedish welfare state developed rapidly at home, leaving no room for privately sponsored social work. Even after 1950/54, therefore, the work of Swedish voluntary agencies was directed at needs abroad, mainly to so-called undeveloped countries outside Europe. The premises underlying such aid and its contents were largely the same as for postwar aid to Germany.digitalisering@umu
22
Sewell, William Shaw. "Japanese imperialism and civic construction in Manchuria, Changchun, 1905--1945." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ48709.pdf.
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Cheek, Marc Randall. "At the Core of the Cold War: Soviet Foreign Policy and the German Question 1945-1990." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625680.
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Auton, Luke Thomas Humanities & Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "'A sort of middle of the road policy' : forward defence, alliance politics and the Australian Nuclear Weapons Option, 1953-1973." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. Humanities & Social Sciences, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40319.
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This thesis is about the importance of nuclear weapons to Australian defence and strategic policy in Southeast Asia between 1953 and 1973. It argues that Australia's approach to nuclear issues during this period, and its attitude towards the development and acquisition of nuclear weapons in particular, was aimed exclusively at achieving narrowly defined political objectives. Australia was thus never interested in possessing nuclear weapons, and any moves seemingly taken along these lines were calculated to obtain political concessions - not as part of a 'bid' for their acquirement. This viewpoint sits at odds with the consensus position of several focused studies of Australian nuclear policy published in the past decade. Although in general these studies correctly argue that Australia maintained the 'nuclear weapons option' until the early 1970s, all have misrepresented the motivation for this by contending that the government viewed such weapons in exclusively military terms. The claim that Australia was interested only in the military aspect of nuclear weapons does not pay due attention to the fact that defence planning was based entirely on the provision of conventional forces to Southeast Asia. Accordingly, the military was interested first and foremost with issues arising from extant conventional planning concepts, and the government was chiefly concerned about obtaining allied assurances of support for established plans. The most pressing requirement for Australia therefore was gaining sway over allied countries. However, the Australian government was never in a position to overtly influence more powerful allies against an undertaking that could escalate into limited war, and was similarly incapable of inducing its allies to retain forces in the region in spite of competing pressures. It was for this reason that Australia would seek to manipulate the nuclear weapons option. Indeed, access to such weapons offered Australia the opportunity to achieve greater integration in formulating allied planning, while the threat to manufacture them provided a means of convincing regional partners to maintain a presence in the area. The thesis therefore concludes that Australia carefully presented its options for procuring nuclear weapons to gain influence over its allies in response to strategic developments in Southeast Asia.
25
Martill, Benjamin. "Cold War at the centre : liberalism and the politics of Euratlantic strategy, 1945-1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:59dc5f4a-5a58-4b0e-8690-9f99595e5200.
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Patterns of domestic political contestation in international affairs often see the centre aligned against both the left and the right of the ideological spectrum. This is observable in a range of issues, from democracy promotion, intervention, international law, European integration, free trade, globalization and the creation of international regimes. Why centre-periphery ideological competition occurs is an interesting puzzle, given the challenge it offers to the idea that partisanship is an inherently left-right phenomenon. Yet the role of the political centre in foreign policy has not been subjected to systematic analysis. This thesis studies the nature and effects of the foreign policy position of the political centre. It argues that the centre is distinguished from left and right by its embrace of distinct elements of liberal ideology. The liberal view of international politics differs in thee important respects from its socialist and conservative competitors: It is particular, rather than pluralist, when it comes to questions of sovereignty and international legitimacy; it views interdependence, rather than independence, as a natural and desirable condition of the international; and it views deterrence, rather than diplomacy, as the best means of achieving security. To test the validity of this thesis I discuss the role of ideology in explaining variation in relations between four Euratlantic states (Britain, France, West Germany and Canada) and the United States during the Cold War. This is a hard case given the intensity of global threat at the time. The thesis tests the claim that the strength of Euratlantic-American relations is a function of the relative influence of the political centre at the time. To do this it outlines a mixed-methods research design that combines in-depth case studies with a quantitative analysis of Euratlantic-US relations. The results from both elements confirm the validity of the theoretical proposition.
26
Merdad, Jamil M. (Jamil Mahmoud). "Saudi-American Bilateral Relations: a Case Study of the Consequences of Interdependence on International Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331198/.
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This study examines the consequences of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 as it relates to the concepts of cooperation and conflict. Research on interdependence focuses primarily on relations among Western countries and on whether interdependence is increasing or decreasing between them. It has rarely addressed relations between countries with different levels of economic development or the consequence of interdependence for international relations in terms of conflict and cooperation. Specifically, this study examines the following question: Does the level of interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States have any affect on the level of bilateral conflict and cooperation between the two countries? The hypotheses are tested using regression analysis. The primary conclusion is that increases in bilateral interdependence between Saudi Arabia and the United States from 1960 to 1978 produced increased cooperation as well as conflict.
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Kadura, Johannes Felix Peter. "US policy towards Indochina, 1973-6." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265532.
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The topic of my doctoral dissertation is Washington's Indochina policy from 1973-6. My thesis seeks to shed new light on the period and aims to clarify the central points that have been raised in the surrounding academic controversy. In the study it is argued that neither the so-called "decent interval" nor the "permanent war" theory adequately captures Nixon and Kissinger's post-Paris Agreement strategy. Moreover, my study attempts to highlight both the accuracy and shortcomings of Nixon and Kissinger' s own accounts. In so doing, it aims to offer a new interpretation of Nixon, Kissinger, and later Ford's Indochina policy that centers on the concept of an "insurance policy." In my disse1tation it is argued that the protagonists followed a twofold strategy of making a major effort to uphold South Vietnam while at the same time maintaining a fallback strategy of downplaying the overall significance of Vietnam, stressing good relations with the Soviets' and Chinese, and creating an image of touglmess to counterbalance possible defeat in Indochina. In addition to telling the story of the "war after the war" in Vietnam, my dissertation places Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's Indochina policy in the broader Cold War context of the 1970s. Contrary to previous analyses, it is argued in the study that the three men's concern with great power relations and American credibility does not seem to have led to a simplistic understanding of the situation in Indochina. Moreover, the link between domestic and foreign policy constitutes a central element of my analysis. While it is concluded that Nixon and Kissinger rightly considered the Watergate scandal as the detennining factor for the actual passage of the long-sought congressional funding cuts for Indochina, it is also argued that Watergate was a self-inflicted mistake rather than a tragedy. More generally speaking, it is maintained that domestic political considerations were important on Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's side, but did not oveITide the protagonists' foreign policy concerns. Finally, my doctoral dissertation provides a reevaluation of Ford that stresses the president's agent role in implementing a hawkish Indochina policy. In sum, my analysis of Washington's Indochina policy highlights Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's concern with flexibility and their attempt to respond to the challenges of the turbulent 1970s with a coherent, adaptable realpolitik.
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Zhang, Qing. "Management of construction international joint ventures between Australia and Asia." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2000. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36103/1/36103_Zhang_2000.pdf.
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In recent years, many of South East Asian countries have experienced high
levels of economic growth. Coupled with their sheer population, this has led to
a huge demand for the improvement of infrastructure. The construction
market is growing rapidly in these countries, with governments encouraging
multinational companies to set up joint ventures with the local companies to
bring in advanced construction technology. International Joint Venture (IJV)
as a unique formation of project structure has become one of the most widely
used methods for multinational construction companies to enter into the Asian
market.
Australia is building closer relationships with Asian countries and is playing an
active role in the economy development of Asia Pacific region. Australian
contractors are also trying to gain a foothold in the international construction
market. They have the geographical advantage over their US or European
competitors to target the Asian market. Despite all this, the Australian
construction industry has been slow in accessing the Asian market, and has
experienced many difficulties.
As a result of the increasing interest in joint ventures in the business
environment and the high failure rate of the IJV, the study of IJV is gaining
increasing popularity among researchers. Most of the research has focused
on the motivations to joint venture. For example, past studies have
investigated joint ventures as means of coping with resource limitations and
uncertainty, reduction of risk and/or uncertainty, and expediting entry into a
new geographic or technological market. Another focus of joint venture research has been on joint venture performance and control. However, little
literature is available on how to manage the IJV between Australia and Asian
countries. As more and more Australian companies are forming joint ventures
in Asian developing countries, it is important to investigate the performance of
these joint ventures.
This research project aims at the Australian IJV in Asia. After the analysis of
existing joint venture problems, four areas of joint venture management - joint
venture formation, joint venture partnership and negotiation, joint venture
organisational management and joint venture project management have been
identified as the research concentration. Industry interviews and a
questionnaire survey has been used to collect data. Research findings are
further developed into a theoretical model for Australian IJV management.
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Çakir, Önder. "Turkish foreign policy in the post-Cold War era." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5499/.
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This research explores the external and internal factors and their roles in shaping Turkish foreign policy, which has witnessed many changes in the post-Cold War era. External factors are explained by referring to structural systemic dynamics, while internal factors are conceptualised within the scope of agency. Analysis is conducted on three levels. At the ‘systemic level’, the effects of changes created by the international system are discussed based on the Neorealist view of the international system. To avoid the pitfalls of Neorealism, which ignores domestic and individual factors, the focus of the study is shifted to the main agential factors in the domestic sphere of foreign policy-making at ‘state level’. On the third platform of analysis, the ‘individual level’, ideational factors of key figures are integrated into foreign policy analysis. It is argued that systemic effects were influential on Turkish foreign policy in the first period (1990-2002), while agential factors were weak and incapable of responding enough to pressures generated by changes in the international system. In the second period (2002-2010), however, the role of the system in shaping Turkey's foreign policy lessened, while the stronger and coherent governmental agency started to be a rising factor in shaping foreign policy.
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Fedorov, Alexei A. "The Yugoslav factor in Soviet Foreign Policy : Tito, Stalin, Khrushchev and Soviet-Yugoslav Relations 1945-1957." Thesis, University of Derby, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.506686.
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Attard, Bernard. "The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.
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The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.
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Hachem, Daniel R. (Daniel Raymond). "A Study on U.S. Japanese Foreign Trade." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278155/.
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This research presents an in depth discussion and analysis on U.S. Japanese foreign trade. It is divided into two parts. The first hypothesis states that the appreciation of the dollar in the early eighties is positively correlated with the U.S. trade deficit, especially with Japan. The second hypothesis states that Friedrich Von Hayek's Theory of Social Order applies to the development of capitalism in that country. This can also be divided into two parts, a) this generation of Japanese consumes, saves, and invests differently than previous generations, and b) Japanese consumption and investment patterns follow U.S. consumption and investment patterns with a lag.
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Fatton, Lionel P. "Explaining unilateralism in foreign security policy : the case of Japan’s withdrawal from the Washington System, 1922-1936." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0044.
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Cette thèse analyse les raisons qui ont poussé le Japon à se retirer en 1936 du système de contrôle des armements navals établis en 1922. La littérature sur le sujet est particulièrement pauvre pour ce qui est de la science politique et ne parvient pas à systématiser les différentes variables afin de mieux comprendre l’extrême complexité du processus de décision japonais. Appréhender ce processus permet d'aborder une problématique plus générale, qui est de comprendre pourquoi les états mettent fin à des relations de nature coopérative, préférant poursuivre une politique de sécurité unilatérale malgré les coûts que cela peut engendrer. Le modèle théorique de cette thèse propose l’hypothèse suivante: certains changements dans le système international affectent l'influence relative des différentes institutions domestiques prenant part à la formulation des politiques étrangères. En cas de tensions internationales, l'expertise des forces armées prend de l’importance pour la formulation des politiques étrangères. Dans un tel scénario, il est probable que le pays se retire de l'accord de contrôle des armements si ses forces armées s’opposent au maintien de cet accord. Les forces armées désavouent l'accord si ce dernier est intrusif dans des domaines relevant de l'expertise de l’institution militaire au point de menacer sa capacité à répondre à une nouvelle menace extérieure. Le degré d'influence des forces armées et l'intensité du conflit entre militaires et civils pour ce qui concerne la politique de défense nationale constituent les deux variables qui déterminent la propension d'un état à privilégier une approche unilatérale de sa politique étrangère en matière de sécuritéThis thesis aims at assessing the causes of Japan's decision to withdraw in 1936 from the so-called Washington system of naval arms control. The existing literature is weak in the field of political science and fails to efficiently systematize the different variables to understand the highly complex Japanese decision-making process. To better understand this process helps in addressing a more general question: Why do states choose to pursue an independent and unilateral foreign security policy instead of a cooperative approach, despite the cost a withdrawal may engender? This thesis' theoretical framework is based on the academic literature on civil-military relations, and proposes the following hypothesis: Changes in the international system affect the relative influence different domestic institutions have on the formulation of foreign policy. In case of emerging international tensions, the military’s expertise acquires new importance for the formulation of foreign policy. In such a scenario, the arms control agreement does not survive if the military establishment advocates against the maintenance of the agreement. The military establishment opposes the agreement if it is so intrusive into its traditional sphere of responsibility that it negatively affects its ability to deal with a worsening security environment. The level of influence the military establishment possesses over the formulation of foreign security policy and the intensity of conflict in civil-military relations are the two variables of the thesis, which account for a state's propensity to privilege a unilateral approach to its foreign security policy
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Perry, Jamie Kenneth John. "Chatham House, the United Nations Association and the politics of foreign policy, c.1945-1975." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6097/.
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This thesis details the purchase of liberal internationalism on elite and public opinion between 1945 and 1975 by examining two of its bastions, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, better known as Chatham House, and the United Nations Association, the successor organisation to the League of Nations Union. It reveals how liberal internationalism survived the collapse of the League of Nations and the Second World War by exploring the relationships Chatham House and UNA had with the public, media, Whitehall and the main political parties. Chatham House and UNA had a significant impact upon these groups, acting as democratising agents in foreign policy by extending debate over international affairs beyond Whitehall. Nonetheless, although elite and popular liberal internationalism survived past 1945, it struggled to do so and in order to fully appreciate how, it is necessary to simultaneously assess the confines they and their fellow NGOs worked within. Chatham House and UNA’s impact upon the politics of foreign policy must also be understood in connection with the formal and informal political structures that restricted their attempts to democratise foreign policy; structures that promoted the illusory bifurcation of domestic and international affairs.
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Christie, Ross. "'Britain's crisis of confidence' : how Whitehall planned Britain's retreat from the extra-European world, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2018.
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This thesis attempts to give an account of how Whitehall planned Britain's withdrawal from extra-European commitments in the years 1959-1968, demonstrating that foreign policy development was essentially a cross-departmental process, involving a synthesis of views articulated by the Treasury, Board of Trade, Ministry of Defence, Colonial Office, Commonwealth Relations Office, as well as the Foreign Office. More specifically, the thesis is concerned with the direct effects of the interplay of different departmental policies on British retrenchment from Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East. Most accounts of how ministers and officials approached the subject of withdrawal from international commitments lack any substantive analysis of documentary evidence, a fact attributable to the 'thirty-year rule'. Many academic works also contain a reference to 'delusions of grandeur' as the main explanation as to why Whitehall guided a tentative course in extracting Britain from its remaining overseas obligations. By examining Whitehall's attempts to review future policy, usually on an inter-departmental basis, this thesis questions the commonly held assumption that an outdated imperial sentiment permeated the political establishment until economic reality, namely the devaluation of sterling in November 1967, forced Britain to confront the fragility of its position. Developing and expanding upon previous scholarship, this thesis makes a contribution to historical knowledge by providing the first sustained and unified study of how the highest echelons of Whitehall framed Britain's long-term strategic aims in the late 1950s and 1960s. This thesis is a contribution to administrative, diplomatic and military history, and provokes a number of questions. To what extent, for example, did economic considerations inform the decisions of leading policy-makers? Did a misjudgment over the strength of British 'power' lead to the pursuit of inappropriate foreign policy objectives? How was foreign policy affected by defence policy? What influence did the Treasury exert over high foreign policy? Did the influence of civil servants vary according to policy issues and the personalities involved? In what ways did the views of the departments responsible for economic matters differ from those in charge of defence policy on the priority attached to military expenditure? To what extent did the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence disagree on matters regarding Britain's overseas commitments and possessions? In answering such questions, this thesis casts new light on how Whitehall, between 1959 and 1968, reduced the scope of Britain's international commitments, redirecting the central thrust of British foreign policy away from extra-European commitments towards Europe.
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Kong, Wei 1968. "U. S. China Policy During the Cold War Era (1948-1989)." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277993/.
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Horni, Hanna í. "British and U.S. post-neutrality policy in the North Atlantic area 09.04.1940-1945 : the role of Danish representatives." Thesis, Swansea University, 2010. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42732.
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Following the German occupation of Denmark on April 9th 1940 Danish representatives were left to their own devices and their positions in their respective host-countries became very much dependent upon the goodwill shown to them by their host-governments and, in the case of the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Greenland, the governments and officials of the occupying forces. With their connections with the Government in Copenhagen severed the main task of the Danish representatives was to secure Danish interests in the North Atlantic Territories as well as elsewhere. The fact that Denmark had not put up a fight to defend her neutrality and the subsequent collaboration of the Danish Government with the German occupiers counted against the Danish representatives abroad. However, the Danes were able to exercise a remarkable level of influence on the British and Americans with regard to their policies towards the North Atlantic Area. The extent of influence was mainly due to the entrepreneurship of each individual, the constitutional status of the territory as part of the Kingdom of Denmark, and also due to strategic importance attached by the occupying forces' governments to the occupied territories in question. This latter point became especially apparent in the power struggle amongst the Danish representatives that emerged from the lack of a Danish Government in exile. It became important to the British and the Americans that it was the Danish representative in their country, who emerged as the victor of this power struggle, because that would help to secure their future interests in the North Atlantic territories. The Danish representatives were thus in some cases shown more goodwill and attention than their Norwegian colleagues, although the Norwegians had put up a brave fight against the Germans and had joined the allied side. The North Atlantic area proved very important to the general war policy of the British and Americans during Second World War. British policies were much dependent upon the Americans and Greenland and Iceland became instrumental in the increased involvement of the Americans in the war.
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Imamoto, Shizuka. "Racial Equality Bill Japanese proposal at Paris Peace Conference : diplomatic manoeuvres and reasons for rejection /." Electronic version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/699.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University.Thesis (MA (Hons))--Macquarie University (Division of Humanities, Dept. of Asian Languages), 2006.
Bibliography: leaves 137-160.
Introduction -- Anglo-Japanese relations and World War One -- Fear of Japan in Australia -- William Morris Hughes -- Japan's proposal and diplomacy at Paris -- Reasons for rejection : a discussion -- Conclusion.
Japan as an ally of Britain, since the signing of Anglo-Japanese Alliance in 1902, entered World War One at British request. During the Great War Japan fought Germany in Asia and afforded protection to Australia. After the conclusion of the War, a peace conference was held at Paris in 1919. As a victorious ally and as one of the Five Great Powers of the day, Japan participated at the Paris Peace Conference, and proposed racial equality to be enshrined in the Covenant of the League of Nations. This Racial Equality Bill, despite the tireless efforts of the Japanese delegates who engaged the representatives of other countries in intense diplomatic negotiations, was rejected. The rejection, a debatable issue ever since, has inspired many explanations including the theory that it was a deliberate Japanese ploy to achieve other goals in the agenda. This thesis has researched the reasons for rejection and contends that the rejection was not due to any one particular reason. Four key factors: a) resolute opposition from Australian Prime Minister Hughes determined to protect White Australia Policy, b) lack of British support, c) lack of US support, and d) lack of support from the British dominions of New Zealand, Canada and South Africa; converged to defeat the Japanese proposal. Japanese inexperience in international diplomacy evident from strategic and tactical mistakes, their weak presentations and communications, and enormous delays in negotiations, at Paris, undermined Japan's position at the conference, but the reasons for rejection of the racial equality proposal were extrinsic.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xii, 188 leaves
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Baba, Gurol. "The wavy cross : Australia, Turkey and the US 1945-1975." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150120.
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Tothill, F. D. "South African-Australian diplomatic relations 1945-1961." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/16217.
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This is the first study of official relations between South Africa and Australia as
conducted through resident High Commissions or Embassies. It reaches the conclusion
that, though neither country loomed large on the other's scale of priorities, the relationship
was at the outset perceived to be of greater value to Australia than to South Africa.
It was initiated by the Australian government in 1945 as was the airlink which
connected the two countries in 1952. Then flown by propeller-driven aircraft, the air
route led to the expansion of Australian territory when the United Kingdom transferred
to Australia sovereignty over the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in the Indian Ocean, eight
hours flying time from Perth and an essential refuelling stop en route to Southern Afnca.
The first Australian High Commissioner, Sir George Knowles, arrived in South
Africa in August 1946. The Smuts government did not attach much value to the relationship.
Pleading shortage of staff, and to the embarrassment of the Australian government,
it had not reciprocated with its own appointment by the time of its fall in May
1948. On assuming office the following month the new Prime Minister, Dr Malan
responded positively to an Australian reminder about the lack of a South African High
Commissioner. Dr P.R. Viljoen was appointed to the position and arrived in Canberra
in June 1949. The relationship lacked substance and for relatively lengthy periods in
the 1950s the High Commissioner's post was left vacant on both sides.
The Australian government had proposed the establishment of relations on
grounds inter alia that members of the British Commonwealth should be informed
about each other's attitudes, policies and problems in the work of the United Nations.
Yet it was the United Nations, particularly its composition, which subjected the relationship
to its greatest strains.
In focusing on the role and functions of individual diplomats the study throws
light on what the profession or occupation of diplomacy encompassed at the time. Also
canvassed is the development of the South African and Australian Departments of
External Affairs from their beginnings to the early 1960s.D. Litt et Phil. (History)
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Henry, Adam. "Manufacturing Australian foreign policy 1950 - 1966." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150822.
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The transition from the liberal foreign policy approach of the Chifley Labor Government to the more strident anti-communism of the conservative Menzies Government after 1949 is a significant event in 20th Century Australian history. During the period 1950-1966 the Menzies Government faced a range of challenges such as relations with the USA, responses to the USSR and China and the question of Indonesia and decolonisation in post-war Southeast Asia. In response the Menzies Government developed new foreign policies, encouraged a particular style of diplomacy and helped to establish a new Cold War attitude towards Australian international affairs. In the 1950s, the Cold War, the United Nations (UN) and the establishment of new overseas diplomatic missions (particularly in Asia) placed growing administrative and bureaucratic demands on the machinery of Australian diplomacy. From the mid 1950s the Department of External Affairs (DEA) was restructured in order to meet such demands. This process allowed the Department to establish what were considered to be the defining characteristics and attitudes of a new professional Australian diplomacy. The selection and training of new diplomatic recruits is one such area in which this occurred. This period saw growing interest from politicians, diplomats and academics for developing new types of foreign policy analysis about communism in South East Asia, or the Cold War in general. While some networks between politics, bureaucracy and academia linked to foreign policy analysis had existed in the 1930s and 1940s, from the 1950s new and more powerful relationships were being established. Various academics, many from the Australian Institute of International Affairs (AlIA) and the Australian National University (ANU) forged close and ongoing contacts with the DEA. The relationships between small groups of key individuals and institutions ultimately wielded significant influence on issues such as the Cold War and Australian foreign policy debates. By the 1960s this small foreign policy network had built a vital relationship with the Ford Foundation of New York. This relationship certainly helped to define dominant attitudes towards Australian foreign policy debates. The ANU, AIIA, DEA and Ford Foundation network established a style of foreign policy analysis that was openly (or at least cautiously) sympathetic to the policies of Canberra and Washington often accepting the official justifications at face value.
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Lee, David. "From fear of depression to fear of war: a reinterpretation of the political issues involved in the transition from the Chifley government to the Menzies government, 1945-1952." Phd thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112060.
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In this thesis I attempt to trace the most important differences between the Chifley and
Menzies governments Without disagreeing with the view that the two governments
agreed on many things, such as the need for a large immigration programme,
Keynesian economic ideas, and the welfare state, I argue that there was a fundamental
difference between the two governments: their attitudes and policies to the threats of
depression and war. A Labor government afraid of depression but relatively confident
that another war would not break out, gave way to a Liberal-Country party
government which feared the outbreak of war but not a depression.
The Labor government hoped to protect Australia from depression by
participating in the new economic world order being built by the United States after
the second world war. However it tried to mould the American multilateral system into
one which would guarantee full employment throughout the world. America’s idea of
free trade defeated Australia's idea of full employment in the making of the new
economic world order. But multilateralism foundered because of the dollar shortage in
the world outside the United States. The United States wanted to dismantle the sterling
area and to incorporate it immediately into the multilateral world order. However the
United Kingdom found that she could not adopt multilateralism without massive
foreign aid from the United States. Instead of embracing multilateralism, the United
Kingdom resolved to shore up the sterling area, until some means of overcoming the
dollar shortage could be found. The Australian Labor government resolved to
cooperate with the United Kingdom in consolidating the sterling area as a
discriminatory economic bloc. Chifley made a deliberate decision to stick with the
United Kingdom rather than to seek a stronger economic relationship with the United
States.
The opposition Liberal and Country parties chafed at the restrictions and rationing caused by the Labor government’s pro-sterling area economic policies. They defeated the Labor government in 1949 by campaigning against its policy on the
sterling-dollar problem, its domestic economic policy, its handling of the coal strike,
and bank nationalisation. The issue of socialism was largely rhetorical.The
fundamental difference between the two governments was not about the degree of
government ownership of industry and banking. The Menzies’ government’s major
new initiative was to make serious defence preparations against the danger of war. It
abandoned Labor's internationalist foreign policy and regional defence policy and
substituted for them a policy of making Australia a partner in the western anticommunist
alliance being formed against the Soviet Union and the emergent
communist China.
Menzies expanded defence spending along with public and private investment in
a policy of ‘national development’. This was in stark contrast to Chifley’s fiscally
cautious anti-depression economic policy. It involved running a huge import surplus at
a time when the sterling-dollar problem was still serious and when Australia was
vulnerable to an economic downturn. Fortunately for Menzies, American
rearmament, the Korean war wool boom, and a dollar loan .from the United States
temporarily solved the dollar problem for Australia and the sterling area. Menzies
succeeded in being able to have both increased defence expenditure and increased
civilian investment. Moreover the Menzies government decided that Australia could
not be developed at the rate it wanted simply with British and Australian capital. Its
policy was that Australia had to forge a new political and economic relationship with
the United States. The Liberal-Country party government hoped that this policy would
free up the economy, enable Australia to borrow from America, increase the flow of
American capital into Australia, and allow the government to abolish the controls and
restrictions associated with Labor’s policy of protecting the sterling area.
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Kawaja, Marie. "The politics and diplomacy of the Australian Antarctic." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150707.
Full textAbstract:
During the first half of the twentieth century, Antarctica evolved from a heroic destination for the adventurous scientist/explorer into an imperial 'question' and finally into an international 'problem'. It is this period before the Cold War and the negotiation of the Antarctic Treaty that is the focus of this thesis. The study commences at Federation and concludes in 1945 and examines the political and diplomatic events that led to the creation of the Australian Antarctic Territory in 1933, and the consequences ofAustralia becoming Antarctica's major claimant state.
In examining a question of Australian foreign policy in the early twentieth century, the thesis focuses on what Carl Bridge and Bernard Attard describe as that 'older pre-1945' Australia that 'cries out to be studied and understood'. A study of Australia's involvement with the Empire's Antarctic policy offers a unique opportunity to assess the Anglo-Australian relationship on a matter relating to diplomacy rather than the much-examined relationship associated with war or peace processes. Accordingly, this thesis investigates the policy advisory role of the Department of External Affairs to determine to what extent the Department considered Australia's national interests within the wider concerns of Empire. Since Stanley Melbourne Bruce was both Prime Minister and External Affairs Minister during the crucial years of policy determination (1926-29), the thesis considers how he balanced Australian goals and aspirations against those of the Empire, particularly if competing priorities were identified. Because Antarctic exploration has been closely associated with science, this study also assesses the influence ofthe Australian scientific community on the Australian government's Antarctic policy, particularly of the Australian National Research Council (ANRC), which included Douglas Mawson. The thesis additionally explores the extent of Australian press scrutiny and considers its impact on Australian policy.
The changing balance of British imperial relations after the Great War was the crucial context within which Australian Antarctic policies evolved. Demands by the dominions for a voice in the making of the Empire's foreign policies ultimately led to the enactment of the Statute of Westminster in 1931. Australia did not adopt the Statute until 1942, preferring instead to conduct its foreign policy within the established imperial framework. The annexation of what became the Australian Antarctic Territory, however, did not have its origins as an Australian foreign policy matter. It was an imperial policy formulated at the 1926 Imperial Conference and affirmed at subsequent Imperial Conferences. Australia believed at the time that the would be implemented as an imperial venture, in collaboration with the relevant dominions. Notable studies of British Antarctic policy have not credited the dominions with any real contribution in the making of the Empire's Antarctic policy, and have seen them as little more than appendages to the imperial power. However, historical documents in Canberra reveal Australia was significantly involved in shaping and implementing the Empire's Antarctic policy, The view that Australia was a passive witness to imperial Antarctic events in the period before the Second World War cannot be sustained.
44
Dungey, Mardi. "International influences on the Australian economy." Phd thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146002.
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Oakman, Daniel. "Crossing the frontier : Australia, Asia and the Colombo Plan, 1950-1965." Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/120880.
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The Colombo Plan for Cooperative Economic Development of South and
Southeast Asia developed out of a meeting of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers in
Ceylon, January 1950. To date, few scholars have examined the Colombo Plan in any
significant detail and most assessments focus on the development of educational links
between Australia and Asia, largely because of the significant numbers of scholars who
came to Australia under the scheme.
This thesis explores the Colombo Plan from a variety of perspectives, focusing on
the economic, political, social and strategic context surrounding the emergence and
implementation of the program between 1950 and 1965. This thesis argues that the
Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be
understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. The Colombo Plan was an attempt to
counter communist expansion in the newly independent nations of Southeast Asia by
raising living standards and thus removing the conditions considered likely to create
popular sympathy for communist forces. More significantly, the Colombo Plan, with its
modernist assumptions about the importance of development, technology and social
progress, was to be a vehicle for the transmission of Western values.
By exploring the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the Colombo
Plan, this thesis illustrates that the plan was an important part of Australian foreign policy,
and was motivated by international security priorities and the need to allay domestic
cultural concerns. One of the important ways Australia expressed and promoted its
political and economic interests in the Asian region was through the Colombo Plan. This
scheme functioned as a humanitarian program intended to improve the living conditions
in Asian countries, however, it also operated as ‘unspoken propaganda’ designed to
improve trade relations, establish diplomatic and cultural contacts, and help deflect
criticism of the White Australia Policy. This examination of the Colombo Plan reveals
the changing nature of Australia’s regional identity and the nature of its engagement with
Asia during the 1950s and early 1960s.
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Najjarine, Karim, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia 1965-1972 : an examination from the Australian archival record." 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/12424.
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Australia’s relationship with Indonesia has been a topic in diplomatic, academic, defence and intelligence circles in Australia for over fifty years. Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia in the period from the attempted coup in October 1965 until the fall of the Liberal – Country Party coalition in 1972, remains relatively overlooked by Australian researchers. There is virtually no research of this period drawn from Australian archival sources. This thesis seeks to rectify this gap in our knowledge. The study suggests that Australian diplomacy towards Indonesia from 1965 to 1972 was dominated by a fear which contradicted Australian intelligence and defence assessments of Indonesia’s threat potential to Australia. This study will examine how this fear contributed to, and was also reinforced by, a lack of a clear working definition of what constituted ‘security’ in an Australian context. It bred a sense of insecurity and vulnerability by which Australian policy makers departed from a course of rationality. This is reflected in Australian relations with the New Order Government which were dominated by strategic concerns. Although Australia desired an informal closeness to the New Order Government, Jakarta’s increasing repression exposed Australia to international and domestic opprobrium with regard to the more salient abuses of the New Order Government.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
47
Kuruppu, Nihal Randolph Henry. "An Indian perspective of the relationship between India and Australia, 1947 to 1975: personalities and policies, peaks and troughs." Thesis, 2000. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15300/.
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Bray, Barbara (Barbara Dorothee). "Chinese-Australian relations from 1969 to 1983, with special emphasis on the role played by the two major Australian parties." 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb8266.pdf.
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Berananda, Usana. "Australia's involvement in the Cambodian peace settlement : the Red Book initiative." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/145650.
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Liao, Pao-Lung, and 廖寶隆. "French Foreign Relations and the European Integration (1945-1992)." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/25097512098871837995.
Full textAbstract:
博士中興大學
歷史學系所
99
During the first half of the twentieth century, Europe experienced two world wars, and its international status lowered greatly. In order to revive Europe’s economy, the intellectuals brought up the idea of European Integration. After World War II, the Marshall Plan, proposed by the United States, facilitated the process of European Integration. Founding two organizations, Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the United States dominated the early post-war European Integration. The European Integration didn’t develop its self-consciousness utnil May 9, 1950, when the Schuman Plan launched. Three interwoven factors influenced France’s post-war European Integration policy and its position on the policy: Franco-German relations within Europe, Euro-American relations in the West, and East-West relations during the Cold War. The improvement of Franco-German relations, which was likely to lead to the ultimate solution to the German Question, was not only the primary goal of France’s European Integration but also the main concern when it comes to France’s European policy. Besides, within the framework of East-West Cold War, how to define Euro-American relations and what kind of role Europe played in American-Russian relations also had an impact on France’s European policy. After World War II, France played a significant part in the process of European Integration, guiding the process of European Integration by cooperating with Germany. It was credited with the Treaty of Roman in 1957, Hague Summit in 1969, the Single European Act in 1987, and Maastricht Treaty in 1992. The aim of this dissertation,“French Foreign Relations and the European Integration (1945-1992),” is to explore how France and Germany make peace with and then cooperate with each other, how the political situation in Europe develops, and how European Integration proceeds.