Academic literature on the topic 'Australia Foreign public opinion, Korean'

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Journal articles on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, Korean"

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Cruz, Isabel Cristina Fonseca da. "A scientific evidence: the OBJN has more quantitative and qualitative links." Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing 3, no. 2 (October 20, 2004): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17665/1676-4285.20044931.

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It is very important to a scientific journal the citation index. The ejournals are emerging and there is not a consensus protocol to evaluate them. But, the OBJN and other Brazilian ejournals were evaluated by a team research. We present and discuss here part of this report.Marcondes et al (2004) evaluated the Brazilian emerging ejournals in science and technology. they created a methodology based on analysis of links to ejournal’s site. They found these results for the ejournals in public health: AREA HEALTH SCIENCES – PUBLIC HEALTH – 3 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeCadernos de Saúde Pública yes100 87102 27Revista de Saúde Publica(Public Health journal)yes100 9460 12Revista de Saúde Coletiva yes62 5730 8 Marcondes et al (2004) rated also the nursing ejournals. The table below summarizes the results: AREA: HEALTH SCIENCES – NURSING – 2 EJOURNALSEjornalInc. SciELOtot. linkstot. repeated linkstot. Links from SciELOtot.links foreigners(X 2)tot.links authorities(X 3)tot.Simple links (X 1)GradeOnline Brazilian Journal of Nursing No29 271158Revista Latino Americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing)Yes75 6840311 Marcondes et al (2004) considered that the area of Nursing revealed a surprising result because in spite of quality criteria to be included in SciELO gateway, Revista Latino-americana de Enfermagem(LatinAmerican Journal of Nursing) got a grade of one-fifth of the grade obtained by the recent published, pure electronic Online Brazilian Journal of Nursing. The authors point out that they did not have a feed back from an expert in nursing, so they supposed that these results may be due to the fact that the OBJN is published in English. Beside that, the OBJN has also link of site considered authority (Brazilian university library). The authors observed that in the foreign links, there are many digital reference services from libraries outsideBrazil (and they refer the OBJN). So, they consider that this may indicate the need to adjust and fine tune the methodology and to enlarge the concept of authority, encompassing the foreign digital reference services.But what are the implications of these research results to the OBJN?First of all, it is very good sensation to got a scientific evidence related to what was a common sense.The OBJN has published 07 numbers totalizing 27 original articles, 20 revision articles,07 opinion articles, 11 these abstracts, 09 editorials, 01 book review and 12 professional communications. Since article submission until its publication takes almost 3 months. The OBJN has more than 47 international peer-reviews. The OBJN is indexed or linked to Brazilian Nursing Association, CINAHL, CUIDEN, DOAJ, Free Medical Journals, Latindex, LIS-BIREME, Nurses. Info, RealNurse, and so on.The OBJN has free access and received more than 11.000 page views since its creation. The last number published in April 2004 received 2450 page views! Our visitors came from Brazil (67,2%), United States (9,3%), Portugal (1,8%), Canadá (1,8%), Korea (1,5%), Australia (1,3%), Chile (1,3%), United Kingdom (0,9%), Spain (0,8%), Mexico (0,7%), unkown (4,7%), and the rest (8,7%) (http://www.nedstatbasic.net/s?tab=1&link=1&id=2963790 Access in 08/25/04, 14:23h)Second, these results showed to us that the OBJN is an important tool to the nursing researcher reach out her/his professional reader.Third, the free access by the web and the texts in English permitted to introduce the Brazilian scientific production to the nurse community around the world.We have working hard to accomplish these goals! But we are also sure that we have to work much more to maintain our position and,of course, to expand it!
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Bae, Joonbum. "Limits of engagement? The sunshine policy, nuclear tests, and South Korean views of North Korea 1995–2013." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 20, no. 3 (May 16, 2019): 411–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcz004.

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Abstract Can positive domestic messages generated by a foreign policy of engagement toward another country change public views regarding that state? How resistant are such changes to events that contradict the positive messages? I argue that while positive government messages about an adversary can significantly improve public opinion, highly consequential foreign policy events that contradict the messages influence public opinion at the cost of elites’ ability to shape it through their messages. Such differing effects can lead to a polarization of opinion when the content of the messages and the nature of events diverge from each other. Leveraging the unpredictability of North Korea’s foreign policy behavior, the South Korean government’s sustained policy of engagement toward it during the years 1998–2007, and North Korea’s first two nuclear tests to examine the relative impact of consequential foreign policy events and elite messages on public opinion, I find strong evidence consistent with this argument.
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Jee, Min Jung. "Foreign language anxiety in relation to affective variables." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 41, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 328–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.17068.jee.

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Abstract This study investigated Korean-as-a-foreign-language (KFL) students’ foreign language anxiety (FLA) in relation to five affective variables (i.e., unwillingness to communicate, classroom risk-taking, classroom sociability, motivation, and self-efficacy) as well as to self-rated Korean proficiency. One hundred and fifty-two KFL students who were enrolled in Korean classes in a large public university in Australia completed survey items for the study. Overall, KFL students in Australia showed moderate levels of anxiety (M = 2.79) and unwillingness to communicate (M = 2.58). Additionally, their levels of motivation (M = 3.92) and self-efficacy (M = 3.41) were high. Five affective variables were proven to be significantly related with FLA: a positive correlation between FLA and unwillingness to communicate; and negative correlations between FLA and classroom risk-taking, classroom sociability, motivation and self-efficacy. Among the variables, self-efficacy and self-rated overall Korean proficiency were found to be the best predictors of FLA.
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Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.27.2.259.

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Lee, Shin-wha. "Foreign Policy Dilemma in South Korean Democracy : Challenge of Polarized and Politicized Public Opinion." Peace Studies 28, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 259–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.21051/ps.2020.10.28.2.259.

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Nadtochey, Yuriy. "The Impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars on US Foreign and Domestic Politicy." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014886-2.

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The article compares the two most significant military conflicts of the Cold War era, the Korean War and the Vietnam War, in terms of their impact on US domestic and foreign policy. To this end, they are analysed on eight key parameters (objectives of the war, changes in foreign policy concepts, economic consequences of the war, public opinion, etc.). Unlike numerous studies on the impact of the US on Asian regions and nations, the main thrust of this study is to focus on the reverse impact of the Korean and Vietnam Wars, namely on the ways these conflicts affected the domestic affairs of the US and altered its foreign policy behaviour. The empirical base for the study encompasses declassified White House and Pentagon papers, memoirs of American presidents, public opinion polls, as well as extensive research literature. The authors conclude that, although the war on the Korean Peninsula was one of the hottest points of the Cold War and had a serious impact on the social and political life of the country, it has in fact turned out to be a “forgotten” event in American history. By contrast, the Vietnam War, although it had a significant impact on the public consciousness of Americans, was on the whole largely a local conflict, failed to substantially change the international situation, and could not impede the policy of détente in international relations, which was essential for both the USA and the USSR.
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Kim,Sun-Sik. "Analysis of the Historical Trend of Public Opinion on Korean Inward Foreign Direct Investment and Policies." Review of Business History ll, no. 43 (June 2007): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22629/kabh.2007..43.002.

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Hak-Sung Kim. "Korean Foreign Policy and Public Opinion: Focused on Theoretical mplications of Candlelight Protests against U.S. Beef Imports." Korea and World Politics 26, no. 3 (September 2010): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2010.26.3.001.

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Short, Stephanie Doris, Hyo-Young Lee, Mi-Joung Lee, Eunok Park, and Farah Purwaningrum. "The Case for a Reciprocal Health Care Agreement between Australia and South Korea." Asia Pacific Journal of Health Management 16, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.24083/apjhm.v16i1.505.

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Objectives: This study presents the case for a reciprocal health care agreement (RHCA) between Australia and South Korea. Design and Setting: The research utilised a qualitative social scientific methodology. Document analysis was conducted on government reports, official statistics and media articles in English and Korean. Main outcomes: In Australia, the Health Insurance Act 1973 enables health care agreements with 11 nations, however, Korea has no similar legislation in place. Therefore, Korea would need to build a broader consensus on the need for a RHCA in full, based on the precedent of Australia's agreements with other nations, as well as on the Korean Pension Act, which has enabled reciprocal (equal treatment among the countries) pension agreements with 28 nations through an exceptive clause. Results: The active government commitment and involvement of the Ministry of Health and the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in Australia, and of the Ministry of Health & Welfare and Ministry of Foreign Affairs in South Korea, would be essential for a successful RHCA process to come to fruition. Conclusions: While a potential health care agreement between Australia and Korea would constitute a significant step forward in strengthening people-to-people links between these two significant trading partners in the spirit of health diplomacy, the feasibility at the current time is very low indeed.
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Kim, Ji Young, Wenxin Li, and Seunghee Lee. "Making Sense of Japan’s Export Restrictions against South Korea." Asian Survey 61, no. 4 (July 2021): 683–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.4.683.

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Why did Japanese Prime Minister Abe impose controversial export restrictions after rulings by the South Korean Supreme Court on wartime forced laborers? This article answers this question through the lens of domestic symbolism in economic sanctions studies. We argue that domestic political calculations led the Japanese government to adopt hawkish measures against South Korea. Abe wanted to ensure continued support from his constituents and to win the upcoming election. A series of political reforms since the early 1990s have empowered the prime minister and made LDP politicians pay more attention to public opinion than to factional topography. Strong anti-Korean sentiment among the Japanese public reduced the leadership’s concerns about the audience costs of economic countermeasures. Through an examination of the interplay among various domestic actors over the policy measure, this study provides insights on how domestic symbolism can serve as an origin of foreign policy decision-making in democracies.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, Korean"

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Govor, Elena. "Russian perceptions of Australia, 1788-1919." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/143836.

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Broinowski, Alison 1941. "About face : Asian representations of Australia." 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20030404.135751/index.html.

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Books on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, Korean"

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Kwak, Ki-Sung. A country too far?: Representation of Australia in Korea since the 1980s. Queensland: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, Faculty of International Business and Politics, Griffith University, 1998.

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Nguyen, Anne T. A. Vietnamese representations of Australia. [Nathan] Qld: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, Griffith University, 1998.

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Summo-O'Connell, Renata. Imagined Australia: Reflections around the reciprocal construction of identity between Australia and Europe. Bern: Peter Lang, 2009.

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Kankoku hannichi shindorōmu. Tōkyō: Aki Shobō, 1995.

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Broinowski, Alison. About face: Asian accounts of Australia. Melbourne: Scribe Publications, 2003.

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1957-, Larson Eric V., Levin Norman D, Baik Seonhae, and Savych Bogdan, eds. Ambivalent allies?: A study of South Korean attitudes toward the U.S. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2004.

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Cong Hanguo kan de Zhonghua Minguo shi. Beijing Shi: She hui ke xue wen xian chu ban she, 2004.

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Nihon (Irubon) no imēji: Kankokujin no Nihonkan. Tōkyō: Chūō Kōronsha, 1998.

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Wakatsuki, Yasuo. Kankoku, Chōsen to Nihonjin: Kankoku, Chōsenjin no kirai na Nihonjin, Nihonjin no kirai na Kankoku, Chōsenjin. Tōkyō: Hara Shobō, 1989.

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No casual traveller: Hartley Grattan and Australia--US connections. St. Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, Korean"

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Chubb, Danielle, and Ian McAllister. "Forward Defence: Korea, Malaya and Vietnam." In Australian Public Opinion, Defence and Foreign Policy, 77–97. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-7397-2_4.

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McDonald, Matt. "20. Australia and global climate change." In Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708902.003.0020.

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This chapter examines Australia’s engagement with the international politics of global climate change. It first provides an overview of the problem of global climate change and its likely effects, focusing on key complexities and dilemmas regarding climate change, and the evolution of the climate change regime through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process. It then considers key drivers of climate diplomacy, from the ideology and foreign policy perspectives of different governments to the role of public opinion and the ebb and flow of international cooperation. It shows that Australia’s changing approach to climate change cooperation underscores the profound challenges for the climate change regime.
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Fields, David P. "Mr. Rhee Goes to Washington." In Foreign Friends, 85–107. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177199.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 examines how Rhee and the Korean independence movement utilized this constituency to place pressure on American policymakers during the fight over the ratification of the Versailles Treaty and during the Washington Naval Conference of 1921–1922. The chapter pays special attention to the common cause the Korean activists and their American supporters made with the so-called Irreconcilables in the US Senate. The Korean independence movement provided these senators with an “internationalist” justification for opposing the treaty and thus an answer to the charge that they were advocating isolationism. The Koreans in return received an airing of their views in the US Senate and even a vote on a Korean reservation to the Versailles Treaty. While scholars have examined the importance of the issue of the Shantung Peninsula to the case against the Versailles Treaty in the Senate, few have realized that it was the brutal Japanese suppression of the March First Movement that injected such passion into the debate over the Shantung. While Korean activists’ passionate invocations of the American mission during both the fight over the Versailles Treaty and the Washington Naval Conference did not result in any official policy changes toward Korea, they significantly shifted American perceptions of the Japanese colonization of Korea and brought much of informed American public opinion on the situation into sympathy with the Koreans.
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"Mobilizing public opinion for/against foreign labor policies in Korea, 1995–2005: NGOs, trade unions, and employers’ associations in contested terrain." In Contemporary South Korean Society, 223–34. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203084373-21.

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