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Rabinovych, Petro, and Anna Nakonechna. "NEED-RESEARCHING APPROACH: DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EXPERIENCE (COMPARATIVE LEGAL ASPECT)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 74, no. 74 (June 30, 2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2022.74.023.
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The article is devoted to the comparative legal analysis of domestic and foreign experience of the needs approach. It is established that Professor P. Rabinovych made a significant contribution to the development of the issue on the importance of legal regulation to meet the needs of the domestic general theory of law. He was the first to introduce into scientific circulation the term «needs approach» as the idea that the essence of social phenomena are those useful characteristics that can be used by man and society to meet their needs and interests. Associate professors V. Bigun, R. Gavrilyuk, D. Hudyma, Y. Loboda, O. Pankevych, A. Rabinovych, as well as Professor S. Rabinovych and others developed his ideas on the application of the needs approach in their scientific works. Consequently, R. Gavrilyuk defined that law is a way of normative existence of an individual in the society based on the freedom of expression to satisfy his/her personal (private) and general (public) needs on the basis of freedom, equality and justice. O. Pankevych applied the needs approach to establish the essence of the social state, as well as to define the concept of social law, its subject, method and status in the system of positive law. D. Hudyma used the term «need» to reveal the meaning of «the essence of law», to define the need-researching approach as a kind of anthropological approach and argues that «law is objectively designed to help meet human needs.» A. Rabinovych noted that at least two preconditions must be provided for the use of the needs approach: 1) it is necessary to comprehend the general understanding of the needs of subjects, as well as to identify the main types of these needs through their classification; 2) it is necessary to acquire a meaningful knowledge of general social, group and individual needs in the society in which the studied phenomenon was formed and exists. It is found that in the modern European and Australian scientific literature, the theory of the needs approach as a justification of human rights has become somewhat widespread. Fundamental representatives of these theories are Czech jurist Martin Gapla, British political scholar David Miller, professor at the Royal College of Great Britain Massimo Renzo, professor of medical ethics at the University of London Len Doyal, professor at the British Research Center for Social Exclusion Ian Gaff, as well as the Australian scholar James Griffin. The essence of the above approach, in their opinion, is the following: – human needs, namely universal, are the basis for human rights. Such human rights are considered «real» and are able to create and ensure a dignified human life; – people with full capacity are «regulatory agents», that is their needs, the number of which grows over time and are constantly improving, serve as a basis for the creation of regulations, making them, thus, both a guarantor and a tool to meet them; – the effective functioning of legislation depends on the successful functioning of means and mechanisms to meet human needs, which legitimize certain rules of law.
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Piersanti, Valeria, Francesca Consalvo, Fabrizio Signore, Alessandro Del Rio, and Simona Zaami. "Surrogacy and “Procreative Tourism”. What Does the Future Hold from the Ethical and Legal Perspectives?" Medicina 57, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/medicina57010047.
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Background and objectives: To explore the ethical and legal complexities arising from the controversial issue of surrogacy, particularly in terms of how they affect fundamental rights of children and parents. Surrogacy is a form of medically-assisted procreation (MAP) in which a woman “lends” her uterus to carry out a pregnancy on behalf of a third party. There are pathological conditions, such as uterine agenesis or hysterectomy outcomes, that may prevent prospective mothers from becoming pregnant or carry a pregnancy to term; such patients may consider finding a surrogate mother. Many issues relating to surrogacy remain unresolved, with significant disagreements and controversy within the scientific community and public opinion. There are several factors called into play and multiple parties and stakeholders whose objectives and interests need to somehow be reconciled. First and foremost, the authors contend, it is essential to prioritize and uphold the rights of children born through surrogacy and heterologous MAP. Materials and methods: To draw a parallel between Italy and the rest of the world, the legislation in force in twelve European countries was analyzed, eleven of which are part of the European Union (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Greece, Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Lithuania, Czech Republic and Portugal) and three non-members of the same (United Kingdom, Ukraine and Russia), as well as that of twelve non-European countries considered exemplary (United States, Canada, Australia, India, China, Thailand, Israel, Nigeria and South Africa); in particular, legislative sources and legal databases were drawn upon, in order to draw a comparison with the Italian legislation currently in force and map out the evolution of the Italian case law on the basis of the judgments issued by Italian courts, including the Constitutional and Supreme Courts and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR); search engines such as PubMed and Google Scholar were also used, by entering the keywords “surrogacy” and “surrogate motherhood”, to find scientific articles concerning assisted reproduction techniques with a close focus on surrogacy. Results: SM is a prohibited and sanctioned practice in Italy; on the other hand, it is allowed in other countries of the world, which leads Italian couples, or couples from other countries where it is banned, to often contact foreign centers in order to undertake a MAP pathway which includes surrogacy; in addition, challenges may arise from the legal status of children born through surrogacy abroad: to date, in most countries, there is no specific legislation aimed at regulating their legal registration and parental status. Conclusion: With reference to the Italian context, despite the scientific and legal evolution on the subject, a legislative intervention aimed at filling the regulatory gaps in terms of heterologous MAP and surrogacy has not yet come to fruition. Considering the possibility of “fertility tourism”, i.e., traveling to countries where the practice is legal, as indeed already happens in a relatively significant number of cases, the current legislation, although integrated by the legal interpretation, does not appear to be effective in avoiding the phenomenon of procreative tourism. Moreover, to overcome some contradictions currently present between law 40 and law 194, it would be appropriate to outline an organic and exhaustive framework of rules, which should take into account the multiplicity of interests at stake, in keeping with a fair and sustainable balance when regulating such practices.
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Piersanti, Valeria, Francesca Consalvo, Fabrizio Signore, Alessandro Del Rio, and Simona Zaami. "Surrogacy and “Procreative Tourism”. What Does the Future Hold from the Ethical and Legal Perspectives?" Medicina 57, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/medicina57010047.
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Background and objectives: To explore the ethical and legal complexities arising from the controversial issue of surrogacy, particularly in terms of how they affect fundamental rights of children and parents. Surrogacy is a form of medically-assisted procreation (MAP) in which a woman “lends” her uterus to carry out a pregnancy on behalf of a third party. There are pathological conditions, such as uterine agenesis or hysterectomy outcomes, that may prevent prospective mothers from becoming pregnant or carry a pregnancy to term; such patients may consider finding a surrogate mother. Many issues relating to surrogacy remain unresolved, with significant disagreements and controversy within the scientific community and public opinion. There are several factors called into play and multiple parties and stakeholders whose objectives and interests need to somehow be reconciled. First and foremost, the authors contend, it is essential to prioritize and uphold the rights of children born through surrogacy and heterologous MAP. Materials and methods: To draw a parallel between Italy and the rest of the world, the legislation in force in twelve European countries was analyzed, eleven of which are part of the European Union (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Greece, Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Lithuania, Czech Republic and Portugal) and three non-members of the same (United Kingdom, Ukraine and Russia), as well as that of twelve non-European countries considered exemplary (United States, Canada, Australia, India, China, Thailand, Israel, Nigeria and South Africa); in particular, legislative sources and legal databases were drawn upon, in order to draw a comparison with the Italian legislation currently in force and map out the evolution of the Italian case law on the basis of the judgments issued by Italian courts, including the Constitutional and Supreme Courts and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR); search engines such as PubMed and Google Scholar were also used, by entering the keywords “surrogacy” and “surrogate motherhood”, to find scientific articles concerning assisted reproduction techniques with a close focus on surrogacy. Results: SM is a prohibited and sanctioned practice in Italy; on the other hand, it is allowed in other countries of the world, which leads Italian couples, or couples from other countries where it is banned, to often contact foreign centers in order to undertake a MAP pathway which includes surrogacy; in addition, challenges may arise from the legal status of children born through surrogacy abroad: to date, in most countries, there is no specific legislation aimed at regulating their legal registration and parental status. Conclusion: With reference to the Italian context, despite the scientific and legal evolution on the subject, a legislative intervention aimed at filling the regulatory gaps in terms of heterologous MAP and surrogacy has not yet come to fruition. Considering the possibility of “fertility tourism”, i.e., traveling to countries where the practice is legal, as indeed already happens in a relatively significant number of cases, the current legislation, although integrated by the legal interpretation, does not appear to be effective in avoiding the phenomenon of procreative tourism. Moreover, to overcome some contradictions currently present between law 40 and law 194, it would be appropriate to outline an organic and exhaustive framework of rules, which should take into account the multiplicity of interests at stake, in keeping with a fair and sustainable balance when regulating such practices.
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Slobodchikoff, Michael O. "Constraining Elites: The Impact of Treaty Networks on Foreign Policy." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 3 (October 19, 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203004.
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In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a treaty network between a weaker state and the regional hegemon, the less likely political elites will be to cooperate and move toward European integration. Conversely, less dense treaty networks allow politicians more flexibility in following their own preferences. Further, I offer a prediction for other states in the fsu to seek further cooperation with the eu.
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Bodenstein, Thilo, and Jörg Faust. "Who Cares? European Public Opinion on Foreign Aid and Political Conditionality." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 55, no. 5 (April 26, 2017): 955–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12556.
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Oppermann, Kai, and Alexander Höse. "Public Opinion and the Development of the European Security and Defence Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 2 (June 1, 2007): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007015.
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This article argues that public opinion will become an increasingly significant constraint on European-level decision-making with regard to implementing and further developing the ESDP. The thesis is based on a theoretical concept that identifies two necessary preconditions for public opinion to impact upon governmental foreign policies, namely the public salience of foreign policy issues and the public’s opportunity structures to influence foreign policy decision-making. Any initiative to put into practice or extend the ESDP will have to be pursued in a political environment in which both preconditions will generally be met. First, the ESDP’s actions and aspirations touch upon issues that are of great salience to European publics. Second, European publics are provided with ample channels of influence to constrain European integration in this field via their respective national governments. Thus, the prospects of further developing the ESDP will depend increasingly on supportive public opinions in EU Member States.
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Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.
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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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BAKER, ANDY. "Race, Paternalism, and Foreign Aid: Evidence from U.S. Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (January 13, 2015): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000549.
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Virtually all previous studies of domestic economic redistribution find white Americans to be less enthusiastic about welfare for black recipients than for white recipients. When it comes to foreign aid and international redistribution across racial lines, I argue that prejudice manifests not in an uncharitable, resentful way but in a paternalistic way because intergroup contact is minimal and because of how the media portray black foreigners. Using two survey experiments, I show that white Americans are more favorable toward aid when cued to think of foreign poor of African descent than when cued to think of those of East European descent. This relationship is due not to the greater perceived need of black foreigners but to an underlying racial paternalism that sees them as lacking in human agency. The findings confirm accusations of aid skeptics and hold implications for understanding the roots of paternalistic practices in the foreign aid regime.
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Diven, Polly J., and John Constantelos. "Explaining generosity: a comparison of US and European public opinion on foreign aid." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 7, no. 2 (June 2009): 118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010902868280.
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Chow, Wilfred M., Enze Han, and Xiaojun Li. "Brexit identities and British public opinion on China." International Affairs 95, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 1369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz191.
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Abstract Many studies have explored the importance of public opinion in British foreign policy decision-making, especially when it comes to the UK's relations with the United States and the European Union. Despite its importance, there is a dearth of research on public opinion about British foreign policy towards other major players in the international system, such as emerging powers like China. We have addressed this knowledge gap by conducting a public opinion survey in the UK after the Brexit referendum. Our research findings indicate that the British public at large finds China's rise disconcerting, but is also pragmatic in its understanding of how the ensuing bilateral relations should be managed. More importantly, our results show that views on China are clearly split between the two opposing Brexit identities. Those who subscribe strongly to the Leave identity, measured by their aversion to the EU and antipathy towards immigration, are also more likely to hold negative perceptions of Chinese global leadership and be more suspicious of China as a military threat. In contrast, those who espouse a Remain identity—that is, believe that Britain would be better served within the EU and with more immigrants—are more likely to prefer closer engagement with China and to have a more positive outlook overall on China's place within the global community.
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Blitz, Brad. "Another Story: What Public Opinion Data Tell Us about Refugee and Humanitarian Policy." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 2 (June 2017): 379–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500208.
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The global reaction to US President Donald Trump's executive order, “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States” of January 27, 2017,1 revealed great public sympathy for the fate of refugees and the principle of refugee protection. In the case of Europe, such sympathy has, however, been dismissed by politicians who have read concerns regarding security and integration as reason for introducing restrictive policies on asylum and humanitarian assistance. These policies are at odds with public sentiment. Drawing upon public opinion surveys conducted by Amnesty International, the European Social Survey (ESS), and Pew Global Attitudes Survey across the European Union and neighboring states, this article records a marked divide between public attitudes towards the treatment of refugees and asylum seekers and official policies regarding asylum and humanitarian assistance, and seeks to understand why this is the case. The article suggests that post-9/11 there has been a reconfiguration of refugee policy and a reconnecting of humanitarian and security interests which has enabled a discourse antithetical to the universal right to asylum. It offers five possible explanations for this trend: i) fears over cultural antagonism in host countries; ii) the conflation of refugees and immigrants, both those deemed economically advantageous as well as those labelled as “illegal”; iii) dominance of human capital thinking; iv) foreign policy justification; and v) the normalization of border controls. The main conclusion is that in a post-post-Cold War era characterized in part by the reconnecting of security and humanitarian policy, European governments have developed restrictive policies despite public sympathy. Support for the admission of refugees is not, however, unqualified, and most states and European populations prefer skilled populations that can be easily assimilated. In order to achieve greater protection and more open policies, this article recommends human rights actors work with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and its partners to challenge the above discourse through media campaigns and grassroots messaging. Further recommendations include: • Challenging efforts to normalize and drawing attention to the extreme and unprecedented activities of illegal and inhumane practices, e.g., detention, offshore processing, and the separation of families through the courts as part of a coordinated information campaign to present a counter moral argument. • Identifying how restrictive asylum policies fail to advance foreign policy interests and are contrary to international law. • Evidencing persecution by sharing information with the press and government agencies on the nature of claims by those currently considered ineligible for refugee protection as part of a wider campaign of information and inclusion. • Engaging with minority, and in particular Muslim, communities to redress public concerns regarding the possibility of cultural integration in the host country. • Clarifying the rights of refugees and migrants in line with the UNHCR and International Organization for Migration (IOM) guidelines and European and national law in order to hold governments to account and to ensure that all — irrespective of their skills, status, nationality or religion — are given the opportunity to seek asylum. • Identifying and promoting leadership among states and regional bodies to advance the rights of refugees.
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Denysenko, V. I. "EUROPEAN VECTOR IN UKRAINIAN FOREIGN POLICY (2010)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 57 (2020): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2020.57.6.
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The research focuses on the relationship between Ukraine and European Union during the first year of Victor Yanukovych presidency. It highlights the attempts of the new Ukrainian government to establish the dialogue with the leaders of EU, including Josй Manuel, President of the European Commission Barroso, Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, Jerzy Buzek, President of the European Parliament, and Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, First Vice President of the European Commission. This was the motive put behind the first international visit of Victor Yanukovych to Brussels, March 1st, 2010. The author proves the idea of keen interest of Ukrainian top authorities to aspire visa-free travel regime with EU, that was supposed to later score more electoral points during the upcoming elections. Still, the terms of Ukraine-EU Association Agreement seemed for the representatives of the Party of Regions too difficult to implement, and, therefore, in their opinion, had limited perspectives. However, in public domain, both President Victor Yanukovych and his political teammates kept consistently demonstrating their commitment to European integration ideas. The Cabinet of Mykola Azarov, basing on the list of eighteen EU reforms, devised their own plan of integration into European legal, economic and information framework. According to this plan, from October 15th, 2010 the administration was to complete the provisions for signing association and the visa liberalization agreements. Ukraine was represented in EU by experienced diplomat Kostiantyn Ieliseyev. The research points out the existing controversies between Ukrainian and European parties in the question of establishing an extensive and far-reaching free trade area. It draws special attention to the progress made in the area of Ukraine-Europe cooperation in the sphere of power industry, endorsement of the law “Fundamentals for Natural Gas Market Development” and Ukraine becoming a member of Energy Community.
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Peters, Dirk. "European security policy for the people? Public opinion and the EU's Common Foreign, Security and Defence policy." European Security 23, no. 4 (March 3, 2014): 388–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2013.875531.
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de Jong, Bas, and Wolf Zwartkruis. "The EU Regulation on Screening of Foreign Direct Investment: A Game Changer?" European Business Law Review 31, Issue 3 (May 1, 2020): 447–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eulr2020019.
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In March 2019, the EU has adopted a Regulation on the screening of foreign direct investment (FDI) which will apply from 11 October 2020. Member States are allowed to use a national screening mechanism for FDI from outside the EU on grounds of widely defined public order or security, including the protection of key technologies. A cooperation mechanism is established between the Member States and the European Commission. The European Commission is authorized to give a non-binding opinion if the FDI affects Union interests. The Regulation reflects a new attitude of the EU towards FDI, triggered by geopolitical developments especially involving Chinese state-owned enterprises taking over European companies with key technologies. However, the EU’s ambitions are faced by legal and practical challenges. From a legal perspective, the Regulation seems to require an extensive interpretation of the grounds for restriction of free movement as developed by the ECJ and codified in the Regulation. From a practical perspective, making coordination work will not be easy. It requires a significant effort from the Member States and the Commission, and success is by no means guaranteed. Foreign direct investment, screening mechanism, public order and public security, free movement of capital, freedom of establishment
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Dudášová, Marianna. "Globalisation Scepticism in the Visegrad Countries." Ekonomické rozhľady – Economic Review 50, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/er.2644-7185.2021.4.429-451.
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Recent developments in the European Union revealed significant differences between the Visegrad countries and the remaining members of the EU. The enlargement euphoria of the first decade of the 21st century was replaced by certain enlargement fatigue, manifesting itself not only in concrete governmental policies but also in the public opinion towards the EU. As European integration and globalisation are parallel processes, declining support for European integration must not necessarily be the result of disagreement with specific policies and should be examined in the broader context of globalisation fears and anxieties. The article describes variations in globalisation scepticism between the group of Visegrad countries and the remaining countries of the EU as well as variations within the Visegrad group itself, focusing on the main drivers of economic globalisation – international trade, foreign direct investment, and immigration. The development of public opinion since the financial and economic crisis in 2009 indicates that Visegrad countries should not be treated as a uniform bloc of globalisation sceptics as there are significant differences in opinion between the more pessimistic Czechs and Slovaks and the more optimistic Poles and Hungarians. Their globalisation scepticism also varies across different dimensions of globalisation and is fuelled by different motivations.
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Thérien, Jean-Philippe, and Gordon Mace. "Identity and Foreign Policy: Canada as a Nation of the Americas." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 2 (2013): 150–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00197.x.
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AbstractUsing Canada's relations with the Americas as a case study, this article seeks to better understand the link between identity and foreign policy. It argues that there is a gap between the Canadian government's recent efforts to construct a state identity increasingly turned toward the Americas and Canadians' national identity as it is expressed through public opinion. It concludes that the most plausible explanation for this gap probably has to do with Canada's European cultural heritage. The analysis shows that the projection of national identity into foreign policy is a much more complex process than the projection of state identity.
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Schneider, Simone M. "Beyond endogeneity in analyses of public opinion: Evaluations of healthcare by the foreign born across 24 European countries." PLOS ONE 15, no. 6 (June 1, 2020): e0233835. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0233835.
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Bacchin, Elena. "Political Prisoners of the Italian Mezzogiorno: A Transnational Question of the Nineteenth Century." European History Quarterly 50, no. 4 (October 2020): 625–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420960378.
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Through a case study of a group of Neapolitan political activists incarcerated in Naples after the 1848 Revolution, this article aims to rescue the Italian convicts’ experience from its subsidiary status, presenting the prisons as a site of struggle and in particular highlighting the international, European dimension of political imprisonment in the nineteenth century. I argue that together with the exiled, political prisoners also acted as transnational actors of the Risorgimento; they aroused the interest of both public opinion and the world of diplomacy and were perceived as a humanitarian cause. Neapolitan political prisoners became spokespersons of their national and political cause abroad, had a clear agency and exploited European public opinion. This study will thus explore the dynamics of the Risorgimento from a transnational perspective, as well as in relation to British and French imperialistic policies in the Mediterranean, the international de-legitimization of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and more generally in terms of foreign humanitarian interventions in the nineteenth century and the role of political prisoners. The Neapolitan dungeons were not significantly different from those of other European states; however, they became the target of international diplomacy showing how Naples was considered somewhat in between European and non-European states.
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Jupp, James. "From ‘White Australia’ to ‘Part of Asia’: Recent Shifts in Australian Immigration Policy towards the Region." International Migration Review 29, no. 1 (March 1995): 207–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900109.
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This article examines the impact on Australia of population movements in the Asia-Pacific region since 1945, with special reference to the period since 1975 that marked the termination of the restrictive ‘White Australia Policy.’ That policy, which had its origins in racist theories popular at the end of the nineteenth century, isolated Australia from its immediate region and kept it tied to its European and, more specifically, British origins. The impact of population, trade and capital movements in the region has been such as to make Australia ‘part of Asia.’ Nevertheless, public opinion has yet to accept these changes fully, especially when they involve changing the ethnic character of the resident population. It is concluded that the generation which has grown up since 1945 and which is now starting to dominate politics and intellectual life will find it easier to reorient Australia than did the previous generation, despite continuing ambivalence in public attitudes. The presence in Australia of large numbers of permanent residents and citizens of Asian origin is a necessary factor in expediting change.
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Alloul, Houssine, and Roel Markey. "“PLEASE DENY THESE MANIFESTLY FALSE REPORTS”: OTTOMAN DIPLOMATS AND THE PRESS IN BELGIUM (1850–1914)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000040.
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AbstractSimilar to ruling elites in Western Europe, the Ottomans were preoccupied with foreign “public opinion” regarding their state. Historians have devoted attention to Ottoman state efforts at image building abroad and, to a lesser degree, related attempts to influence the European mass press. Yet, an in-depth study of this subject is lacking. This article turns to one of the prime, though largely neglected, actors in Ottoman foreign policy making: the sultan's diplomats. Through a case study of Ottoman envoys to Belgium, it demonstrates how foreign “press management” evolved and was adapted to shifting domestic and international political circumstances. Increasingly systematic attempts to influence Belgian newspapers can be discerned from the reign of Abdülhamid II onward. Brokers between Istanbul and “liberal” Belgium's thriving newspaper business, Ottoman diplomats proved essential to this development. Ultimately, however, Ottoman efforts to counter Belgian (and European) news coverage of the empire had little impact and occasionally even worked counterproductively, generating the very Orientalist images they aimed to combat in the first place.
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Tobback, Louis. "De politicus, de diplomaat en de deskundige in het veiligheidsbeleid." Res Publica 29, no. 1 (March 31, 1987): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i1.18959.
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Who makes decisions concerning defence policy in Belgium? Not the public opinion, because otherwise there would be no Cruise missiles.Not the Parliament, because the parliamentarians only ratify international treaties. Not the Minister of Foreign Affairs, because the Minister of Defence makes decisions without contacting Foreign Affairs. Even the Government as a whole and the Prime Minister do not much take care about the defence policy. The so-called experts concerning defence policy are the militaries, the diplomats and the NATO-bureaucrats.Yet, the political problems with respect to the Atlantic Alliance and the division of the European continent, wilt constrain the politicians to reconsider the basic options of the policy.
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Arslanov, Rafael A., and Elena V. Linkova. "“Carbonarists in the Tsar’s guard!”: Uprising of December 14, 1825 in the European Press: Documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the State Archive of Turin." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 602–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-602-614.
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The article studies perception of the uprising of December 14, 1825 in the Western European public opinion as reflected in the press. The source base of the study consists of archival (including previously unpublished) documents found by the authors while working in the State Archive of Turin, and also of the considerable fond 11 “Foreign newspapers,” stored in the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The authors investigate and summarize assessments of the Decembrists’ uprising that appeared in the European press in late 1825 – early 1826 and identify the origin of the newspaper information. Working with archival documents, the authors have used a number of methods that are typical for both historical research (retrospective, analytical, comparative methods) and source studies (heuristic, textual, and hermeneutic methods). These methods allow the authors not only to analyze the documents and determine their epistemological value, but also to comprehend their content in historical context. The article concludes that the European public opinion not just showed interest in the events in St. Petersburg, but also tried to analyze them, to identify their sources and their consequences for Russia and Europe. There were two trends in the coverage of the Decembrist uprising. Firstly, publicists repeated the information received through official channels. Secondly, journalists were inclined to believe that the revolutionary tendencies that emerged in the Russian army after the Napoleonic wars were characteristic of all European countries. The accumulated scientific material allows the authors to come to certain conclusions that are valuable for studying not just the uprising on the Senate square on December 14, 1825, but also mechanisms of formation of the image of Russia on the international arena.
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Ma, Yuhanyin. "Social Media and Marriage Equality in Australia: The Media Roles in the Public Sphere and the Agenda-Setting." Insight - News Media 3, no. 1 (September 21, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/inm.v3i1.335.
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<p align="justify">Marriage equality or the equal status of same-sex marriage has undergone a rather tough road in Australia, involving diverging opinions in parties at the state and federal levels and constitutional amendments. It appears that people in power set the agenda on the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, it cannot be denied that social media played an almost decisive role in this process because it enabled the gathering of massive public opinion to pressure the government to make changes. To be specific, social media or social networking sites offered platforms for people concerned to share reports about the progress of foreign countries in legalizing same-sex marriage, to express their opinions and to launch campaigns in support of their beliefs. This essay explores the role that social media played in the legalization of marriage equality movement in Australia from the perspectives of the public sphere theory and the agenda-setting theory.</p>
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Hughes, Patrick, Brigitte L. Nacos, Robert Y. Shapiro, and Pierangelo Isernia. "Decisionmaking in a Glass House: Mass Media, Public Opinion, and American and European Foreign Policy in the 21st Century." Contemporary Sociology 30, no. 5 (September 2001): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089360.
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Belousov, Mikhail. "Foreign Observers of the Russian Political Crisis: The Case of the Interregnum of 1825." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018555-8.
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The article examines the events of the Russian interregnum, which preceded the Decembrist revolt, as a phenomenon of European politics, as it focuses on analysing the reports and reasoning of foreign diplomats on the development of the dynastic crisis and the struggle between the Grand Dukes Nicholas and Constantine. These communications, on the one hand, determined the discussion of the Russian crisis in the press and could be used to interpret it. On the other hand, the study of this segment of the information field makes it possible to determine fairly accurately the motivation that European public opinion attributed to Constantine's actions and his bizarre behaviour in November–December 1825. This study takes a different approach to interpreting the logic of an event that shook the European continent than previous historiographical works have done. Drawing on a wide range of archival and published sources, as well as the French press which dominated European political discourse at the time, the author demonstrates that the key issue before Russia and Europe in the crisis in question was the possible emergence of an independent Polish state under the sceptre of one of the Romanovs.
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Jaskiernia, Alicja. "Information Pollution in a Digital and Polarized World as a Challenge to Human Rights Protection – the Council of Europe’s Approach." Review of European and Comparative Law 46, no. 3 (August 21, 2021): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.12389.
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Information pollution in a digitally connected and increasingly polarized world, the spread of disinformation campaigns aimed at shaping public opinion, trends of foreign electoral interference and manipulation, as well as abusive behaviour and the intensification of hate speech on the internet and social media are the phenomenon which concern international public opinion. These all represent a challenge for democracy, and in particular for the electoral processes affecting the right to freedom of expression, including the right to receive information, and the right to free elections. It is a growing international effort to deal with these problems. Among international organizations engaged to seek solutions is the Council of Europe (CoE). The author analyses CoE’s instruments, legally binding (as European Convention on Human Rights), as well of the character of “soft law”, especially resolution of the CoE’s Parliamentary Assembly 2326 (2020) Democracy hacked? How to respond? She exposes the need for better cooperation of international organizations and states’ authorities in this matter.
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Zemskyi, Yurii S., and Valerii V. Diachok. "Narrative sources on the diplomatic game of European countries around the events of the Polish uprising of 1863." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 1 (January 4, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190114.
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The purpose of the article – to disclose the meaning of the difference between the official, publicly declared position and the real (national) interests of Western European countries regarding their attitude to January 1863 Polish Uprising. Research methods: are analysis and synthesis, comparative, deduction, generalization. Main results: are despite the official statements by Western European governments to support the Poles' demands during the uprising of 1863 (in satisfaction of the Russian empire of their national rights), no real efforts were made. This state of affairs is clarified, with a meticulous analysis of true intentions of foreign policy of European countries. In the context of the implementation of policy in the nineteenth century, European governments could no longer ignore public opinion. After all, in the nineteenth century there was the epoch of affirmation in Europe of the ideals of the French Revolution and the formation of the institutions of civil society (free press, trade unions, public organizations, political parties, etc.). Involving information from narrative sources on events of 1863 clearly reveals the peculiarities of foreign policy and convinces that, in making final decisions, governments of the countries were guided by their own national interests (and not by the mind of public). Therefore, the Polish uprising became an opportunity to compete for the redistribution of influences among the leading countries of Europe and the interests of the Poles turned out to be only an instrument for achieving completely different goals. Concise conclusions: are the support of Western European governments in the Polish uprising were driven by public demands, but the real goal of each of the countries involved diplomatically to address this problem was to strengthen their own political stance in international affairs on the continent. Practical significance: this article will contribute to a better understanding of complex issues when assessing the position of Western European countries in the international politics of the mid-nineteenth century. Originality: compares information from publicly-published and diplomatically-concealed sources. Scientific novelty: the knowledge about the significant difference between the diplomatic statements and the real intentions of the foreign policy efforts of the Western European countries in the international relations of the middle of the nineteenth century were supplemented. Article type: analytic.
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Buss, Christopher. "Public opinion towards targeted labour market policies: A vignette study on the perceived deservingness of the unemployed." Journal of European Social Policy 29, no. 2 (March 15, 2018): 228–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0958928718757684.
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The issue of welfare targeting is back on the political agenda in European welfare states. Benefit recipients are subject to different rules, depending on age, family status and work. For instance, strict conditions and harsh sanctions apply, in particular, to young unemployed people. This article investigates public opinion towards welfare targeting in three policy areas – unemployment benefits, conditionality of benefits and sanctions – and utilizes a factorial vignette experiment presented within a representative German survey. The results suggest strong support for welfare targeting. Respondents are more likely to offer generous benefits and fewer obligations and sanctions to unemployed people who are elderly, have caring responsibilities, are of German ethnicity and have high job-seeking ambitions. The negative effect of foreign ethnicity is moderated by the ideological standpoint of the respondent, highlighting the mechanisms underlying welfare chauvinism. Accordingly, policy support strongly depends on the individual circumstances of the affected target group.
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Nathania, Christina, and Megahnanda Alidyan K. "An Analysis of Australia’s Foreign Policy through its Domestic Factors to Combat Child Sex Tourism in Project Childhood." ARISTO 11, no. 1 (July 11, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ars.v11i1.5318.
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2010 was the year Australia initiated and signed Project Childhood, a grant and partnership to protect children from sexual exploitation due to travel and tourism. Four countries in the Greater Mekong Subregion, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, are in a sub-region where child sex tourism occurs a lot. The phenomenon of transnational borders will involve sending country as the country of traveling child sex offenders, and receiving country for victims coordinates to make serious law enforcement regarding this issue. In formulating foreign policy, domestic factors are one way of looking at why Australia provides funding, assistance, and initiate international cooperation to combat child sex tourism in GMS. Through this research, the authors will explain the domestic factors that influence Australia in initiating Project Childhood as its foreign policy, using domestic determinants as the level of analysis. Then, it will be divided into 3 sub-determinants, they are; highly stable, demonstrating an Australian responsibility for TCSO originating in the country. This is related to one of the demographic components that cause migration problems. Moderately stable, in relation to the domestic reforms that are actively being carried out in the context of enforcing the extraterritoriality. The last, unstable, the factor of public opinion which also has played an important role so that the government gives attention to this phenomenon
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Baranowski, Mariusz. "Welfare over Warfare? Russia’s War on Ukraine through the Prism of Europe’s Energy Security." International Journal of Energy Economics and Policy 12, no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 226–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32479/ijeep.13415.
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The outbreak of war by the Russian Federation in Ukraine on 24 February 2022 not only took world public opinion and politicians by surprise but, above all, demonstrated in all its glory the strong network of political and economic ties in Europe and far beyond the old continent. The attitudes of individual governments and entire societies, particularly in Europe, towards Russian aggression, differ fundamentally. These differences can most simply be explained in terms of economic and political dependence on Russian gas or proximity to the Russian Federation or its dependent countries like Belarus, which mark sharp dividing axes. In this paper, using a survey commissioned by the European Council on Foreign Relations in ten European countries as an example, I will highlight public attitudes towards the war in Ukraine and their potential impact on the policies of individual governments. The interventionist viewpoint presented in this article suggests that general welfare shapes not only public attitudes towards the war but also impregnates specific governmental positions. In the context of the large European economies, this could significantly yet negatively impact Ukraine's financial and military support in the coming months.
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Petrovic, Predrag. "Strukturne karakteristike robne razmene Srbije i Evropske unije." Ekonomski anali 50, no. 166 (2005): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/eka0566109p.
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The intensity of foreign trade deficit and the dynamics of its growth from 2000 to 2004 suggest the need to give a special attention to the problem of competitiveness. It is a general opinion of professional public that the long-term competitiveness of a state and business cannot be generated from the current economic structure and, therefore, the structure of product export. Therefore, the solution to the problem is to be sought in restructuring the economy and the export offer, and adjusting it so that it meets the demand of the most important foreign trade partners. First of all there is the need to converge the product structure of export with the structure of foreign import, that is, the needs of the European Union. This is a consequence of the fact that this particular group of countries represents the most important destination of Serbian export, that is, that a little more than the half of the total product export is intended for these countries. This is exactly why it is necessary to establish a diagnosis of the degree of structural adequacy in terms of Serbia?s export to the European Union, and to provide a set of useful suggestions about how to find the cure.
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Rammeloo, Stephan. "‘From Rome to Rome’ – Cross-border employment contract. European Private International Law: Intertemporal law and foreign overriding mandatory laws." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 24, no. 2 (April 2017): 298–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x17709754.
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To what extent are Greek saving laws, resulting in payment cuts in the public sector (that is employment conditions), capable of overriding the applicable (German) law? A dispute arising from an employment relationship between the Greek Republic and an employee habitually carrying out work in Germany, gave rise to preliminary questions having regard to the temporal scope of EU Regulation No. 593/2008 (the ‘Rome I Regulation’)1 and, closely related thereto, the functional reach of Article 9(3) of that Regulation in respect of ‘foreign’ mandatory laws, in light of the principle of sincere cooperation enshrined in Article 4(3) TEU. An analysis of the Advocate General’s Opinion and the Court of Justice of the European Union’s (CJEU) ruling is followed by critical commentary and suggestions for future EU legislative amendments to the Rome I regime.
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Croci, Osvaldo, and Livianna Tossutti. "That Elusive Object of Desire: Canadian Perceptions of the European Union." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 3 (August 1, 2007): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007027.
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The paper first gives an historical review of the evolution of the relationship between Canada and the EU. It then looks at Canadian governmental perceptions of the EU through an analysis of parliamentary debates, reports of House of Commons and Senate committees, official papers released by the ministries of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and the election platforms of five federal political parties. Finally, it examines the perceptions of the non-governmental sector, which includes an analysis of the content of three newspapers, commercial and academic public opinion polls as well as documents and press releases from Canada’s principal business and labour organizations, and the research archives of non-partisan think tanks. The picture that emerges from this review is that, in Canadian eyes, the EU is primarily an important international economic actor with large and attractive markets of which Canadian companies have yet to take full advantage. In the absence of a transatlantic free trade deal, however, it is likely that Canada, while continuing to solidify its relationship with the USA, will begin looking with more interest to Asia.
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Tsivatyi, V. "European Political and Diplomatic Dialogue in the Institutional Space of International Relations of Early New Age (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-4.
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The article deals with the analysis of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the European states of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries). Particular attention is given to the institutional development of public and political opinion as well as to the institutional and diplomatic practices in Western and Central Europe. The author defines the directions of the theoretical and practical development of diplomacy and foreign policy in Europe of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries) as well as their formation peculiarities in the leading countries of Europe.
The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) as an important historical event for political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe is analyzed. The attention is paid to the diplomatic tools, national peculiarities of negotiations at the Congress. The results of the Congress of Vienna served as an important stimulus for the further socio-economic, political and diplomatic development of Europe. Practical achievements of the Congress of Vienna and the experience gained by the European diplomacy of the late XVIII – early XIX century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, having its relevance for today.
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Levintova, Ekaterina. "A tale of two independence movements: how do citizens encounter issues of international law and democratic theory?" Nationalities Papers 45, no. 6 (November 2017): 1167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1299121.
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Foreign policy events, including secessionism and independence movements, become objectified for most citizens through media coverage. Accordingly, I look at the coverage of Kosovo's and Scotland's bids for independence in the two top national newspapers,The New York TimesandThe Washington Post.Scholarship in international law, democratic theory, and comparative politics might have valuable insights on independence processes, but it is the media frames inspired by these strands of theoretical literature that shape public opinion and/or reflect policy-makers’ preferences (and biases) in the foreign policy arena. I find that print media can engage in theoretically sophisticated coverage of secessionist movements, which often echoes scholarly insights derived from the relevant academic literature. The two European case studies show consistent application of tropes and frames that one would find in the academic publications on the subject. Yet these cases also illustrate profound differences in media framing not reducible to objective legal and political differences between the two events. US foreign policy considerations also appear to play a role in explaining variance in media frames.
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Ociepka, Beata. "Naujųjų technologijų poveikis tarptautinei komunikacijai: viešosios diplomatijos atvejis." Informacijos mokslai 59 (January 1, 2012): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2012.0.3116.
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The Impact of New Technologies on International Communication: The Case of Public DiplomacyBeata OciepkaThe events in North Africa in the spring of 2011 again attracted the attention of the world public opinion to social media because of their use by opposition for initiatinga social change. The paper raises the question whether social media might play any role in international communication. To answer the question, the case of public diplomacy as a form of political international communication of Central and Eastern European newcomers to the European Union is analyzed. Social media are seen as tools supporting the old networks built thanks to classical tools of diplomacy and contributing to the development of new digital networks. However, the analysis of using of social media by ministries and ministers of foreign affairs as hubs or knots of networks in public diplomacy does not convince as to their any contribution to the development of the relational model of public diplomacy in the region. More optimism might be derived from the online presence of the Belsat television, a channel broadcasting in Belarusian from Poland to Belarus in order to achieve social changes though international broadcasting and social media.Key words: social media, public diplomacy, international communication, new media
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Bajnai, László, and Attila Józsa. "The Necessity of Planned Urban Development." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 15, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2019-0006.
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Abstract The necessity of planned urban development might seem self-evident, but in reality is far from being so – particularly in former socialist countries turned into EU Member States such as Hungary or Romania. In Hungary, for instance, prior to EU accession, there was no generally accepted public opinion supporting the necessity of a planned urban development controlled by the public sector. However, the substantial resources – that in Hungary, e.g., involve impressive amounts – placed at the disposal of urban development within the framework of European Union development policy are not sufficient by themselves to answer the question as to why planned urban development is truly necessary. Based on the most recent research results on the topic and some relevant earlier Hungarian and foreign studies lesser-known in Central Europe, the present paper seeks to answer this question. It analyses the international literature as well as certain Western European, Hungarian, and Romanian cases in order to define the general objectives of urban planning and uses them as a starting-point to demonstrate the necessity of planned urban development.
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Lödén, Hans. "Reaching a vanishing point? Reflections on the future of neutrality norms in Sweden and Finland." Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712445343.
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This rejoinder article takes the contributions in the Special Issue of Cooperation and Conflict – Vol. 46(3) – on Neutrality and ‘Military Non-Alignment’ as point of departure for a discussion of some of the problems former neutrals face in shaping their foreign and security policies. The author argues that current and future developments regarding neutrality norms are dependent on internal factors such as national identity and public opinion, and on external factors such as the military non-aligned states’ relationships to EU, NATO and, not least, the UN. The possibility of a ‘Second Option’ of full-scale military cooperation if a preferred neutral position fails is discussed. Increased UN activism, for example, connected with the R2P concept and the tendency to outsource major UN-mandated military operations to NATO, is touched upon as well as the Libya crisis of 2011 and some of its implications for European foreign and security policy cooperation. Special attention is given to current Swedish debates on military non-alignment and NATO membership.
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Moshref, Hossam Nabil Salaheldin. "The Impact of the Domestic Environment in the Change of Foreign Policy- The Case of Russian Policy towards the European Union after the End of the Cold War." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 17, 2020): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p43.
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Purpose – This paper aims to study the impact of the domestic environment’s components in changing foreign policy. Therefore, the paper focuses on analyzing Russia’s strategies, in the International arena, that has been structured by the domestic factors (leadership, military, security, economics, and identity).
Design/methodology/approach – The paper follows three theories of studying the impact of domestic components into foreign policy in international relations; First it focuses on Foreign Policy Analysis as a traditional analysis in international relations; depending on “Determinants” influencing the foreign policy and the “Instruments/Tools” used to achieve the goals of foreign policy. Second, Neo-Classical Realism Theory, as it tried to explain the importance of internal factors in the foreign policy. Third, Constructivism Theory in International Relations as it concerns Non-state actors and refused the traditional viewing of main concepts in international relations.
Findings – The domestic environment is the background context on which foreign policy is drawn. In general, the domestic environment is within the framework of society; according to it the decision-makers make decisions and include domestic policies (public opinion, geographical location, nature of the political system, main values of society, parties, lobbies…etc.); national expertise can be added in dealing with international political issues.
Originality/Value – This paper proves that there are new forms for foreign policy variables related to the domestic environment and reflects the Economic capabilities, Military Power, Identity, and Leadership into the state's foreign policy.
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Nikolskaya, Anastasiya, and Mikhail Dmitriev. "The End of the Crimean Consensus: How Sustainable are the New Trends in Russian Public Opinion?" Russian Politics 5, no. 3 (August 25, 2020): 354–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00503005.
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Abstract Since Russia’s takeover of Crimea in 2014 Russian public rallied around the flag and public opinion entered a relatively static state often called the “Crimean consensus”. The presidential elections of 2018 became a turning point in the dynamics of public opinion. Sociological data from that period reveals growing anti-establishment sentiments, demand for change, social justice, a peaceful foreign policy, and civic activism. To analyze these changes the study combines data from four rounds of focus groups with sociological surveys on the maturity of moral values and the perception of institutional injustice, conducted during 2018–2020. All sources of our sociological data demonstrate, that the main changes are associated with post-materialist values: demand for the rule of law, political rights and civic engagement prevails over concerns about basic consumption and material inequality. The data also reveals a value related rift between the ruling elites and the population. Whereas the population increasingly demands the rule of law and/or social contract, the ruling class, as the respondents perceive it, remains guided by interpersonal dealings and conformism. The essential role of post-materialist values in defining the new social agenda implies that the ongoing changes are not temporary and reversible but reflect a more fundamental process of transition to postmaterialist value system. However, given a short period of observations the available evidence is not fully conclusive. Data from the new round of European values study expected to be released before the end of 2020 can help clarify the dynamics of value change in Russia and its possible influence on the recent evolution of public opinion.
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Olmastroni, Francesco. "The alleged consensus: Italian elites and publics on foreign policy." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 47, no. 2 (July 2017): 149–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2017.8.
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The article compares the way Italian (governmental and political) elites and (organized and general) publics perceive the international system and conceive of the role of Italy in it by using anad hocsurvey conducted specifically for this study. In order to establish whether a horizontal (left-right) and vertical (top-down) consensus exists on foreign policy, special attention has been paid to divergence and convergence patterns in terms of threat perception, feelings towards the (American and European) allies, support for the main institutional mechanisms of coordination and cooperation, and willingness to use military power to defend the constituted order and the national interest, while controlling for the position and level of action of each actor within the foreign policy-making process as well as her or his ideological orientation. While tracing elites’ and publics’ attitudes towards a wide range of foreign policy and security issues, the article reveals the effect of ideological and situational factors on the strategic preferences of national policy-makers and public opinion. In doing this, it contributes to define both the substance and boundaries of the alleged consensus, based on shared norms and historical legacies, supposedly overcoming socio-economic and political cleavages in matters of foreign policy.
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BODISHTEANU, Nicole. "EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL FACTORS OF EVOLUTION OF THE EURASIAN TRACK OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA’S FOREIGN POLICY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2021): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.01.08.
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The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.
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Ахматов, Хусей Ахматович, and Олег Александрович Коновалов. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FOREIGN PRACTICE OF JUSTIFICATION OF THE INITIAL MAXIMUM PRICE OF THE CONTRACT IN THE PUBLIC ORDER PLACEMENT SYSTEM." «Izvestia vyssih uchebnyh zavedenij. Seria «Ekonomika, finansy i upravlenie proizvodstvom», no. 4 (46) (December 29, 2020): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.6060/ivecofin.2020464.501.
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The paper highlights the main aspects of the formation and justification of the maximum price when placing a state order by participants in the contract system of foreign countries. The analysis of the best practices in public procurement is described on the example of countries such as the USA, Canada, UK, France, Brazil, Australia. Differences in comparison with the domestic practice of justifying the initial maximum price are revealed, associated with the obligatory survey of participants in the procurement procedure by government customers, with explanations of the decision taken by the commission of the government customer. The work reflects foreign analogues of the concept of the initial maximum contract price used in Russian practice, which are subject to the principles of agreeing a reasonable and fair price, as well as the open and hidden nature of the reserve price. The essence of the concept of the preliminary price of a state contract mentioned in the directives and guidelines of the European Union is revealed. The article reveals the factors enshrined in foreign regulations that prevent the formation of an equilibrium market price in the system of placing a government order, associated not only with a conflict of interest, but also with the unjustified provision of cost and non-cost benefits
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Vidnianskyi, Stepan. "Stance of European Intellectuals on russia’s Aggression against Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 458–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-31.
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The article analyses the stance of prominent European intellectuals on the brutal military aggression against Ukraine, a sovereign European country, unleashed by russia, a terrorist-state, which challenged all the democratic values of the Western civilisation and brought humanity to the brink of World War III. In their public appearances, publications and civil engagement, the most prominent representatives of European elites have influenced considerably the European public perception of putin’s war against Ukraine. To wit, Germans Jürgen Habermas and Martin Schulze Wessel, French Françoise Thom and Jonathan Littell, Belgian Bart De Baere, Czech Jan Rychlík, the world-renowned American historian Timothy Snider, and other intellectuals firmly believe that not just putin, but also all russians are responsible for the war, having supported his criminal aggression. Moreover, they believe that Europeans should show utmost support to Ukraine, which is not just fighting against the aggressor for the sake of its existence, freedom, democracy, and pro-European choice, but also against totalitarianism for the sake of the future of Europe. The author stresses that the Euro-Atlantic civilisation needs to unite in combating russia’s aggressive and insidious attempts at imposing on Europe, through its loyal foreign politicians, experts, and institutions, its desired perspective on the russian-Ukrainian war and, in general, Ukrainian history and culture. The author outlines three primary objectives of European intellectuals. The first lies in conveying the truth about the russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–22, its causes, and geopolitical implications, real and potential, to society. The second focuses on refuting russian deceitful propaganda. The third involves shedding light on the essence, components, and historical roots of ‘ruscism’, the dominant totalitarian ideology of contemporary russia, which poses a threat to the existence of the human civilisation and demands urgent attention and elimination. Keywords: russia, Ukraine, aggression, Europe, intellectuals, public opinion.
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Komshukova, Olga. "Between hammer and anvil: the Russian Constitutional Court’s position on abolition of the death penalty." Sravnitel noe konstitucionnoe obozrenie 29, no. 5 (2020): 112–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/1812-7126-2020-5-112-133.
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The key factor in maintaining a moratorium on the death penalty in Russia is its membership in the Council of Europe, which requires compliance with the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the abolition of the death penalty. One of the proponents of maintaining Russia’s adherence to the Convention is the Russian Constitutional Court. However, the return of the death penalty as a capital punishment finds some support in Russia. Therefore, the Constitutional Court has to maintain a balance between two forces: internal pressure from public opinion and a number of conservative government representatives, and fidelity to the fundamental principles of the Russian Constitution and international law, backed up by international obligations undertaken by Russia. The purpose of this article is to identify and analyze contradictions among the priorities of the Russian Constitutional Court in its implementation of foreign and domestic legal policy through a political and legal analysis of its argumentation regarding the abolition of the death penalty. In turn, full-fledged analysis of the Court’s argument is possible only by taking into account the domestic and international contexts. The article is structured as follows: firstly, it examines the evolution of the question of the abolition of the death penalty in Russia and the main decisions of the Russian Constitutional Court related to the introduction and maintenance of a moratorium on the death penalty. Secondly, it examines the domestic context of decisions taken by the Court from the perspective of key actors (the professional community, government officials, public opinion). Thirdly, it considers the international context of decision-making (the development of relations between Russia and the Council of Europe, the Russian Constitutional Court and the European Court of Human Rights, as well as foreign experience with the issue of abolition of the death penalty). In conclusion, the article analyzes the main arguments of the Russian Constitutional Court to justify the need to abolish the death penalty and discusses the role of the Constitutional Court in resolving the death penalty issue.
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Orekhov, Vladimir V. "Background of Russian Imagology: Tradition as an Indication of Target." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 14 (2020): 143–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/14/7.
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Focusing on the history of Russian imagology, the article aims at identifying the origins of the imagological interests in research and public thought in Russia in the first and second thirds of the 20th century as well as research approaches of that time that may be required by modern imagology. This analytical insight arises from the endeavor of contemporary scholars to update and develop the imagology paradigm. The Patriotic War of 1812 and the entry of Russian troops into Paris in 1814 gave a powerful impulse to the imagological interests in Russian society. These events highlighted the irrational nature of European stereotypes and provided an opportunity for the Russian intellectual elite to observe how the European image of Russia evolves depending on the historical situation, which, in its turn, induced the Russians to collect and conceptualise the information about the image of Russia in European texts of different epochs. The Rossica Department in the Imperial Public Library was opened for the scholars to do bibliographic research of foreign publications about Russia. Commenting foreign essays about Russia was an important part of Russian academic and journalistic activity. Such publications regularly appeared in Syn Otechestva, Otechestvennye zapiski, Severnyy Arkhiv, Sovremennik, Biblioteka dlya chteniya, Russkiy vestnik, and Zhurnal Ministerstva narodnogo prosveshcheniya. The first imagological research proper was V.A. Klyuchevsky’s Skazaniya inostrantsev o Moskovskom gosudarstve [Legends of Foreigners about the Moscow State, 1866]. Without a critical analysis of foreign sources, the historian uses excerpts from different foreign texts to reconstruct an integral image of the Moscow state in the European consciousness. Although the first Russian imagological researches appeared in history, they laid the basis for the development of literary criticism. The book collection “Rossica” allowed Russian and foreign scholars (M.P. Alekseev, B.L. Modzalevsky, E.V. Tarle, M. Kadot) to study the Western literary opinion about Russia. Yu.M. Lotman relied on the imagological observations made by V.A. Klyuchevsky and his followers. Methodology of Soviet imagological research in literary criticism (M.P. Alekseev, B.G. Reizov, A.K. Vinogradov) was guided by the principles of history. These facts give grounds to speak about the formation of the Russian tradition of imagological researches, which has two characteristics: 1) following the principle of historicity and 2) focus on the functioning of the image of Russia in European literature of different epochs. In this context, it seems relevant for the Russian imagological works to focus on the phenomenon of “reverse reception” in Russian literature of the 19th century, that is on the Russian writers’ endeavor to comprehend the European image of Russia (to create a “meta-image”) and to oppose this image with their own holistic idea of Russia and its national features.
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Rotar, Nataliia. "Formation of a Policy for Protecting the Electoral Model of Political Participation Against Disinformation Influence (On the Example of the Policy of the European Union)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.179-193.
Full textAbstract:
The article provides a comprehensive study of the peculiarities of policy formation to protect the electoral model of political participation from disinformation in the European Union. It is established that its content is determined by the synthesis of three components: (1) information, which combines the functioning of a transparent and accountable online ecosystem, development of education and media literacy, support for quality journalism as a source of formation/renewal/ transformation of motivation of citizens; (2) institutional – security of electoral processes and stable functioning of the institution of elections as a space for the implementation of electoral choice of citizens of EU member states; (3) security – counteracting internal and external threats of disinformation, which distort the electoral choice, by means of strategic communications. The effectiveness of anti-disinformation policy is ensured by its democratic procedure, which involved the involvement of experts (HLEG), broad public consultations on the impact of disinformation on the nature of political processes and opinion polls in EU member states. It has been proven that the tools and types of disinformation dissemination used by third parties have identified the need for legislative regulation of the process of identifying and removing disinformation content of messages on social networks and the Internet; developing a model of coordinated action at EU level to combat hybrid threats; determining the nature and level of EU dependence on foreign technologies in critical infrastructure chains; identifying ways to strengthen internal security at the level of EU institutions; development of a system of tools to counter disinformation campaigns by third countries, which are created to influence the public opinion of citizens of EU member states. It is justified that one of the results of the development of anti-disinformation policy is a clear definition of the unresolved problem to which the political and discursive practices of the political elite should be directed – it is hidden foreign funding of political activities in the EU.
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Farooq, Mohammad, and Tariq Mahmood. "WTO Regulations and the Audio-visual Sector— An Analytical Framework for Pakistan." Pakistan Development Review 42, no. 4II (December 1, 2003): 587–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v42i4iipp.587-606.
Full textAbstract:
Audio-visual services play a crucial and formative role in any society. These services are closely linked to the preservation of cultural identity and social values, and play a major role in shaping public opinion, safeguarding democratic system and developing creative potential. Due to these reasons, governments of both developed and developing countries not only provide direct and indirect incentives to their domestic industries but also strictly regulate the content of audio-visual media. During the Uruguay Round of WTO (World Trade Organisation) negotiations, audio-visual service sector witnessed limited liberalisation. Even major players such as the EU, Australia and Canada did not make any commitments to liberalise trade in these services. This was primarily to protect the domestic industries from foreign competition, promote their growth and to protect the cultural heritage of the nations from foreign influence. Many countries have repeatedly raised concerns about the capability of the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services) framework to take into account the democratic, cultural and social aspects. Others have explained that audio-visual sector is largely covered by domestic regulations and normal trade rules are not applicable to these services.
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Habro, Irina, and Mykhailo Solomko. "Development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union." European Historical Studies, no. 18 (2021): 6–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.18.01.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the development of environmental diplomacy of the European Union. Today environmental diplomacy has become an important way for states to promote their course of environmental diplomacy, to protect their environmental rights and interests, to promote their own economic and environmental development. The most striking example of the application of green diplomacy on a regional and global scale is the environmental policy implemented by EU member states. Within the EU there is a huge number of environmental programs for the development of renewable energy sources, protection of flora and fauna, as well as combating pollution of water and land resources. To implement its own environmental diplomacy, the EU has adopted a number of important regulations, which are analyzed in the article. The most thorough legal act in the field of environmental diplomacy was Council Directive 85/337 / EEC of 1985 on the assessment of the effects of public and private projects on the environment. This directive reflects the EU’s desire to draw the attention of government agencies and the public to environmental issues and to encourage their collective solution. EU environmental diplomacy is carried out through diplomatic missions, missions, delegations, as well as at the individual level. It involves European politicians and officials who are able to influence international public opinion, employees of foreign ministries and diplomatic missions. The EU also involves third countries as partners to discuss the most pressing environmental issues and their future solutions: climate change, biodiversity conservation, soil depletion, forest and water resources, and renewable energy. Environmental protection is one of the priority areas for European integration. States wishing to join the EU must meet its environmental standards and implement key principles of environmental legislation. It is noted that the EU countries are trying to transfer the economy to clean technologies and diplomatically encourage others to take measures to improve the environmental situation.
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Shneyder, K. I. "THE PHENOMENON OF "CELEBRITY" IN RUSSIAN PUBLIC SPACE OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE 19TH CENTURY: THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONS." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-5-12.
Full textAbstract:
In modern historiography, the phenomenon of "celebrity" attracts close attention of specialists and experts. The study of this phenomenon is closely related to the history of the emergence and development of the public sphere, publicity, public and public opinion. The article examines the historical context of the formation of the public sphere in Russia in the second half of the 18th – the first half of the 19th centuries; the conceptual points of Jürgen Haber-mas’s model and Antoine Lilti’s theory, which are the main methodological guidelines for investigating the construc-tion of "celebrity" in public space; and the opinions of modern researchers on the issue. The author draws attention to the temporal features of the genesis of the public sphere in the conditions of the existence of an autocratic regime in Russia. The article presents a version of the multifactorial and multi-temporal history of the Europeanization of Rus-sia in the 18th century, which in short period helped integrate Russia into the context of modern European processes. In accordance with it, the society first experienced “Peter's Europeanization”, a purely foreign policy wave, thanks to which an imperial state emerged with the right to participate in European international affairs. The natural conse-quence of the previous period was “Catherine’s Europeanization”, an internal political wave that imported Western axiology, norms and practices of European governance, changes in the everyday life of the nobility, etc. into the country. The article contains an analysis of the concrete historical situation in Russia in the first half of the 19th centu-ry, which determined the time route of movement towards the establishment of a full-fledged public space in the society. In conclusion, the main factors contributed to the formation of the phenomenon of "celebrity" in the domes-tic public sphere are determined.