Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australia Foreign public opinion, European

Academic literature on the topic 'Australia Foreign public opinion, European'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, European"

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Rabinovych, Petro, and Anna Nakonechna. "NEED-RESEARCHING APPROACH: DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN EXPERIENCE (COMPARATIVE LEGAL ASPECT)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 74, no. 74 (June 30, 2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2022.74.023.

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The article is devoted to the comparative legal analysis of domestic and foreign experience of the needs approach. It is established that Professor P. Rabinovych made a significant contribution to the development of the issue on the importance of legal regulation to meet the needs of the domestic general theory of law. He was the first to introduce into scientific circulation the term «needs approach» as the idea that the essence of social phenomena are those useful characteristics that can be used by man and society to meet their needs and interests. Associate professors V. Bigun, R. Gavrilyuk, D. Hudyma, Y. Loboda, O. Pankevych, A. Rabinovych, as well as Professor S. Rabinovych and others developed his ideas on the application of the needs approach in their scientific works. Consequently, R. Gavrilyuk defined that law is a way of normative existence of an individual in the society based on the freedom of expression to satisfy his/her personal (private) and general (public) needs on the basis of freedom, equality and justice. O. Pankevych applied the needs approach to establish the essence of the social state, as well as to define the concept of social law, its subject, method and status in the system of positive law. D. Hudyma used the term «need» to reveal the meaning of «the essence of law», to define the need-researching approach as a kind of anthropological approach and argues that «law is objectively designed to help meet human needs.» A. Rabinovych noted that at least two preconditions must be provided for the use of the needs approach: 1) it is necessary to comprehend the general understanding of the needs of subjects, as well as to identify the main types of these needs through their classification; 2) it is necessary to acquire a meaningful knowledge of general social, group and individual needs in the society in which the studied phenomenon was formed and exists. It is found that in the modern European and Australian scientific literature, the theory of the needs approach as a justification of human rights has become somewhat widespread. Fundamental representatives of these theories are Czech jurist Martin Gapla, British political scholar David Miller, professor at the Royal College of Great Britain Massimo Renzo, professor of medical ethics at the University of London Len Doyal, professor at the British Research Center for Social Exclusion Ian Gaff, as well as the Australian scholar James Griffin. The essence of the above approach, in their opinion, is the following: – human needs, namely universal, are the basis for human rights. Such human rights are considered «real» and are able to create and ensure a dignified human life; – people with full capacity are «regulatory agents», that is their needs, the number of which grows over time and are constantly improving, serve as a basis for the creation of regulations, making them, thus, both a guarantor and a tool to meet them; – the effective functioning of legislation depends on the successful functioning of means and mechanisms to meet human needs, which legitimize certain rules of law.
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Piersanti, Valeria, Francesca Consalvo, Fabrizio Signore, Alessandro Del Rio, and Simona Zaami. "Surrogacy and “Procreative Tourism”. What Does the Future Hold from the Ethical and Legal Perspectives?" Medicina 57, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/medicina57010047.

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Background and objectives: To explore the ethical and legal complexities arising from the controversial issue of surrogacy, particularly in terms of how they affect fundamental rights of children and parents. Surrogacy is a form of medically-assisted procreation (MAP) in which a woman “lends” her uterus to carry out a pregnancy on behalf of a third party. There are pathological conditions, such as uterine agenesis or hysterectomy outcomes, that may prevent prospective mothers from becoming pregnant or carry a pregnancy to term; such patients may consider finding a surrogate mother. Many issues relating to surrogacy remain unresolved, with significant disagreements and controversy within the scientific community and public opinion. There are several factors called into play and multiple parties and stakeholders whose objectives and interests need to somehow be reconciled. First and foremost, the authors contend, it is essential to prioritize and uphold the rights of children born through surrogacy and heterologous MAP. Materials and methods: To draw a parallel between Italy and the rest of the world, the legislation in force in twelve European countries was analyzed, eleven of which are part of the European Union (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Greece, Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Lithuania, Czech Republic and Portugal) and three non-members of the same (United Kingdom, Ukraine and Russia), as well as that of twelve non-European countries considered exemplary (United States, Canada, Australia, India, China, Thailand, Israel, Nigeria and South Africa); in particular, legislative sources and legal databases were drawn upon, in order to draw a comparison with the Italian legislation currently in force and map out the evolution of the Italian case law on the basis of the judgments issued by Italian courts, including the Constitutional and Supreme Courts and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR); search engines such as PubMed and Google Scholar were also used, by entering the keywords “surrogacy” and “surrogate motherhood”, to find scientific articles concerning assisted reproduction techniques with a close focus on surrogacy. Results: SM is a prohibited and sanctioned practice in Italy; on the other hand, it is allowed in other countries of the world, which leads Italian couples, or couples from other countries where it is banned, to often contact foreign centers in order to undertake a MAP pathway which includes surrogacy; in addition, challenges may arise from the legal status of children born through surrogacy abroad: to date, in most countries, there is no specific legislation aimed at regulating their legal registration and parental status. Conclusion: With reference to the Italian context, despite the scientific and legal evolution on the subject, a legislative intervention aimed at filling the regulatory gaps in terms of heterologous MAP and surrogacy has not yet come to fruition. Considering the possibility of “fertility tourism”, i.e., traveling to countries where the practice is legal, as indeed already happens in a relatively significant number of cases, the current legislation, although integrated by the legal interpretation, does not appear to be effective in avoiding the phenomenon of procreative tourism. Moreover, to overcome some contradictions currently present between law 40 and law 194, it would be appropriate to outline an organic and exhaustive framework of rules, which should take into account the multiplicity of interests at stake, in keeping with a fair and sustainable balance when regulating such practices.
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Piersanti, Valeria, Francesca Consalvo, Fabrizio Signore, Alessandro Del Rio, and Simona Zaami. "Surrogacy and “Procreative Tourism”. What Does the Future Hold from the Ethical and Legal Perspectives?" Medicina 57, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/medicina57010047.

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Background and objectives: To explore the ethical and legal complexities arising from the controversial issue of surrogacy, particularly in terms of how they affect fundamental rights of children and parents. Surrogacy is a form of medically-assisted procreation (MAP) in which a woman “lends” her uterus to carry out a pregnancy on behalf of a third party. There are pathological conditions, such as uterine agenesis or hysterectomy outcomes, that may prevent prospective mothers from becoming pregnant or carry a pregnancy to term; such patients may consider finding a surrogate mother. Many issues relating to surrogacy remain unresolved, with significant disagreements and controversy within the scientific community and public opinion. There are several factors called into play and multiple parties and stakeholders whose objectives and interests need to somehow be reconciled. First and foremost, the authors contend, it is essential to prioritize and uphold the rights of children born through surrogacy and heterologous MAP. Materials and methods: To draw a parallel between Italy and the rest of the world, the legislation in force in twelve European countries was analyzed, eleven of which are part of the European Union (France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Greece, Netherlands, Belgium, Denmark, Lithuania, Czech Republic and Portugal) and three non-members of the same (United Kingdom, Ukraine and Russia), as well as that of twelve non-European countries considered exemplary (United States, Canada, Australia, India, China, Thailand, Israel, Nigeria and South Africa); in particular, legislative sources and legal databases were drawn upon, in order to draw a comparison with the Italian legislation currently in force and map out the evolution of the Italian case law on the basis of the judgments issued by Italian courts, including the Constitutional and Supreme Courts and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR); search engines such as PubMed and Google Scholar were also used, by entering the keywords “surrogacy” and “surrogate motherhood”, to find scientific articles concerning assisted reproduction techniques with a close focus on surrogacy. Results: SM is a prohibited and sanctioned practice in Italy; on the other hand, it is allowed in other countries of the world, which leads Italian couples, or couples from other countries where it is banned, to often contact foreign centers in order to undertake a MAP pathway which includes surrogacy; in addition, challenges may arise from the legal status of children born through surrogacy abroad: to date, in most countries, there is no specific legislation aimed at regulating their legal registration and parental status. Conclusion: With reference to the Italian context, despite the scientific and legal evolution on the subject, a legislative intervention aimed at filling the regulatory gaps in terms of heterologous MAP and surrogacy has not yet come to fruition. Considering the possibility of “fertility tourism”, i.e., traveling to countries where the practice is legal, as indeed already happens in a relatively significant number of cases, the current legislation, although integrated by the legal interpretation, does not appear to be effective in avoiding the phenomenon of procreative tourism. Moreover, to overcome some contradictions currently present between law 40 and law 194, it would be appropriate to outline an organic and exhaustive framework of rules, which should take into account the multiplicity of interests at stake, in keeping with a fair and sustainable balance when regulating such practices.
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Slobodchikoff, Michael O. "Constraining Elites: The Impact of Treaty Networks on Foreign Policy." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, no. 3 (October 19, 2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203004.

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In democracies, elites should be responsive to public opinion. This is especially true in Eastern Europe, where politicians fear electoral sanctions in the process of reform (Roberts and Kim 2011). Public opinion in general in Eastern Europe has been overwhelmingly in favor of European integration (Caplanova et al. 2004). In Ukraine, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the eu, while in Moldova, public opinion was in favor of increased cooperation with the Russian led Customs Union. Ukraine refused to sign an association agreement with the eu, while Moldova enthusiastically signed the same association agreement. Why should both Ukrainian and Moldovan political elites have chosen not to be responsive to public opinion in such an important decision? Using network analysis of bilateral treaties between Russia and Moldova and Russia and Ukraine, I predict the responsiveness of political elites to public opinion toward European integration. I argue that the denser a treaty network between a weaker state and the regional hegemon, the less likely political elites will be to cooperate and move toward European integration. Conversely, less dense treaty networks allow politicians more flexibility in following their own preferences. Further, I offer a prediction for other states in the fsu to seek further cooperation with the eu.
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Bodenstein, Thilo, and Jörg Faust. "Who Cares? European Public Opinion on Foreign Aid and Political Conditionality." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 55, no. 5 (April 26, 2017): 955–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12556.

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Oppermann, Kai, and Alexander Höse. "Public Opinion and the Development of the European Security and Defence Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 12, Issue 2 (June 1, 2007): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2007015.

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This article argues that public opinion will become an increasingly significant constraint on European-level decision-making with regard to implementing and further developing the ESDP. The thesis is based on a theoretical concept that identifies two necessary preconditions for public opinion to impact upon governmental foreign policies, namely the public salience of foreign policy issues and the public’s opportunity structures to influence foreign policy decision-making. Any initiative to put into practice or extend the ESDP will have to be pursued in a political environment in which both preconditions will generally be met. First, the ESDP’s actions and aspirations touch upon issues that are of great salience to European publics. Second, European publics are provided with ample channels of influence to constrain European integration in this field via their respective national governments. Thus, the prospects of further developing the ESDP will depend increasingly on supportive public opinions in EU Member States.
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Dragomir, Elena. "Lithuanian public opinion and the EU membership." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 295–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_9.

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During the early 1990s, following the restoration of independence, Lithuania reoriented in terms of foreign policy towards West. One of the state’s main foreign policy goals became the accession to the EU and NATO. Acknowledging that the ‘opinion of the people’ is a crucial factor in today’s democracy as it is important and necessary for politicians to know and take into consideration the ‘public opinion’, that is the opinion of the people they represent, this paper brings into attention the public support for the political pro-West project. The paper is structured in two main parts. The first one presents in short the politicians’ discourse regarding Lithuania’s accession to the EU and its general ‘returning to Europe’, in the general context of the state’s new foreign policy, while the second part presents the results of different public opinion surveys regarding the same issue. Comparing these two sides, in the end, the paper provides the answer that the Lithuanian people backed the political elites in their European projects. Although, the paper does not represent a breakthrough for the scientific community, its findings could be of interest for those less familiarized with the Lithuanian post-Cold War history, and especially for the Romanian public to whom this journal mainly addresses.
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BAKER, ANDY. "Race, Paternalism, and Foreign Aid: Evidence from U.S. Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (January 13, 2015): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000549.

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Virtually all previous studies of domestic economic redistribution find white Americans to be less enthusiastic about welfare for black recipients than for white recipients. When it comes to foreign aid and international redistribution across racial lines, I argue that prejudice manifests not in an uncharitable, resentful way but in a paternalistic way because intergroup contact is minimal and because of how the media portray black foreigners. Using two survey experiments, I show that white Americans are more favorable toward aid when cued to think of foreign poor of African descent than when cued to think of those of East European descent. This relationship is due not to the greater perceived need of black foreigners but to an underlying racial paternalism that sees them as lacking in human agency. The findings confirm accusations of aid skeptics and hold implications for understanding the roots of paternalistic practices in the foreign aid regime.
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Diven, Polly J., and John Constantelos. "Explaining generosity: a comparison of US and European public opinion on foreign aid." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 7, no. 2 (June 2009): 118–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794010902868280.

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Chow, Wilfred M., Enze Han, and Xiaojun Li. "Brexit identities and British public opinion on China." International Affairs 95, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 1369–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz191.

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Abstract Many studies have explored the importance of public opinion in British foreign policy decision-making, especially when it comes to the UK's relations with the United States and the European Union. Despite its importance, there is a dearth of research on public opinion about British foreign policy towards other major players in the international system, such as emerging powers like China. We have addressed this knowledge gap by conducting a public opinion survey in the UK after the Brexit referendum. Our research findings indicate that the British public at large finds China's rise disconcerting, but is also pragmatic in its understanding of how the ensuing bilateral relations should be managed. More importantly, our results show that views on China are clearly split between the two opposing Brexit identities. Those who subscribe strongly to the Leave identity, measured by their aversion to the EU and antipathy towards immigration, are also more likely to hold negative perceptions of Chinese global leadership and be more suspicious of China as a military threat. In contrast, those who espouse a Remain identity—that is, believe that Britain would be better served within the EU and with more immigrants—are more likely to prefer closer engagement with China and to have a more positive outlook overall on China's place within the global community.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, European"

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Leslie, Stuart T. "The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/383.

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Thesis advisor: James Cronin
This paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Kalshoven, Petra Tjitske. "Plays on "the Indian" : representation of knowledge and authenticity in Indianist mimetic practice." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102244.

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Indian hobbyism, or Indianism, is an expression of a typically European fascination with Native American peoples which involves crafting "museum-quality replicas" of clothing and artifacts as well as reenactment of slices of Native American nineteenth-century life by non-Native practitioners in an effort to produce knowledge and meaningful experience through experimentation. Drawing on fieldwork data collected in 2003 and 2004 among play communities of Indian hobbyists in Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, France, and the Czech Republic, I formulate an understanding of the social, performative, and mimetic dynamics of this phenomenon by conceiving of Indianist practices as forms of play that constantly shift between different play frames. In terms of knowledge production, I argue that the Indian hobby provides a space in which different (epistemological) traditions meet, as Indian hobbyists draw on, and enact, a hybrid reservoir of indigenous and European knowledge systems and art forms. Especially interesting is the relationship between Indianism and the dynamics of museal display in the West, both historically and contemporaneously. In general, I found that two different approaches to the right way of representing may be distinguished in Indianist methodological practice: a "Renaissance" and a "Translational" mode.
Because of its striking mimetic aspects, Indianism raises questions of identity play and cultural appropriation. An important element of the hobbyist quest for knowledge and experience consists in investing the self in an "other" in ways that elicit criticism from outsiders, including anthropologists. Indian hobbyism is a controversial example of "playing at" cultures that (by all conventional standards) belong elsewhere and to someone else, providing interesting insights for debates on identity politics and the construction of "race"---also among Indianists themselves. Rather than longing to embody someone else's identity, however, Indianists, almost in spite of themselves, enact a social world that is filled with action and life in their European present. Indianist practice and desire for authenticity revolve around craftsmanship and reenactment, resulting in skillful replicas, in the here and now.
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Antonucci, Ryan J. "Changing Perceptions of il DuceTracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism." Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1379111698.

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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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Govor, Elena. "Russian perceptions of Australia, 1788-1919." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/143836.

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Broinowski, Alison 1941. "About face : Asian representations of Australia." 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20030404.135751/index.html.

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"閱讀和理解: 17世紀-19世紀中期歐洲的中國圖像." 2003. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073861.

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陸文雪.
論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2003.
參考文獻 (p. 228-236).
中英文摘要.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Lu Wenxue.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003.
Can kao wen xian (p. 228-236).
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Books on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, European"

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Summo-O'Connell, Renata. Imagined Australia: Reflections around the reciprocal construction of identity between Australia and Europe. Bern: Peter Lang, 2009.

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Gardner, P. D. Through foreign eyes: European perceptions of the Kurnai Tribe of Gippsland. Churchill, Vic: Centre for Gippsland Studies, Gippsland Institute of Advanced Education, 1988.

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Through foreign eyes: European perceptions of the Kurnai Tribe of Gippsland. Ensay, [Australia]: Ngarak Press, 1994.

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Nguyen, Anne T. A. Vietnamese representations of Australia. [Nathan] Qld: Centre for the Study of Australia-Asia Relations, Griffith University, 1998.

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Avrupa kimliği ve Türkiye. Cağaloğlu, İstanbul: Büke Kitapları, 2006.

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A, Wertman Douglas, ed. US-West European relations during the Reagan years: The perspective of West European publics. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1992.

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Smith, Steven K. U.S.-West European relations during the Reagan Years: The perspective of West European publics. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992.

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Gunny, Ahmad. Perceptions of Islam in European writings. Leicester, UK: Islamic Foundation, 2003.

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Dell'Orto, Giovanna. The hidden power of the American dream: Why Europe's shaken confidence in the United States threatens the future of U.S. influence. Westport, Conn: Praeger Security International, 2008.

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Ming Qing shi qi Ou Zhou ren yan zhong de Zhongguo. Beijing: Zhonghua shu ju, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australia Foreign public opinion, European"

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Everts, Philip, and Pierangelo Isernia. "Partners Apart? The Foreign Policy Attitudes of the American and European Publics." In Public Opinion, Transatlantic Relations and the Use of Force, 63–108. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137315755_3.

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Sojka, Aleksandra, and Rafael Vázquez-García. "The Enlarged EU in a Globalized World: A Comparative Analysis of Elite and Public Opinion Support for a Common European Foreign Policy." In Global Power Europe - Vol. 1, 55–72. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-32412-3_4.

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Clements, Ben. "European integration." In British Public Opinion on Foreign and Defence Policy, 85–134. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315211961-4.

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McDonald, Matt. "20. Australia and global climate change." In Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708902.003.0020.

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This chapter examines Australia’s engagement with the international politics of global climate change. It first provides an overview of the problem of global climate change and its likely effects, focusing on key complexities and dilemmas regarding climate change, and the evolution of the climate change regime through the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process. It then considers key drivers of climate diplomacy, from the ideology and foreign policy perspectives of different governments to the role of public opinion and the ebb and flow of international cooperation. It shows that Australia’s changing approach to climate change cooperation underscores the profound challenges for the climate change regime.
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Galstyan, Narek S. "How to Deal with Armenia’s Geopolitical Trilemma? Examining Public Opinion." In Eastern Chessboard: Geopolitical Determinants and Challenges in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, 209–20. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788376386706.16.

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This article focuses on the analysis of foreign policy attitudes and perceptions within Armenia’s society. The analysis is based on the comparison and interpretation of results of various quantitative surveys conducted in Armenia from 2009 to 2015. The results of this comparative chronological analysis are compared with the basic principles of official foreign policy, enshrined in the National Security Strategy of Armenia (2007). In this framework, the core emphasis is placed perceptions of European and Eurasian dimensions of Armenia’s foreign policy. The objective of this analysis is to identify the existing and changing features of the foreign policy orientation within Armenia’s society. It is concluded that for Armenia’s society there was and is not any “Eurasian”, but only a “Russian” choice: the vast majority of Armenia’s population considers relations with Russia as strategic and as based not on economic or socio-cultural, but mainly on political (security) reasons. However, absolute majority also welcomes Armenia’s broad cooperation with West, especially with the EU. Moreover, the majority even stands for Armenia’s membership in the European Union alongside with the membership in the Eurasian Union.
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Menon, Anand, and Luigi Scazzieri. "11. The United Kingdom: Towards a Parting of the Ways." In The Member States of the European Union, 257–79. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737391.003.0011.

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This chapter examines the history of the United Kingdom’s relationship with the European integration process. The chapter dissects the long-term trends in public opinion and the more contingent, short-term factors that led to the referendum vote to leave the European Union. The UK was a late joiner and therefore unable to shape the early institutional development of the EEC. British political parties and public opinion were always ambiguous about membership and increasingly Eurosceptic from the early 1990s. Yet the UK had a significant impact on the EU’s development, in the development of the single market programme and eastward enlargement. If Brexit goes through, Britain will nevertheless maintain relations with the EU in all policy areas from agriculture to energy and foreign policy. Europeanization will remain a useful theoretical tool to analyse EU–UK relations even if the UK leaves the Union.
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Terzioğlu, Elifnur. "Reading Turkey's EU Accession Process Through Progress Reports in the Context of Public Diplomacy." In Maintaining International Relations Through Digital Public Diplomacy Policies and Discourses, 136–54. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-5822-8.ch011.

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Public diplomacy, which is defined as an effort to influence the attitude and perception of the public in order to shape and implement the foreign policy in the desired direction, can also be evaluated as an effort to shape the public opinion of different countries in a positive and desired way. One of Turkey's most important goals in the international arena has been determined as membership to the European Union, and many governments have carried out activities in various dimensions in line with this policy for many years. The activities carried out by Turkey in the EU membership process are closely monitored by the EU and regularly reported since 1998. While evaluating the breakthroughs Turkey has made in terms of foreign policy in these reports, it is also possible to determine how the international community and the public perceive these efforts. Based on this foresight, in this chapter, Turkey's progress reports in the EU membership process will be evaluated in the context of public diplomacy, and a descriptive and analytical framework will be created in this context.
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Gasparyan, Abraham. "Armenian Leadership (Political and Party Elite) Stance on State’s Foreign Policy Orientation." In Eastern Chessboard: Geopolitical Determinants and Challenges in Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus, 221–29. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788376386706.17.

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On September 3, 2013, after Armenia completed nearly three years of negotiations with the European Union on the Association Agreement which included years of European-funded legislative reforms, President Serzh Sargsyan declared in Moscow that Yerevan wants to join the pre-formed Eurasian Customs Union (later it became Eurasian Economic Union). The President’s announcement a few hours later caught many by surprise - even those in his inner circle. Brussels had made it clear that it was the Association Agreement, and specifically its Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA) component which was incompatible with membership in the Customs Union. The author, with his team, conducted qualitative surveys to represent the public opinion on foreign policy orientation. At least 40 in-depth interviews have been conducted and all 40 transcripts are complete. Each group of respondents (decision making centers, political party leadership, experts, and NGO sector representatives) answered both general and specific questions. In case of policy experts and party leaders questions were divided into several groups. The questionnaire consisted of six main parts regarding national security issues, national identity impact on foreign policy, the bi-lateral and international relations building process of post-Soviet (independent) Armenia with neighbors, regional and global powers, the influence of Armenian Genocide on Armenian state policy and political decisions of the leadership, etc. As concerns the essence of security from the standpoints of the elites, political party leadership and the public, answers are quite different.
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9

Dukalskis, Alexander. "Controlling Critical Messengers." In Making the World Safe for Dictatorship, 83–110. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197520130.003.0005.

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This chapter focuses on how Chinese authorities attempt to control the image of China that the world sees. It first sets the stage by describing China’s domestic media sphere. It then draws on semi-structured interviews with current and former foreign correspondents for European and North American outlets in China. The interviews reveal the techniques that the government uses to try to inhibit negative news about China from reaching global audiences. These include direct persuasion, restricting sites and/or persons from being investigated, surveillance, intimidation, and the specter of visa non-renewal. Ultimately, if these techniques fail, the government sometimes attempts to refute the story that results and/or to impugn the reputation of the journalist. Examining how foreign correspondents are “managed” in China is important because they help shape public opinion about China abroad and thus provide the backdrop to China’s other efforts at image management.
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Murray-Miller, Gavin. "Paris, a Trans-Imperial Metropole." In Empire Unbound, 98–123. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192863119.003.0005.

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Moving from North Africa to Paris, Chapter 4 examines how Egyptian and Ottoman exilic communities transformed the French metropolitan capital into a center of trans-imperial political activism. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Paris boasted a lively exilic press. Activists brought foreign politics into the salons hosted by Parisian elites; they organized protest movements and built support networks among influential French writers and officials. While histories of Egyptian and Ottoman political displacements in the period have customarily been narrated through nationalist paradigms detailing how groups like the Young Turks and Egyptian nationalists built up and sustained causes abroad, examining these movements in a trans-imperial perspective reveals a different picture. Exiles communicated with multiple audiences as they pursued their respective reform movements. They responded to events back home while also packaging their ideas for European liberals. In courting European public opinion, exiles were compelled to respond to European colonialism and the geopolitical realities of the day. They forged synergistic relationships with colonial reforms in France and worked alongside French colonial subjects residing in the city. This complex social and intellectual milieu had an important impact on exilic movements operating within Paris at the time and would influence views on foreign politics, imperialism, and prevailing currents of Islamic modernism emanating from the fin-de-siècle eastern Mediterranean.
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