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1
Rimmer, Susan Harris. "Australian experiments in creative governance, regionalism, and plurilateralism." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 4 (December 2016): 630–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016686383.
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The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.” This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new emphasis on minilateral dialogues such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia (MIKTA), and more effort directed to bilateral and plurilateral processes such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. This approach has been continued under Prime Minister Turnbull, with a renewed focus on innovation. Part 1 considers minilateral and regional investments in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily, IORA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). I consider MIKTA a unique vehicle for Australian diplomacy. Part 2 considers what issues Australia should be pursuing through these forums, with a focus on the two themes of gender equality (as an example of niche diplomacy) and trade (multilateralism under pressure) as case studies. Beeson and Higgott argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement “games of skill,” especially at moments of international transition. How skilful have Australia’s efforts been in these minilateral dialogues, enhanced regionalism, and plurilateral processes, and what more can be achieved in these forums? Are these efforts creating more fragmentation of the rules-based order, or are they a way to overcome global governance stalemates? I set out the arguments for whether Australia, as a pivotal power, should generate more global options, or be more focused on inclusion in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Chaziza, Mordechai. "China’s Economic Diplomacy Approach in the Middle East Conflicts." China Report 55, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518818210.
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This study analyses China’s economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing’s economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region’s hotspots.
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Hutsaliuk, O. M., Іu A. Bondar, and O. O. Sukhachova. "Vectors of Development of Trade and Economic Cooperation of Ukraine with the Countries of the Middle East and Africa." Management of Economy: Theory and Practice. Chumachenko’s Annals, no. 2021 (December 23, 2021): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37405/2221-1187.2021.35-50.
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The main directions of development of foreign policy relations and trade and economic cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of the Middle East and Africa are considered in the article. In particular, the state of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the Middle East and Africa and the directions of their growth are analyzed. The existing potential for strengthening cooperation in the region has been identified and its main prospects have been outlined. The analysis of the existing institutional system of foreign trade in Ukraine is carried out. that in the conditions of deteriorating economic situation in the world and reduction of indicators of export potential of Ukraine for 2019-2020, it is quite important to form and implement institutional support for the strategy of promoting the development of domestic producers and promoting their products to foreign markets. The main factors that should be taken into account by domestic producers in the process of entering the markets of the Middle East are substantiated. The hierarchy of the purposes of institutional maintenance of foreign trade of Ukraine in the context of cooperation with the countries of the region is offered. According to the indicators of exports of goods and services to major trading partners for 2018-2020, the formation of export destinations in Ukraine. The growth of exports and the dynamics of Ukraine’s foreign trade, which in turn brings currency to the country, more investment and, most importantly, the fact that the country will become a more competitive country. The development of bilateral and multilateral relations of Ukraine with the countries of North Africa is considered in the plane of geoeconomic interests of Ukraine. This indicates Ukraine’s interest in the development of trade and economic cooperation, based on the significant potential importance of the markets of these countries for the exit of Ukrainian exporters, as the countries of the region still show significant demand for Ukrainian goods. The preconditions of practical problems of development of foreign economic relations of Ukraine with the countries of the studied region are investigated, namely that recently the geopolitical influence of the last on the world arena has essentially increased. Prospects for further research in this area are to determine the theoretical and practical prerequisites for creating a strategy to promote the export of goods and services in the markets of the Middle East and Africa. Keywords foreign trade, export, import, trade and economic relations, foreign policy relations, geo-economic interests.
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Godfried, Nathan. "Economic Development and Regionalism: United States Foreign Relations in the Middle East, 1942-5." Journal of Contemporary History 22, no. 3 (July 1987): 481–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948702200307.
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Nursultanova, L. N., and A. E. Erkin. "POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF KAZAKHSTAN AND THE MIDDLE EAST: HISTORICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL ASPECT." edu.e-history.kz 31, no. 3 (October 20, 2022): 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_333-343.
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The modern history of Kazakhstan includes cardinal reforms, socio-economic changes, as well as the transformation of the political system. Kazakhstan is a subject of new geopolitical realities and an active factor in the international arena. The multi-vector course of our Republic's foreign policy allows us to pursue a balanced strategy with the international community.The First President of Kazakhstan N.Nazarbayev defined the long-term goal of forming and maintaining constructive relations with thecountries of the near and far abroad. The institutional reforms carried out allowed the European Union toassign Kazakhstan the status of a country with a market economy. The foreign policy of the Republic ofKazakhstan is aimed at implementing a competitive economy,attracting foreign investments that meetnational interests.Kazakhstan has achieved success in the regional economy and participates in global projects, joined the World Trade Organization, is building fruitful and constructive ties with the European Union, the OIC and other international organizations.Kazakhstan's cooperation with the countries of the Near and Middle East has many aspects. Within the framework of one monograph, it is impossible to explore different issues of relations between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the BSV, which have many directions. Perhaps this will be the task of further scientific research.
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Choudhury, Srabani Roy. "Japan and the Middle East: An Overview." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 3 (June 19, 2018): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776711.
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As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. However, with limited hard power options, Japan would have to concentrate on its soft power capabilities and on using its economic strength to mark its presence in the Middle East.
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Khoma, Nataliya, and Yevhenija Voznyuk. "EVOLUTION FROM THE CONCEPT “ZERO PROBLEMS WITH NEIGHBORS” TO THE PRACTICE “ZERO NEIGHBORS WITHOUT PROBLEMS”: THE ROLE OF NEO-OTTOMANISM." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (8) (November 26, 2020): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-02-46-56.
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The peculiarities of Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East in 2002-2020 are studied. Turkey’s intentions to establish itself as an influential Eurasian state, which claims leadership in the Middle East, as well as in the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia, were noted. The authors indicate the concept and foreign policy doctrine of “Zero Problems with Neighbors” as the ideological basis for Turkey’s transition from a peripheral to a central role in international politics. It is emphasized that the doctrine of “Zero problems with neighbors” has become a revision of traditional Kemalist values in Turkey’s foreign policy. The authors of the article evaluate the practical implementation of the doctrine as an unsuccessful attempt to become a regional leader in the Middle East. It was emphasized that at the beginning of the implementation of the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” the only goal of the Turkish government was really to establish good neighborly relations, but after the beginning of the “Arab Spring” foreign policy strategy was revised. It was noted that in the last decade the Turkish government has reoriented to a more pragmatic foreign policy direction; it is determined by the main purpose of protecting its national interests; the result was partial Turkey isolation. The article expresses author’s vision that Turkey in its foreign policy has obviously moved from the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” to the practice of “zero friends”. It is proved that: 1) Turkey’s relations with the Middle East (except Qatar) are quite tense; 2) although there is a partnership with many countries in the Middle East, it is often based on pragmatic mutual interest of countries, and cooperation often does not go beyond trade and economic relations.
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Lee, Itamar Y. "Chasing the Rising Red Crescent: Sino-Shi’i Relations in Post-Cold War Era China." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 313–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.313.
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This article adopts a unique angle to analyze China’s Middle East policy in “Chasing the Rising Red Crescent: Sino-Shi’i Relations in the Post-Cold War Era.” With the end of the Cold War and the political renaissance of Islam, the author argues that China’s strategic approaches towards the Middle East have changed fundamentally. The rise of China on the Middle East coupled with the strategic ascendancy of Shi’i Islam in the Middle East invites a strategic window for the emerging architecture of global geopolitics and world economy. The aim of Lee’s study is to make clear the historical trajectories and evolving strategic calculations in China’s Middle East policy and its global implications by reviewing Sino-Shi’i relations in general and introducing Chinese strategic interactions with Iran, Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah, and Hamas in particular. Since the establishment of zhongguo zhongdong wenti teshi [Chinese Special Envoy for Middle Eastern Affairs] in 2002, China’s economic presence and political clout in the Middle East including the Shi’i region have been advanced obviously. Sino-Shi’i relations in the post-Cold War era, thus, should be seriously examined not only for understanding China’s strategic perceptions of the Middle East but also for explaining the pattern of Chinese foreign behaviours, as well as for expecting the impact of China’s rising in the region and its geopolitical implications for the future of China-U.S. relations
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Jenkins, J. Craig, Katherine Meyer, Matthew Costello, and Hassan Aly. "International Rentierism in the Middle East Africa, 1971–2008." International Area Studies Review 14, no. 3 (January 1, 2011): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386591101400301.
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What is the trend in rentierism in the Middle East and North Africa? Defining a rentier state as one that extracts a significant share of its revenues from rents extracted from international transactions, we examine a range of such transactions that together constitute a third or more of the Middle East/North Africa economies. Outlining a rentierism index that is based on the share of GDP stemming from oil/mineral exports, foreign military and economic aid, worker remittances, and international tourism, we show that rentierism is growing and that 18 of the 22 Middle East/North Africa states depend for over a third of their GDP on these international transactions. Some depend on direct rents stemming from oil/mineral exports and foreign aid, while others rely increasingly on indirect rents from remittances and tourism. This split between direct and indirect rents has implications for the political stability of these states, because it creates states that are more or less able to maintain control in the face of popular resistance and insurgency.
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Taufiq, Firmanda, and Ayu Maulida Alkholid. "IRAN-US RELATIONS AFTER THE DEATH OF QASSEM SOLEIMANI." Jurnal CMES 14, no. 2 (December 8, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.14.2.50830.
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<p>Iran-United States relations have up and down. Some sharp diplomatic statements made by the US president, Donald Trump, as well as the president of Iran, Ayatullah Khomeini. In fact, the sanctions that must be accepted by the US against Iran are embargo sanctions. This article aims to analyze how the future relations between Iran and the United States. Cooperation between the two countries has a history that dates back to the Cold War. Relations between these two countries based on a variety of interests, including economic, political, military, ideological, and security considerations . The theory used in this research is balance of power theory. The US has major interest in the Middle East and Iran is a rival of the US in achieving that interest. Nevertheless, many US foreign policies are caused tension between the two countries. Conversely, Iran has considerable economic importance, but the role of the Iran government elite also has a significant influence in the determination of their foreign policy. The findings in this study, despite challenges and complicated processes, the US and Iran are eternal rivals in the fusion of power and political influence in the Middle East, and relations between both will continue to fluctuate . </p>
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Al'-Mavazhde, Vahib. "Analysis of the Impact of Monetary Relations Between the Russian Federation and the Middle East on the Region's Economy." Scientific Research and Development. Economics of the Firm 10, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): 12–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2306-627x-2021-10-1-12-18.
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International monetary and credit relations are an integral part and one of the most difficult areas of a market economy. They reflect the problems of the national and world economies, which historically developed in parallel. With the globalization and internationalization of the world economy, there is an intensification of international flows of goods, services, and especially capital and loans.
International monetary and credit relations (IMCO) are one of the forms of international economic relations (IEE) along with such forms as: international trade, international movement of capital and foreign investment, international labor migration, international cooperation in science and technology, international division of labor (specialization and cooperation of production).
Russia is one of the key partners in the world market in the field of currency and credit relations and trade, which affects the country's economic development. On the financial market arena, Russia acts as a lender for developing countries, and is also a borrower from more developed countries. In the modern realities of the development of international economic relations, it is worth considering various alternative financial markets or renewing old international economic relations, as an option these are the countries of the Middle East.
Today, market economic relations between Russia and the Middle East are based on mutually beneficial conditions for both parties. The Russian Federation views the Arab countries, firstly, as a market for its manufactured products, technical equipment, and secondly, as a prospect for credit relations and the development of a market for energy products. At the moment, the improvement of relations in the currency and credit directions is aggravated by the state of the world economy and foreign economic activity of Russia.
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Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.
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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.
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Trebat, Nicholas Miller. "The United States, Britain and the Marshall Plan: oil and finance in the early postwar era*." Economia e Sociedade 27, no. 1 (April 2018): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1982-3533.2017v27n1art12.
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Abstract This paper discusses United States foreign economic policy in the early post-World War II period, focusing on Anglo-American relations and the international oil industry. Contrary to popular opinion, these relations were not friendly, as one of the goals of US policymakers was to force the former power to relinquish key areas of strategic and commercial influence, such as the trading networks of the British Commonwealth and, more importantly, the oil regions of the Middle East. In particular, the paper analyzes US oil policy during the Marshall Plan. Though not questioning the Plan’s overall positive impact on European economic growth, the paper argues that, with regard to the oil industry, its primary objective was not to stimulate recovery but to secure a dominant role for US producers in the Middle East.
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OMRAN, Hossein. "Transformation of Ukraine’s trade relations in the Middle East and Africa." Foreign trade: economics, finance, law 122, no. 3 (June 24, 2022): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31617/zt.knute.2022(122)10.
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Introduction. On February 24, 2022, the territory of Ukraine was attacked by the Russian Federation, and for the fourth month the country’s economy has been under the destructive influence of this aggression. Problem. At the stage of post-war reconstruction, which begins in various regions of Ukraine as soon as active hostilities cease, it will be important to restore the stable functioning of Ukrainian industries and return to international markets of major domestic exporters. Increasing the effectiveness of foreign trade is one of the main sources of financial resources to fill the budgets of different levels. The aim of the article is to identify the changes in Ukraine’s trade cooperation with the states of the Middle East and Africa in the post-war reconstruction. Methods. A set of complementary methods of scientific identification of economic processes and phenomena is applied: system-structural, comparative and statistical analysis, as well as process, information and institutional approaches. Results. The conditions and factors of development of each of the countries of the Middle East and North Africa lead to the formation of its own trajectory of trade ties with Ukraine. In order to determine the prospects and strategic priorities in the formation of relations with these countries, a comparative analysis of trade cooperation with each of them. The calculated indicators demonstrate the importance of the region's markets as strategic, their loss may have a negative impact on Ukraine’s balance of payments, especially in martial law and further post-war reconstruction. Conclusions. Solutions that can ensure the rapid recovery of Ukraine should combine existing support instruments, as well as the process of forming a comprehensive long-term approach to the planning and implementation of national economic interests.
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Yousaf, Abida, and Fozia Bibi. "The Power Projection of Turkey in Middle East: (From 2000-2020)." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. I (June 30, 2021): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-i).02.
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Turkey is an important power of Middle East and has a glorious past. On the basis of its victorious history, Turkey is aspiring to become a regional power of the region. In this regard, the domestic environment of Turkey (such as stable political system, democratic norms, economic development and political leadership) is playing significant role on one hand. On the other hand, the regional and global environment is also providing some opportunities and challenges to pursue its ambitions actively. Turkey's foreign policy in 21st century can be divided in two main phase; first decade of 21st century in which Turkey mostly relies on the use of soft power. However, in second decade, Turkey has used soft and hard power to gain its goals. Turkey's foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia, Iran and Syria are the key focus of this study. Previously, Turkey avoids supporting Iran and Saudi Arabia against each other. However, now Turkish leadership is actively trying to regain the historical influence of Turkey especially in Muslim world. Turkey's relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia are revolving around cooperation Vs competition paradigm. On one hand, Turkey's support for Qatar (2017) and the killing of Jamal Khashogi (October, 2018) has deteriorated the Saudi-Turkey's relations.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.
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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.
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Nishizaki, Sumiyo. "The United Arab Emirates and Japan: Diversifying Bilateral Relationships and Challenges in the Context of Japan’s New Foreign Policy Focus and US-Japan Relation." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 269–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.269.
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In this article, I analyze the Japan-Middle East-U.S. triangle relationship. Japan’s Middle East policies, the author contends, have been influenced by its energy needs and relationship with the United States. Fully aware of its status as a country with hardly any energy resources, Japan has engaged in energy diplomacy and investment in oil fields in the Middle East. This article describes how, despite pursuing an energy strategy largely independent of the United States, Japan has constantly needed to take into account its relationship with the Americans, and Japan has slowly shifted toward more frequent support for American policy especially after the Gulf War in 1990. At the same time, Japan’s Middle East policies have been influenced by its domestic politics. For example, former Prime Minister Koizumi’s post-September 11 plan to let Japan’s military forces play a more prominent role in the War on Terror was crushed by his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). This article explains that LDP politicians were afraid that supporting the war would undermine Japan’s economic interests in the Muslim world and how the Democratic Party of Japan which took office this September has attempted to pursue a more independent position in its relations with the United States. This article also explores the shifts in Japan’s Middle East policies under the new administration and their implications on US-Japan relations.
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Abalian, Anna I. "Middle Eastern policy of the Russian Federation in the post-soviet period: Dynamics of development." Political Expertise: POLITEX 16, no. 2 (2020): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.205.
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The article is an overview of the main directions of the policy of the Russian Federation in the Middle East from 1991 to the present. Certain stages are identified when the transformation of the paradigm of the Middle East foreign policy and, accordingly, the change in the role of Russia in the regional arena took place. Various domestic and foreign policy factors are considered, which caused the loss of Russia’s influence in the countries of the region in the 1990s and early 2000s, but with the change in geopolitical realities, they lost their significance. This made it possible from the mid-2000s to begin the process of restoring ties with traditional Middle Eastern partners, simultaneously with the development of new areas of cooperation, in particular, with Israel and the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. The article also identifies strategic priorities that affect the nature of relations between Russia and such key countries of the region as Iran and Turkey as well as determine the dynamics of their development. Particular attention is paid to the comparative analysis and assessment of the geopolitical consequences of the policy of “active neutrality” in the early stages of the “Arab Spring”, which led to the weakening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa in addition to Russian positions in the region as a whole, and Russia’s armed intervention strategy within the current Syrian crisis. In conclusion, the author argues that there is a need for further development and diversification of contacts with the countries of the Middle East region in the formation of Russian foreign policy taking into account new trends in the world political and economic arena.
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Sudirman, Sudirman. "Potensi, Peluang, Dan Tantangan Perdagangan Antara Indonesia Dengan Negara-Negara Di Kawasan Timur Tengah." Al-Buhuts 12, no. 1 (June 30, 2016): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/ab.v12i1.921.
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This study aims to assess the potential, opportunities, and challenge of trade between Indonesia and countries in the middle east. It is qualitative research by using descriptive method. The data is used mainly secondary data, it drawn from relevant institutions, among others: industry and trade, chamber of commerce, the Central Bureau of Statistics, and of the documents related. This study found a variety of potentials, opportunities, and challenges of trade between Indonesia and countries in the middle east, namely: 1) the potential, among other things: the products produced in Indonesia tend to be different from the product produced in the countries middle east region countries, economic growth in the countries of the Middle east are relatively stable. Indonesia has export commodity that was diverse, the competitiveness of Indonesian products is quite high, and the growth of foreign capital in the countries of the Middle East are likely to increase. 2) opportunities, among others: change in economic policy-oriented market economy, relations bilateral diplomacy between Indonesia and countries in middle east has been good, the equation beliefs, it discourse will do the trade in free trade Indonesia between Morocco and Turkey. 3) challenges, among others: Long distance, tariffs are high, less stable political climate, limited support of the financial institutions sector, unavailability of halal certification bodies are gaining international legitimacy.
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Danylets, Vadym. "US Middle East policy in the context of the global oil supply system in the late 1950s – 1960s." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.60-72.
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The article attempts to analyze the American strategy for maintaining the status quo in the global energy supply system, as well as to reveal the main causes of the destruction of this system. At this stage, there is a sharp increase in the interdependence of politics and energetics as well as their merger. Therefore, one of the main messages of the article is the thesis that oil and related issues were at the center of the US Middle East foreign policy. It was determined that the main components of the US strategy were maintaining access to oil resources in the Middle East and strengthening their positions in the region, which was stipulated by the factor of intersystem confrontation. The doctrinal foundations of the American oil strategy in the region were determined. The evolution of political processes in the Middle East, which led to the destruction of the foundations of the global energy supply system, was examined. It is shown how dynamic changes in international politics and the world economy influenced the transformation of American politics in the Middle East with elements of balancing between the countries of the region, for which oil and energetics, in general, have become the main factor in foreign policy. It was the study of political and economic processes in their dynamics that allowed the author to highlight critical moments in international politics and economics. Important place in the article is devoted to the activities of American oil companies, their economic relations with the governments of the Middle East countries, which became the subject of political confrontation between these countries and the U.S. Based on the given facts, it was established that the US policy to maintain the status quo in the Middle East had been actually stopped in the early 1970s. Instead, it was not formed the clear long term course of foreign policy, which could provide the interests of the USA and its allies in the field of economics and energetics.
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Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.
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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.
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Azad, Shirzad. "In Quest of a Second Boom." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.000015.
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In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.
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Аль-Маважде, В. К. "CURRENT TRENDS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN EXCHANGE AND CREDIT RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND THE MIDDLE EAST." Audit and Financial Analysis, no. 5 (November 30, 2020): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.38097/afa.2020.39.27.015.
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В данной статье рассмотрены основные проблемы, современные тенденции и перспективы валютно-кредитных отношений России и стран Ближнего Востока. В процессе исследования выявлено, что Восток в его рамках — регион Восточной Азии в силу имеющегося у него колоссального ресурсного и демографического потенциала постепенно становится локомотивом мирового экономического развития, в особенности развития в своих отношениях с Россией. Проанализирована финансовая тактика России на Ближнем Востоке. В результате исследования было выявлено, что для России использовать финансы в качестве тактики является новым приоритетом для арсенала государства, причем большая часть финансовой активности наблюдается в странах Персидского залива. This article discusses the main problems, current trends and prospects of monetary relations between Russia and the Middle East. The study revealed that the East, within its framework, is a region of East Asia, by virtue of its enormous resource and demographic potential, it is gradually becoming a locomotive of world economic development, especially development in its relations with Russia. The financial tactics of Russia in the Middle East are analyzed. The study revealed that for Russia, using finance as a tactic is a new priority for the state’s arsenal, with most of the financial activity observed in the Gulf countries.
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Аль-Маважде, В. К. "CURRENT TRENDS AND PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF FOREIGN EXCHANGE AND CREDIT RELATIONS OF RUSSIA AND THE MIDDLE EAST." Audit and Financial Analysis, no. 5 (November 30, 2020): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.38097/afa.2020.39.27.015.
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В данной статье рассмотрены основные проблемы, современные тенденции и перспективы валютно-кредитных отношений России и стран Ближнего Востока. В процессе исследования выявлено, что Восток в его рамках — регион Восточной Азии в силу имеющегося у него колоссального ресурсного и демографического потенциала постепенно становится локомотивом мирового экономического развития, в особенности развития в своих отношениях с Россией. Проанализирована финансовая тактика России на Ближнем Востоке. В результате исследования было выявлено, что для России использовать финансы в качестве тактики является новым приоритетом для арсенала государства, причем большая часть финансовой активности наблюдается в странах Персидского залива. This article discusses the main problems, current trends and prospects of monetary relations between Russia and the Middle East. The study revealed that the East, within its framework, is a region of East Asia, by virtue of its enormous resource and demographic potential, it is gradually becoming a locomotive of world economic development, especially development in its relations with Russia. The financial tactics of Russia in the Middle East are analyzed. The study revealed that for Russia, using finance as a tactic is a new priority for the state’s arsenal, with most of the financial activity observed in the Gulf countries.
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Mo, Jongryn. "South Korea’s middle power diplomacy: A case of growing compatibility between regional and global roles." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 4 (December 2016): 587–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016686380.
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South Korea has emerged as a new middle power that plays a significant role in a wide range of important global issue areas and supports liberal international order with its leadership diplomacy. Even though regional challenges will continue to demand large foreign policy resources including time, human resources, and budget, the middle power orientation of South Korean foreign policy behaviour and strategy—for example, multilateralism, the rule of law, and promotion of cooperation and compromise—will remain in place even in the conduct of regional foreign policy. This optimism is based on the fact that South Korea is a middle power not only in global governance but also in the East Asian region. Even on the issue of North Korea’s nuclear weapons, the most important foreign policy challenge of the day, the South has accepted the regionalization of the issue and, over time, its middle power role. It has relied on the middle power strategy of mobilizing international pressure on the North rather than deploying and strengthening its unilateral options such as the use of force or massive economic aid. In order to fully realize the promise and potential of middle power diplomacy, however, South Korea must make strong efforts to alleviate structural constraints on a middle power strategy. First, Korean leaders should undertake a full-scale campaign to de-nationalize Korean education and, thus, Korean foreign policy orientations. Second, a strong domestic consensus should emerge giving the national interest precedence over group interests when dealing with foreign policy challenges. Finally, political leaders and diplomats must create new opportunities in global governance and deliver tangible national benefits through middle power diplomacy. Middle power diplomacy, like all foreign policy strategies, will not be sustainable without strong domestic support; and domestic support cannot be built on goodwill and commitment to universal values alone.
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Timakova, Olga A. "China’s Relations with the Mediterranean States: Military and Political Aspects." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 700–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-700-711.
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China is one of the most influential non-regional actors in the Mediterranean. As of 2021, it is ranked among the top three trading partners of almost all Mediterranean states. Chinese foreign policy in the Mediterranean reflects the growing importance of geoeconomics and, in particular, economic instruments of foreign policy in Chinas foreign policy strategy. The intersection of the routes of the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century and the Silk Road Economic Belt in the Mediterranean basin indicates the regions high potential for the development of new logistics routes, economic corridors and supply chains. Despite significant impact of the coronavirus restrictions on the global economy and the deepest economic crisis seen in recent years, China has not reduced its global activity. Actually, it is the pandemic that can become an incentive for the development of new formats of cooperation within the Belt and Road in the Mediterranean. Chinas traditional foreign policy paradigm presupposes emphasis exclusively on economic interaction and non-involvement in political issues. De facto Chinas economic relations with the countries of the region are increasingly complicated by military and political issues. The article categorizes the main political and security issues that arise between China and partner countries in the Mediterranean region. While the discourse of human rights and sustainable development prevails in relations with Europe, the issues of ensuring security and managing regional instability come to the fore when dealing with the states of North Africa and the Middle East. Given Chinas growing economic needs, it is likely that in the medium term there will be a doctrinal formalization of Chinas role in the political process in the Mediterranean region.
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Valiakhmetova, G. N., and I. A. Musinova. "Relations between Republic of Korea and United Arab Emirates in Last Quarter of XX—XXI Centuries: from Economic Interaction to Special Strategic Partnership." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 5 (May 28, 2021): 327–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-5-327-337.
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The evolution of bilateral relations between the Republic of Korea and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the context of the formation of the Middle East direction of Seoul’s foreign policy in the 1980s and 2010s is considered. The author identifies and analyzes a set of factors that contributed to building of a constructive dialogue between South Korea and the Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf and the Arab world as a whole. A periodization of the history of the development of the Korean-Emirati relations is proposed, a description of its main stages, as well as the legal and institutional foundations of bilateral cooperation is presented. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the transformation of conceptual approaches, methods and diplomatic tools for promoting the national interests of the Republic of Korea in the UAE. The author reveals the reasons for Seoul’s withdrawal from focusing solely on economic interaction with the UAE and the inclusion of South Korea in the political agenda of the Middle East, as well as the solution of urgent problems of ensuring regional security. The role of the South Korean presidents in strengthening the country’s geopolitical positions in the Middle East is emphasized. It is argued that the establishment of a strategic partnership with the UAE allowed the Republic of Korea to make a breakthrough in the Middle East and create favorable conditions for the integration of the UAE into world political and economic processes as an equal partner.
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KOVAL, Viktor, Olena NOVAK, and Kateryna PAVLYSHYNA. "http://journals.knute.edu.ua/foreign-trade/article/view/412." Foreign trade: economics, finance, law 122, no. 3 (June 24, 2022): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31617/zt.knute.2022(122)07.
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Introduction. Deep demographic changes, the economic crisis due to the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and growing geopolitical tensions in the world raise the issue of rethinking and concretizing areas of trade and economic cooperation with the Middle East, which existed in recent years but failed to achieve sustainable development. Problem. The GAFTAA member countries are interested in expanding and strengthening trade relations with Ukraine. The aim of the article is to identify the prospects of Ukrainian medical equipment manufacturers entering the market of the Extended Arab Free Trade Area GAFTAA on the example of UTAS Co. Methods. General scientific methods are used: historical-logical and system-structural, comparative and statistical analysis; informational, procedural and institutional. Results. It is established that by the end of 2021, the vast majority of companies represented in the market of medical goods and services in the Middle East are of American origin. But there are also companies from Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands. The positive dynamics of imports in the market of medical equipment GAFTAA for 2016–2021. At the same time, in the economic crisis caused by the pandemic, it is necessary to find «breakthrough» sectors that will increase production of goods and services with high added value. Conclusions. The production of competitive medical equipment itself may become one of the «breakthrough» sectors of the economy in the recovery period after the crisis caused by the pandemic and war in Ukraine. GAFTAA is very attractive for Ukrainian manufacturers. Among the main Ukrainian manufacturers of medical equipment is UTAS Co, which is already present in the markets of high-tech goods of certain countries GAFTAA and the Arab League, which opens the prospect of simplified entry into the markets of other countries party to the agreement.
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Quero, Jordi. "China’s Impact on the Middle East and North Africa’s Regional Order." Contemporary Arab Affairs 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 86–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2020.13.1.86.
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This article explores the impact of China on the norms and institutions constituting the regional order in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It does so by assessing the effect that China’s challenges to the global order will have on the MENA. It is argued that scholars tend to focus on Beijing’s foreign policy directly targeting the region, especially the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). But in doing so, they overlook another parallel channel through which China may have an important, even critical, impact: the consequences unfolding from China’s different challenges to the global order. The fact that China may prove successful in articulating parallel and/or alternative norms and institutions to those that currently define the global liberal order could trigger shifts in the MENA normative environment. Three cases are examined in order to assess this potential: its challenge to some elements of the Bretton Woods global economic order; China’s contestation of the Law of the Sea; and its challenge to particular liberal elements of the global order.
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Babic, Blagoje. "China-European union relations: A developing geoeconomic axis." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 418–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003418b.
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China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics? methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. ?The common economic interests? have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China?s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China?s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China?s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally ?forbidden? such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.
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Savicheva, Elena M., Ammar M. Brebdane, and Igor V. Ryzhov. "China and Gulf Cooperation Council Countries: From Economic Deals to Strategic Partnerships." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-180-196.
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The Middle East in general and the Persian Gulf sub-region in particular are becoming increasingly strategic for China. The sub-region is not only rich in natural resources, primarily energy, and to a large extent provides them to the dynamically developing Chinese economy, but also opens up access to main global maritime and land routes, as well as African and European markets. The study focuses on Chinas interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in the field of energy, trade, and investment in the context of growing economic interdependence that elevates Beijings relations with the Arab countries of the sub-region to the level of strategic partnership. Thus, Chinas relations with this group of states go beyond purely economic interests and affect the strategic interests of Beijing, such as active promotion of the large-scale Belt and Road Initiative, which implies the intensification of Chinas policy in the Middle East. The methodological basis of the study is an interdisciplinary approach. The authors adhere to the neorealism, particularly the theory of the balance of power and regional security complexes, the principle according to which the foreign policy of a state is heavily dictated by the logic of the international system and the distribution of power among states. The power transit theory allows us to understand better the current role of China becoming a superpower in world politics. The research also applies such methods of historical science as chronological, genetic, systemic-structural, and comparative methods. The collection and processing of a significant layer of statistical data makes it possible to highlight the emergence of new powerful political actors in the Middle East.
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Petriaiev, O. S. "STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY IN THE REGION OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 3(55) (December 21, 2022): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.3(55).269555.
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The coming to power in the Republic of Turkey of Prime Minister and later President Recep Tayyip Erdogan led to a change in the ideological foundation of the state, the rejection of the ideology of Kemalism and the transition to the ideology of neo-Ottomanism with an active foreign policy in the Middle East and North Africa. The strengthening of Erdogan's power contributed to a change in Turkey's foreign policy and the development of external relations with the Islamic worlds and, first of all, with the Arab countries. The neo-Ottoman ideology has become a key element in Turkey's foreign policy strategy in the Arab region. Prerequisites for changing the foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Middle East and North Africa are complex. After the political party Justice and Development came to power, it led to the desire for neo- Ottoman revanchism and the rejection of the "zero problems with neighbors" political vector. Also, through various reforms, the leader of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, managed to neutralize the political opposition and the Turkish military, who historically were the external arbiters of Turkish political life. The strengthening of Erdogan's political position inside Turkey allowed him to change the external political course of his country. After the start of a series of revolutions in the Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey felt that it could regain in this region the lost political and economic positions that it had lost after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. After that, Turkey began to position itself as an important military, political and economic player in the region, competing with such countries as Israel, Egypt, Iran and Saudi Arabia. This vector of development of Turkey's foreign policy showed that the country no longer seeks to pursue a policy close to the interests of the United States and the European Union, and began to distance itself from the Western world, becoming the dominant political and military player in the Middle East, North Africa and other regions. This trend showed that the Republic of Turkey has already declared itself as a regional power that other political players need to reckon with.
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Kukreja, Veena. "India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 1 (March 2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901187.
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India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. Pragmatism in India’s foreign policy is seen in Indo–US relations reaching a new level or in cooperation with China on climate change while opposing its territorial claims in the South China Sea and One Belt One Road Project. To counter China, India has sought close strategic partnerships with the USA and its allies and main partners in Asia-Pacific while retaining its strategic autonomy. A major challenge to India’s foreign policy is the downward spiral of relations with Pakistan.
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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Book Review: Gürkan Çelik and Ronald Haly Linden. Turkey in Transition: The Dynamics of Domestic and Foreign Politics. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2020." NETSOL: New Trends in Social and Liberal Sciences 5, no. 2 (December 10, 2020): 46–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24819/netsol2020.07.
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The edited volume provides analyses of Turkey’s transformation in the first two decades of the twenty first century under AKP. The chapters are grouped under two broad categories: domestic and foreign politics. The book familiarizes the readers with perspectives on a wide scale of issues. On the domestic front, it addresses AKP’s governance, economic developments, energy, the evolution(s) of the Kurdish issue, role of religion and Diyanet, civil society, and women. On foreign policy, its chapters cover a broad perspective on Turkey’s role amidst global changes, impact of Erdoğan’s personality and manipulation of identity politics, Turkey’s relations with the US, Middle East, Russia, and Europe.
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Evron, Yoram. "The Challenge of Implementing the Belt and Road Initiative in the Middle East: Connectivity Projects under Conditions of Limited Political Engagement." China Quarterly 237 (January 10, 2019): 196–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018001273.
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AbstractSceptics query China's economic and political ability to realize its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Less attention has been paid to BRI's implications for one of the defining features of China's foreign policy: low engagement in areas beyond its traditional sphere of influence. The Middle East is such a case. Addressing this issue, the article explores the mutual impact of China's low political involvement in the Middle East and BRI's realization. Distinguishing cross-border connectivity projects from other BRI-associated activities, the article examines the challenges to executing BRI-related projects in Israel. It finds that realizing connectivity projects – the essence of the BRI vision – will require China to increase its regional engagement, a shift that it has so far avoided.
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Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.
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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.
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Buslaev, G. N., and R. O. Reinhardt. "Relations between USSR and FRG in 1955—1982: Energy Aspect." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 6 (September 1, 2022): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-6-351-371.
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The initial period of energy relations between the USSR and the FRG is considered. The question is raised about the role of economic diplomacy in the development of bilateral dialogue. Particular attention is paid to the impact of sanctions factors and political pressure from third parties on the oil and gas partnership between Moscow and Bonn. Transcripts of Bundestag meetings of the 1960s and the archives of the German Foreign Ministry during the specified period were put into circulation and used as sources. It analyzes how the establishment of bilateral energy cooperation was due to the need to restore and strengthen the economies of countries after the Second World War, the crises in the Middle East in the energy exporting countries, as well as the increased foreign policy and foreign economic activity of the USSR and the FRG in the 1950s-1960s. It is proved that the parties maintained close ties in the field of energy, despite the sanctions pressure and political differences between states during the Cold War. At the same time, it was noted that the pragmatism of the leaderships of the Soviet Union and West Germany in the area under study became the reason for the sustainable nature of the energy dialogue in the following decades, already in a completely different international political environment.
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Vysotskii, A. "US-Saudi Partnership: Historic Motivations and New Conclusions." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2012): 64–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-12-64-69.
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The article provides an analysis of economic and political factors that determine the stability of bilateral partnerships during the Cold War and the post-bipolar world. The authors shows the impact of high international political turbulence (events of September 11, outburst of Iraqi problems, “Arab spring”) on the priorities of American strategy in the Middle East, as well as the prospects for Washington’s positive foreign policy agenda in the region, including the revision of traditional relations and reaching a compromise with new potential partners.
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Lakishyk, Dmytro. "U.S. European foreign policy vector (50-60s of the XX century)." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.16-27.
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The article argues that the United States entered the post-war world in a completely new role for the state, surpassed all other countries in the main indicators of strength – military, economic, technological and cultural. World wars turned them into the center of Western civilization, which opposed Soviet power, which secured significant spheres of influence in Eastern Europe and the Far East as a result of World War II. It is argued that the main areas of geopolitical rivalry between the two centers of power are the regions that are on the periphery of Eurasia: the clash line in Europe, the Middle and the Far East. Throughout the entire period of rivalry, the United States has transformed from an episodic into a constant factor in European politics, institutionalizing its presence in the Old World and building relations with Western European allies on the basis of “Atlantism”, “interdependence” and “burden sharing”. It was proved that the main task of the US administrations in the post-war period was the creation of a “power perimeter” around the zone of Soviet control, maintaining its functioning and further strengthening. First, its line ran in Europe, then in East Asia, and later was expanded to the Middle East, having adequate support with American military bases and military-political blocs. It is noted that the confrontation between the two superpowers took place including the alternation of conflict and cooperation, reflected the desire of the victors to consolidate the subordinate position of the defeated – mainly Germany and Japan – in the new system of international relations. Carrying out “containment” of the USSR, the USA actually implemented a policy of “double containment”, directed both against the potential strengthening of Germany and in order to maintain control over Western Europe as a whole. In this regard, the consolidation of “spheres of influence” of each of the parties preserved the results of the war, providing “silent cooperation” on issues of principle.
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Omidi, Ali. "The Evolutionary Feature of Turkey’s Soft Power in the Middle East, 2011-2020." Turkey's Grand Strategy 23, Fall 2021 (December 10, 2021): 11–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021234.1.
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Today, soft power plays an important role in advancing states’ foreign policy goals. As one of the world’s emerging economic powers, Turkey pays special attention to the development and maintenance of its soft power. This commentary uses a descriptive-analysis approach to address the components of Turkey’s soft power in the Middle East North Africa (MENA) region in the years 2011-2020, the second decade of AK Party governance. Turkey’s soft power during this time period has mainly targeted and become influential in the Muslim-majority countries of the Middle East and Asia. Although certain events, such as the 2016 failed coup, the Gezi Park protests, the Syrian crisis, restrictions on freedom of expression, fluctuations in the value of the Turkish lira, etc., have somewhat tarnished the country’s image, various indicators of Turkey’s soft power demonstrate that it has remained strong in the MENA region during the time span of the present research. Keywords: Turkey, Soft Power, MENA, AK Party
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Saidy, Brahim. "Qatar and Rising China." China Report 53, no. 4 (October 13, 2017): 447–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517727924.
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This article explores the Qatari perception of the partnership with China on the basis of three factors: globalisation, the absence of a legacy of colonialism and the principles of non-intervention and respect for state sovereignty professed in China’s foreign policy. China’s perception of its relations with Qatar is embedded within its understanding of the regional order in the Middle East and reflects its assessment of the geopolitical factors that are transforming Gulf countries. It emerges from this analysis that the diplomatic and economic aspects of Qatar–China relations are substantial and well institutionalised. However, military cooperation is still underdeveloped despite the increase of military-to-military contacts.
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Ivanov, S. M. "Joe Biden's visit to the Middle East: losses and gains." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 5 (September 27, 2022): 398–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2205-05.
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The article analyzes the US foreign policy in the Middle East in the context of the growing confrontation between the collective West and Russia against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the results of the visit of US President Joe Biden to Israel, to the West Bank of the Jordan River to the State of Palestine and to Saudi Arabia, which he made in mid-July 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that another attempt by Washington to draw the countries of the region into its behind-the-scenes foreign policy games has failed. The Middle Eastern allies and partners of the United States represented by Israel, the monarchies of the Persian Gulf and other Arab states took a neutral position in relation to the confl ict in Ukraine, and the oil and gas exporting countries did not go for a sharp increase in hydrocarbon supplies to the EU countries and the UK, as he insistently asked Biden. The White House failed to put together a regional anti-Iranian bloc on the basis of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC), as the leaders of Qatar, Oman and Iraq are determined to maintain their traditional ties and contacts with Tehran. Moreover, these countries are making mediation eff orts to normalize relations between the Saudi Arabia and Iran, and there are prerequisites for success in this matter. In general, the Arabs do not support the US administration's concept of hegemony in the world and building a unipolar world order in the Middle East. Even with some remaining dependence on the United States and the West as a whole in the fi nancial, economic, military-technical and other fi elds, the Arab countries prefer to pursue an independent policy on key issues of our time, develop a multipolar world, and maintain mutually benefi cial and respectful relations with all states, including China and Russia. The Arab capitals are in no hurry to speed up the rapprochement with the State of Israel, which is imposed by Washington, expecting from its leadership to intensify eff orts to justly resolve the Palestinian problem and liberate the illegally occupied Arab lands. Even the bogey exaggerated by the White House of a common threat to the Middle East from the hypothetical appearance of Iran's nuclear weapons and its expansion in the region cannot persuade the Persian Gulf monarchies and other Arab countries to cooperate with Jerusalem in the military or military-technical fields.
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Radtke, Kurt. "China and the Greater Middle East: Globalization No Longer Equals Westernization." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 389–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207801.
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AbstractThe reshaping of the domestic social, political, and economic structures all over East Asia takes place in the context of a restructuring of the international (security) order. Despite China's increasing acceptance of international institutions and regimes the divergence of vital security interests of the United States (US) and Japan vis-a-vis those of China has raised the specter of increased polarization. This article will seek to answer the question of whether China is about to consciously challenge the power of the US and its allies not only in Asia, but also in the Greater Middle East (GME), mainly through China's impact on the economics, political, and social structure of those countries rather than through rivalry in the field of military power. China's conceptualization of the current global order is also shaped by historical memories of an age in which China was merely an object of Great Power politics which also directly affected the wider region, including the heartland of Eurasia, Southeast Asia, and in particular Japan and the Korean peninsula with their direct impact on China's security equation. To some Chinese strategists the Indian Ocean and countries of the GME have acquired a vital importance not only with regard to the supply of raw materials (including those obtained from Africa). Continuing Western strategic dominance in this large area would also have an important negative impact on China's global strategic position. For the first time in its history, China has become critically dependent on the acquisition of foreign resources—raw materials, investment and technology, as well as earnings from exports. China's economic activities in near neighbors such as Japan, South Korea, Pakistan, ailand, and Iran are also strategically important due to the impact on domestic and international politics of these countries. The US tends to interpret such influence in terms of Chinese power projection. This article interprets the linkages between domestic events and international strategies on the network of global (security) relations in terms of neogeopolitics rather than mainstream US scholarship.
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Al-Hamati, Mohammed Abduljalil. "Foreign economic relations between Russia and Egypt in the agricultural sphere: Problems and prospects of development[54]." RUDN Journal of Economics 30, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2022-30-1-124-132.
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Nowadays Russia is actively developing economic cooperation with the African continent states. The article presents an analysis of trade and economic relations between Russia and Egypt. The Arab Republic of Egypt is a strategic partner of Russia in mutual trade in agricultural products and food in North Africa and the Middle East. The country is a major food importer and is a promising market for increasing the supply of agricultural products from Russia. The authors analyze: the dynamics of trade turnover in food products and agricultural raw materials between two countries; the commodity structure of exports and imports; Egypts place in Russian exports and imports of agricultural raw materials and food. The importance of the markets of the analyzed countries for mutual supplies is under authors consideration. The possibilities of development are analyzed and the problems and prospects of expanding investment cooperation between these countries in the field of agriculture are identified. The significance of the opening of the Russian Industrial Zone in Egypt for deepening trade and investment ties in the agro-industrial business is proved.
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Ryzhov, I. V., M. Yu Borodina, and T. V. Baranova. "American Strategy of "Sufficient Presence" in the Middle East." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 5 (November 11, 2020): 236–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-5-74-236-251.
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Abstract: After D. Trump came to power it started developing a new US Middle East policy, based on the regional threat assessment, such as the unstable political situation in a number of regional countries, radical regimes, terrorism, especially ISIS. In addition, the most important task for the Trump administration was to try to regain lost US influence in the region, which resulted in the so-called "strategy of sufficient presence" and in the support of regional allies, "centers of power" such as Israel.A distinctive feature of D. Trump's policy in the region can be considered a change in rhetoric regarding the Iranian nuclear program up to the introduction of new economic sanctions. Moreover, the American approach to the settlement of the Syrian crisis is connected with the prevention of the growing influence of Iran and Russia in the region.American-Turkish relations also underwent significant changes, which were very tense until 2017. The states managed to find common ground on a number of issues of international politics. However, the situation is still significantly complicated by American support for the Kurds in their quest for autonomy.Trump's ratings at home are falling, and therefore there is a possibility that Trump will lose the upcoming presidential elections to his opponent D. Biden. However, trying to predict the prospects of the US Middle East policy in the event of D. Biden's victory, the authors came to the conclusion that it will not undergo significant changes, except for the nuclear deal with Iran. The key tasks of American foreign policy will remain the fight against terrorism, countering the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and the search for likeminded states in the region.
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Menicucci, Garay. "Glasnost, the Coup, and Soviet Arabist Historians." International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, no. 4 (November 1992): 559–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800022340.
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The 19 August 1991 coup attempt in Moscow and the subsequent collapse of the economy of the former Soviet Union has had its effects on Middle East studies. The seizure of Communist party property and bank accounts and the dispute between the Russian federal government and what remained of the centralized Soviet state structure still headed by President Gorbachev placed such distinguished centers for Middle East research as the Institutes for Oriental Studies in Moscow and St. Petersburg in serious financial jeopardy. Even before the coup attempt and the dissolution of the Communist party, continued full state funding was uncertain and the institutes were scrambling to establish joint publishing agreements with Western academic presses to ensure some infusion of hard currency against the plunging value of the ruble. Individual researchers began looking for translation work or other lucrative forms of moonlighting to supplement their insufficient salaries. And, of course, the content of Middle East studies has undergone a radical transformation. For the social scientists, such notions as “imperialism,” “socialist orientation,” and “international solidarity” have been swiftly abandoned and replaced with what experts now call “the new pragmatism,” which seeks to steer foreign policy away from engaged ideological alliances in the Middle East and towards bettering those state-to-state relations in the region that serve Russian national and economic interests.
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Nipialidi, Olha. "GREAT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA REGION IN THE MODERN SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY." Economic Analysis, no. 31(3) (2021): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2021.03.033.
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The subject of the study is the security space of the countries of the Greater Middle Eastand North Africa and its significance for Ukraine. The aim of the article is to identify the main trends in the geopolitical transformation of the Middle East regional system and to identify conflict issues that destabilize the region and deepen instability. Taking into account these facts, Ukraine will be able to systematically extract foreign economic policy in relation to the consolidated space of the Greater Middle East and North Africa. Methodology (method). General scientific and special methods were used in the research process in order to achieve the goal and solve the outlined tasks: historical and logical, analysis and synthesis, generalization and quantitative comparison, visual (tabular and graphical) (to visualize the results of the study). Results. It is determined that the system of regional international relations is in the conditions of cardinal changes, which leads to their restructuring, creation of a new balance of power and formation of new relations between the states. The structural structure of the Greater Middle East and North Africa region is established and the historical preconditions of its formation are detailed. The main tendencies to the geopolitical transformation of the Middle Eastern regional system are confirmed. Projects of restructuring the political map of the Middle East and the Muslim world and possible consequences for international security are analysed. The growing role of individual countries in the study region in the global economy, which is determined by the presence of significant natural resources, including oil and gas, is confirmed. The main challenges for development and stability in the Middle East have been identified, including local conflicts, the growth of terrorist acts, and ethnic problems. Local conflicts that destabilize the region, as almost all countries have sufficient resources to confront, are analysed. It has been confirmed that the most powerful countries in the region are increasing their military potential to secure their interests. It is determined that military conflicts in the region have a negative impact on the deepening of the deficit of natural resources, which significantly affects the global geopolitical picture of the world. Measures to be taken by Middle Eastern countries to ensure security policy in the region are proposed. The main interests of Ukraine in relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa are analysed and recommendations for their implementation are given.
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Baban, Harem Hasan Ahmed, and Mohammed Abdullah Kakasur. "The USA policy towards Iraq Feb 8-1963- July17-1968." Journal of University of Raparin 7, no. 2 (April 18, 2020): 391–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(7).no(2).paper17.
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The USA policy towards Iraq 1963-1968,is one of the significant topics that has been given special attention by researchers, especially the America’s role in bringing the Baathists to power in Iraq and recognizing them.Another issue that has been taken care of by America is how to strengthen its political, cultural, and economic ties, especially its oil relations with Iraq. Because of Iraq was one of main forces in the Middle East during the Cold War, Therefore, it has become an important site to American interest .On the other hand, there were some external factors that had a negative impact on the US foreign policy towards Iraq during this period. Among those factors, the Arab-Israel and the problem of western oil partners that were operating in Iraq at that time. However during existing these issues, the cultural and economic relations between USA and Iraq was still remain.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Rizwana Karim Abbasi, and Usha Rehman. "Comparative Analysis of the US and Chinese Foreign Policy Towards South Asia; Implications for Pakistan." Global Regional Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iv).01.
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South Asia has its geopolitical significance due to its proximity with the oil-rich Middle Eastern States, natural resourcerich Central Asia and economically developed states of South-East Asian States. South Asia has two nuclear states; Pakistan and India. Since the end of 2nd World War, the USA has been present which has provided stability to this region. The USA had extended its investment and aid to Pakistan in during cold war which had maintained a Balance of Power between India and Pakistan. U.S. articulated response against Soviet invasion in 1979 and later entered in Afghanistan in 2001 on the pretext of WoT. Chinese foreign policy has fostered stability in South Asian region. Through its "Win-Win" policy, China has very firm economic relations with all South Asian states. Through BRI, China wants economic prosperity in the South Asian region. In such environments, Pakistan must have to act pragmatically, avoiding zero-sum policy.