Relevant bibliographies by topics / Australia Foreign economic relations Middle East

Academic literature on the topic 'Australia Foreign economic relations Middle East'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Australia Foreign economic relations Middle East"

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Rimmer, Susan Harris. "Australian experiments in creative governance, regionalism, and plurilateralism." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 71, no. 4 (December 2016): 630–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702016686383.

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The previous Abbott government had prioritized a general attitude to foreign policy captured by the phrase “Jakarta not Geneva,” which signified a preference for bilateral or minilateral interactions with the region rather than United Nations-based multilateralism. With Julie Bishop MP as Australia’s first female foreign minister, the Coalition also prioritized economic diplomacy, as exemplified by the repeated refrain that Australia is “open for business.” This approach led to a preference for diplomatic venues and processes that focused on continuing investments in regional architecture, new emphasis on minilateral dialogues such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and Mexico, Indonesia, Korea, Turkey, and Australia (MIKTA), and more effort directed to bilateral and plurilateral processes such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. This approach has been continued under Prime Minister Turnbull, with a renewed focus on innovation. Part 1 considers minilateral and regional investments in the Indo-Pacific region, primarily, IORA, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). I consider MIKTA a unique vehicle for Australian diplomacy. Part 2 considers what issues Australia should be pursuing through these forums, with a focus on the two themes of gender equality (as an example of niche diplomacy) and trade (multilateralism under pressure) as case studies. Beeson and Higgott argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement “games of skill,” especially at moments of international transition. How skilful have Australia’s efforts been in these minilateral dialogues, enhanced regionalism, and plurilateral processes, and what more can be achieved in these forums? Are these efforts creating more fragmentation of the rules-based order, or are they a way to overcome global governance stalemates? I set out the arguments for whether Australia, as a pivotal power, should generate more global options, or be more focused on inclusion in the Asia-Pacific region.
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Chaziza, Mordechai. "China’s Economic Diplomacy Approach in the Middle East Conflicts." China Report 55, no. 1 (January 14, 2019): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445518818210.

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This study analyses China’s economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing’s economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region’s hotspots.
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Hutsaliuk, O. M., Іu A. Bondar, and O. O. Sukhachova. "Vectors of Development of Trade and Economic Cooperation of Ukraine with the Countries of the Middle East and Africa." Management of Economy: Theory and Practice. Chumachenko’s Annals, no. 2021 (December 23, 2021): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37405/2221-1187.2021.35-50.

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The main directions of development of foreign policy relations and trade and economic cooperation of Ukraine with the countries of the Middle East and Africa are considered in the article. In particular, the state of Ukraine’s foreign trade relations with the Middle East and Africa and the directions of their growth are analyzed. The existing potential for strengthening cooperation in the region has been identified and its main prospects have been outlined. The analysis of the existing institutional system of foreign trade in Ukraine is carried out. that in the conditions of deteriorating economic situation in the world and reduction of indicators of export potential of Ukraine for 2019-2020, it is quite important to form and implement institutional support for the strategy of promoting the development of domestic producers and promoting their products to foreign markets. The main factors that should be taken into account by domestic producers in the process of entering the markets of the Middle East are substantiated. The hierarchy of the purposes of institutional maintenance of foreign trade of Ukraine in the context of cooperation with the countries of the region is offered. According to the indicators of exports of goods and services to major trading partners for 2018-2020, the formation of export destinations in Ukraine. The growth of exports and the dynamics of Ukraine’s foreign trade, which in turn brings currency to the country, more investment and, most importantly, the fact that the country will become a more competitive country. The development of bilateral and multilateral relations of Ukraine with the countries of North Africa is considered in the plane of geoeconomic interests of Ukraine. This indicates Ukraine’s interest in the development of trade and economic cooperation, based on the significant potential importance of the markets of these countries for the exit of Ukrainian exporters, as the countries of the region still show significant demand for Ukrainian goods. The preconditions of practical problems of development of foreign economic relations of Ukraine with the countries of the studied region are investigated, namely that recently the geopolitical influence of the last on the world arena has essentially increased. Prospects for further research in this area are to determine the theoretical and practical prerequisites for creating a strategy to promote the export of goods and services in the markets of the Middle East and Africa. Keywords foreign trade, export, import, trade and economic relations, foreign policy relations, geo-economic interests.
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Godfried, Nathan. "Economic Development and Regionalism: United States Foreign Relations in the Middle East, 1942-5." Journal of Contemporary History 22, no. 3 (July 1987): 481–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002200948702200307.

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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.

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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Nursultanova, L. N., and A. E. Erkin. "POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF KAZAKHSTAN AND THE MIDDLE EAST: HISTORICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL ASPECT." edu.e-history.kz 31, no. 3 (October 20, 2022): 333–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_333-343.

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The modern history of Kazakhstan includes cardinal reforms, socio-economic changes, as well as the transformation of the political system. Kazakhstan is a subject of new geopolitical realities and an active factor in the international arena. The multi-vector course of our Republic's foreign policy allows us to pursue a balanced strategy with the international community.The First President of Kazakhstan N.Nazarbayev defined the long-term goal of forming and maintaining constructive relations with thecountries of the near and far abroad. The institutional reforms carried out allowed the European Union toassign Kazakhstan the status of a country with a market economy. The foreign policy of the Republic ofKazakhstan is aimed at implementing a competitive economy,attracting foreign investments that meetnational interests.Kazakhstan has achieved success in the regional economy and participates in global projects, joined the World Trade Organization, is building fruitful and constructive ties with the European Union, the OIC and other international organizations.Kazakhstan's cooperation with the countries of the Near and Middle East has many aspects. Within the framework of one monograph, it is impossible to explore different issues of relations between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the BSV, which have many directions. Perhaps this will be the task of further scientific research.
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Choudhury, Srabani Roy. "Japan and the Middle East: An Overview." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 3 (June 19, 2018): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798918776711.

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As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. However, with limited hard power options, Japan would have to concentrate on its soft power capabilities and on using its economic strength to mark its presence in the Middle East.
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Khoma, Nataliya, and Yevhenija Voznyuk. "EVOLUTION FROM THE CONCEPT “ZERO PROBLEMS WITH NEIGHBORS” TO THE PRACTICE “ZERO NEIGHBORS WITHOUT PROBLEMS”: THE ROLE OF NEO-OTTOMANISM." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (8) (November 26, 2020): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-02-46-56.

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The peculiarities of Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East in 2002-2020 are studied. Turkey’s intentions to establish itself as an influential Eurasian state, which claims leadership in the Middle East, as well as in the Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia, were noted. The authors indicate the concept and foreign policy doctrine of “Zero Problems with Neighbors” as the ideological basis for Turkey’s transition from a peripheral to a central role in international politics. It is emphasized that the doctrine of “Zero problems with neighbors” has become a revision of traditional Kemalist values in Turkey’s foreign policy. The authors of the article evaluate the practical implementation of the doctrine as an unsuccessful attempt to become a regional leader in the Middle East. It was emphasized that at the beginning of the implementation of the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” the only goal of the Turkish government was really to establish good neighborly relations, but after the beginning of the “Arab Spring” foreign policy strategy was revised. It was noted that in the last decade the Turkish government has reoriented to a more pragmatic foreign policy direction; it is determined by the main purpose of protecting its national interests; the result was partial Turkey isolation. The article expresses author’s vision that Turkey in its foreign policy has obviously moved from the concept of “Zero problems with neighbors” to the practice of “zero friends”. It is proved that: 1) Turkey’s relations with the Middle East (except Qatar) are quite tense; 2) although there is a partnership with many countries in the Middle East, it is often based on pragmatic mutual interest of countries, and cooperation often does not go beyond trade and economic relations.
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Lee, Itamar Y. "Chasing the Rising Red Crescent: Sino-Shi’i Relations in Post-Cold War Era China." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 313–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.313.

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This article adopts a unique angle to analyze China’s Middle East policy in “Chasing the Rising Red Crescent: Sino-Shi’i Relations in the Post-Cold War Era.” With the end of the Cold War and the political renaissance of Islam, the author argues that China’s strategic approaches towards the Middle East have changed fundamentally. The rise of China on the Middle East coupled with the strategic ascendancy of Shi’i Islam in the Middle East invites a strategic window for the emerging architecture of global geopolitics and world economy. The aim of Lee’s study is to make clear the historical trajectories and evolving strategic calculations in China’s Middle East policy and its global implications by reviewing Sino-Shi’i relations in general and introducing Chinese strategic interactions with Iran, Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah, and Hamas in particular. Since the establishment of zhongguo zhongdong wenti teshi [Chinese Special Envoy for Middle Eastern Affairs] in 2002, China’s economic presence and political clout in the Middle East including the Shi’i region have been advanced obviously. Sino-Shi’i relations in the post-Cold War era, thus, should be seriously examined not only for understanding China’s strategic perceptions of the Middle East but also for explaining the pattern of Chinese foreign behaviours, as well as for expecting the impact of China’s rising in the region and its geopolitical implications for the future of China-U.S. relations
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Jenkins, J. Craig, Katherine Meyer, Matthew Costello, and Hassan Aly. "International Rentierism in the Middle East Africa, 1971–2008." International Area Studies Review 14, no. 3 (January 1, 2011): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386591101400301.

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What is the trend in rentierism in the Middle East and North Africa? Defining a rentier state as one that extracts a significant share of its revenues from rents extracted from international transactions, we examine a range of such transactions that together constitute a third or more of the Middle East/North Africa economies. Outlining a rentierism index that is based on the share of GDP stemming from oil/mineral exports, foreign military and economic aid, worker remittances, and international tourism, we show that rentierism is growing and that 18 of the 22 Middle East/North Africa states depend for over a third of their GDP on these international transactions. Some depend on direct rents stemming from oil/mineral exports and foreign aid, while others rely increasingly on indirect rents from remittances and tourism. This split between direct and indirect rents has implications for the political stability of these states, because it creates states that are more or less able to maintain control in the face of popular resistance and insurgency.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Australia Foreign economic relations Middle East"

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Mason, Robert. "Economic factors in Middle East foreign policies : the case of oil and gas exporters with special reference to Saudi Arabia and Iran." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3838.

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This thesis identifies the relationship between economic factors and non-economic factors, and the relative weight of each, in the conduct of Middle East foreign policies but with special reference to Saudi Arabia and Iran between 2001 and 2012. In the Saudi case, economic factors are contextualized within its traditional themes of maintaining security and stability through international alliances and promoting stable and long term energy export markets. In the case of Iran, economic factors such as the role of sanctions in facilitating closer ties with a range of anti-western states are put into perspective by other factors such as national security issues and emerging splits in the decision making elite. The research draws on a conceptual hybrid of constructivism and omni-balancing and by doing so pays particular attention to the perceptions of foreign policy decision makers in their assessments of the domestic, regional and international environments. The conceptual framework therefore accounts for historical events such as the Islamic revolution and perceived hostility to it, and enduring Saudi-Iranian tensions based on sectarian and ideological struggles for dominance across the Middle East. Oil policy, including oil production, pricing and security of supply and demand, is found to be the paramount economic factor in the foreign policies of Saudi Arabia and Iran, but weighted in favour of the former. As swing producer in OPEC, Saudi Arabia needs to maintain sustainable oil supplies to its allies in the West, and increasingly East, whilst leveraging its oil reserves against adversaries such as Iran. In contrast, Iran has the incentive, but a dwindling capability, to maximise its oil revenues to fund the national budget amid tightening U.S.-led sanctions designed to curb its nuclear programme. The thesis also finds that economic factors such as ‘riyal politik’ as well as non-oil trade and investment deals are less effective in Saudi and Iranian foreign policy. This is because they tend to be offered or utilised as short-term leveraging mechanisms in new or unstable bilateral relationships with a variety of state or nonstate actors which do not always share their ideological perspective or interests. To overcome significant geo-strategic and ideological incompatibilities, reciprocal confidence building measures and active engagement on a broad set of contentious issues is prescribed.
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Atashi, Rahim. "The importance of Middle-East Oil in International Politics." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212450.

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Books on the topic "Australia Foreign economic relations Middle East"

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University of Calcutta. Institute of Foreign Policy Studies, ed. India and the Middle East: Problems and prospects. New Delhi: KW Publishers in association with Institute of Foreign Policy Studies, Calcutta University, Kolkata, 2012.

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Oil in the Middle East. Oxford: Raintree, 2006.

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King, John. Oil and the Middle East. Oxford: Raintree, 2006.

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Nation-building: A Middle East recovery program. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 2004.

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Gideon, Fishelson, Hirsch Seev, and Merhav Meir, eds. Economic cooperation and Middle East peace. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1989.

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The Middle East in the coming decade: A Japanese perspective. Tokyo, Japan: International Institute for Global Peace, 1992.

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Owen, Roger. The Middle East in the world economy 1800-1914. London: I.B.Tauris, 1993.

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Jerusalem), PASSIA Seminar (1999. Japan, Palestine and the Middle East: PASSIA Seminar 1999. Jerusalem: PASSIA, Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, 1999.

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Parker, Cristina N., and Douglas M. Warde. Economic and political issues in the Middle East. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.

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Beyond war: Reimagining America's role and ambitions in a new Middle East. New York: Penguin Books, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Australia Foreign economic relations Middle East"

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Tapia, Jorge Araneda. "Presidential Influence, Economic-Military Legacies, and Bureaucracy Challenges in Chile's Foreign Policy toward the Middle East." In Latin American Relations with the Middle East, 64–90. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003264675-5.

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Markovic Khaze, Nina. "China’s Changing Foreign Relations with Small and Middle Powers: A Comparative Analysis of the Cases of Australia, the Solomon Islands, and Central and East European Countries (CEEC)." In Кинески развојни изазови: промене и пројекције, 69–94. Београд: Институт за међународну политику и привреду, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/iipe_dokri.2022.ch3.

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Luciani, Giacomo. "5. Oil and Political Economy in the International Relations of the Middle East." In International Relations of the Middle East. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708742.003.0006.

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This chapter examines the impact of oil and political economy on the international relations of the Middle East. It begins by discussing the relationship between oil and the consolidation and evolution of the modern Middle Eastern state system, noting that, while outside powers have invariably used oil in their calculations of Middle East policy, oil has figured less prominently in the foreign policies of Arab states. As regards domestic politics, the rentier state paradigm shows how oil has conditioned economic and political outcomes in both oil-rich and oil-poor states, slowing down the prospects for reform. The chapter proceeds by assessing the influence of oil on inter-Arab relations and concludes with some reflections on the regional and international environments as well as the political order in the Middle East.
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Eisenman, Joshua, and Eric Heginbotham. "China’s Relations with Africa, Latin America, and the Middle East." In China and the World, 291–312. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190062316.003.0014.

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Over the last two decades, developing countries have become central to China’s increasingly ambitious foreign policy makers. This chapter begins by explaining China’s conceptualization of the developing world and its position in Beijing’s geostrategy. After describing the three characteristics of China’s approach—asymmetry, comprehensiveness, and its interlocking structure—the chapter then explains the various economic, political, and security policy tools that comprise it. China works to bring the separate strands of its foreign policy together in a comprehensive whole and to build synergies between component parts. Ultimately, the chapter concludes that Beijing’s primary objectives—regime survival and advancing China’s position in an increasingly multipolar world—are probably insufficient to engender widespread political support among developing countries for a China-led world order.
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Shama, Nael, and Islam Hassan. "In Pursuit of Security and Influence." In Water and Conflict in the Middle East, 171–98. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197552636.003.0008.

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Chapter 8 focuses on the United Arab Emirates (UAE), led by Mohamed bin Zayed, and its newly assertive power projection strategy that includes establishment naval and military bases on the Red Sea, in the chokepoints of the Bab al-Mandab one of the most important global shipping lanes and the Gulf of Aden and its littoral territory—the arid nations of Djibouti, Eritrea, and Somalia to achieve dual geostrategic and economic goals including the acquisition of operational and management rights over ports and economic zones. The theoretical framework used in this chapter to asses foreign policy change employs simultaneous levels of inquiry taking into account regional and systemic effects, domestic influences, and the role of leadership adding to the literature on international relations and the Middle East in two distinct ways (1) by addressing understudied theoretical questions concerning foreign policy change in small states and (2) exploring the nature and motivations of the emerging trend of securitizing waterspace and shipping lanes in the Middle East.
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Murphy, Dawn C. "Belt and Road and China’s Relations with the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa." In China's Rise in the Global South, 236–53. Stanford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9781503630093.003.0009.

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This chapter examines what the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is and how it relates to China's approach to the Middle East and Africa. It then analyzes specific foreign policy tools encompassed by BRI. Overall, China's behavior through Belt and Road is competitive, but some elements are norm convergent and some norm divergent. China competes inside and outside the economic and political order with various foreign policy tools supporting BRI (e.g., cooperation forums, state support for Chinese companies, aid, free trade agreements, special economic zones, agricultural demonstration centers, strategic partnerships, antipiracy, UN peacekeeping operations, and China's base in Djibouti). Through Belt and Road and the foreign policy tools used to support the initiative, China is building a new order that reflects its values. China portrays itself as a driver of connectivity, development, trade, and globalization as it defends sovereignty and advocates for developing country causes.
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Bustos, Rafael. "The Arab Spring changes under the prism of international relations theory." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0003.

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This chapter analyses what the political transformations following the Arab Spring mean from the perspective of different International Relations theories: neo-realism, institutionalism, social constructivism and critical theories. The chapter first points to the direct effects of foreign policy intervention in transitions to democracy worldwide, including the MENA region, notwithstanding the traditional support some non-democratic or aggressive regimes have received from consolidated democracies. Second, the chapter reviews the work of a number of prestigious International Relations’ scholars on the Arab Spring and reviews how leading International Relations journals of different theoretical leaning have treated the Arab Spring in the period 2011-15. The chapter illustrates how similar topics are treated in each theory in rather inverted ways. While neo-realists do not focus on the Arab Spring itself but rather on the possible threats that derive from it and their consequences, critical theorists reverse the analysis and locate it in the economic causes and implications of armed interventions as well as the excessive processes of vigilance and control. If liberals engage in a debate on the defence of the R2P doctrine, constructivists are more aware of the contradictory effects of democratic diffusion and cognitive uncertainty. Finally, the chapter concludes on the prospects and need within International Relations for further theoretical development on the Arab Spring.
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Beinart, William, and Lotte Hughes. "Oil Extraction in the Middle East: The Kuwait Experience." In Environment and Empire. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199260317.003.0020.

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Oil has been the lubricant of international relations and industry since the turn of the twentieth century. The fabulous wealth it has generated for a clutch of individuals, states, and corporations has skewed global politics, fed human greed, fuelled conflict, and brought as much destruction as delight in its wake. The struggle for access to and control over oil was central to the final stages of imperial expansion, and the Middle East saw a regional equivalent of the ‘scramble for Africa’. European powers sought to carve up the area as the twentieth century turned, their eyes fixed on oil as the main prize. Central to our argument is that empire followed natural resources, in unpredictable ways. It created commodity frontiers that had enormous implications for routes of expansion and relations with local societies. The future of the Middle East, then under the sway of the crumbling Ottoman Empire, was already of great concern to Britain at the beginning of the twentieth century. But oil provided a new urgency, and shaped patterns of intervention; the history of the Middle East over the next century would have been profoundly different without it. Although capital became more mobile from the late nineteenth century, some of the most valuable natural resources in the twentieth-century Empire proved to be rooted to specific regions. In this sense, oil as a natural resource shaped the geography of empire, as had fur and forests before it. But the specific character of oil and of imperialism in the region (our focus is on Kuwait), resulted in rather different outcomes for local societies than those experienced on some other earlier commodity frontiers. Although the oil companies were largely foreign-owned, Middle Eastern people were, to a much greater degree, beneficiaries of resource extraction. In this respect, there are parallels with Malaysia. An important concern in this chapter is to chart the impact of oil on Bedouin pastoralists in Kuwait, their use of the desert, and its environmental implications. We also explore briefly other environmental impacts of oil exploitation. These are issues less frequently rehearsed than the political and economic consequences. The energy needs of the metropolitan world led to increasing demands for oil as the twentieth century advanced.
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Asiri, Majed. "The Interaction of Pharmaceutical Regulations in Saudi Arabia With the Presence of FDI." In Transcontinental Strategies for Industrial Development and Economic Growth, 132–45. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2160-0.ch008.

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Recent literature on pharmaceutical regulations focuses on the apparently increasing scope for intimate relationships between the regulation framework and FDI opportunities in the pharmaceutical industry. This chapter deals with these interactions within the context of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). In 2015, Saudi Arabia was the largest market in the Middle East for drug companies and has one of the most sophisticated healthcare systems in the region. Yet, the Saudi drug regulatory regime have been criticized for having ambiguous procedures from both domestic and foreign companies. In addition, many international agreements have been signed by the Saudi government to encourage and protect foreign direct investment (FDI) in different sectors including the pharmaceutical industry. This research pursued to discover whether the international regulatory regime, based on the theoretical principles of free trade and applied to the international trade relations of KSA, interacts in any manner with the pharmaceutical industry's trends.
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Del Sarto, Raffaella A. "From European Colonial Enterprise to ‘Normative Empire Europe’." In Borderlands, 36–50. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833550.003.0003.

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The chapter provides the historical context for contemporary relations between Europe and the Mediterranean Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It demonstrates that European policies towards its southern borderlands developed from the imperial policies of single European states during colonial times into the quasi-imperial policy of the common European bloc. When the beginnings and subsequent development of European integration are considered, the imperial foreign policies of the former colonial powers vis-à-vis the Middle East may be seen to have undergone a process of ‘Europeanization’. In this process, the European bloc developed into a ‘normative empire’, which selectively seeks to transfer its rules and practices, together with some border control duties, to peripheral areas for the sake of Europe’s stability, security, and economic benefits.
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Conference papers on the topic "Australia Foreign economic relations Middle East"

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Uygur, Mehmet Nazım. "The Economy-Politics Reflections of Turkey-Russian Relationship During Syria Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01866.

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The Syrian civil war began with the demonstrations that took place on 15 March 2011 and spread to over the all Middle East Countries in April 2011. This conflict in Syria affected Turkish-Russia relations negatively. On the other hand, the conflict has also caused crises among other countries. The most prominent example of this is the jet crisis between Turkey and Russia. In November 2015, the Russian jet which was in violation of the border was dropped by the Turkish Air Force. For this purpose, the study aims to reveal the source of the Syrian internal conflict, the positions of the sides involved in this process and the effects of political and economic sanctions in Russia-Turkey on economic relations between the two countries. In the study, firstly the elements that triggered the emergence of the Syrian crisis were identified and then the political actions that the sides put forward were briefly examined. The economic-political relations between Turkey and Russia, which have been developing since the 1990s, have come to an end with the antagonism created by the Syrian civil war and jet crisis. The economic embargo that Russia and Turkey have imposed on each other has caused serious reductions in foreign trade volume between the two countries and in the number of tourists from Russia to Turkey.
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