Academic literature on the topic 'Australia ;Defence Cooperation Program'

In response to a request from the Australian Department of Defense (Navy), a product work breakdown (zone logic) was reintroduced into Australia in the Spring of 1988 for the benefit of the consortiums which are competing for the $5(A) dollar ANZAC Frigate Program. At the same time, this brief paper advised Australian naval architects and shipyard managers at large of the improved quality that is inherent in the application of zone logic, particularly for warships, and of what is required of designers. Special note is made of the need for professional and decentralized production engineering upon which product-oriented designers are absolutely dependent throughout all phases of the design process. A surprise for most readers, including some in Australia, is reference to the technical cooperation agreement which resulted in product-oriented shipbuilding in an Australian shipyard "a decade before" the same logic revolution started in North American shipyards.

The development of information and communication technology is growing both globally and regionally making it easier for everyone to access all information and communicate without knowing the limits even though many benefits can be obtained. The reality, in turn, gives a negative impact such as personal crime, theft, and data falsification to attack systems or forms of state infrastructure. Cyber threats that occur in Indonesia include racial riots in 1998 which Indonesia had to fight with hackers from China and Taiwan. Besides, the Indonesian government must also face espionage that done by Australia through its representative building in Jakarta. Therefore, cooperation is needed through the defense diplomacy process as a way to deal with all forms of cyber threats in Indonesia called cyber diplomacy. This study uses qualitative research methods through library research intending to analyze concepts and descriptions of cyber diplomacy. Cyber diplomacy conducted by Indonesia is involvement through the ASEAN-Japan Online Cyber Exercise program which is still at the level of developing the skills of cyber personnel but has not touched on the policy domain to regulate program development. Then there needs to be further development by bringing this program to the ADMM forum.

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.

Abstract Nowadays, international and national events clearly point out the need for cooperation between different defense organizations in crisis and emergency situations (disaster events, migration issues, and other emergencies) for successful tasks. The fundamental basis of this cooperation is always the command and control activity supported by modern technical equipment that ensures the coordinated implementation of tasks. The key, human element of info-communication support is the preparation and training of the successful professionals. In this paper, the authors intend to present the importance of vocational training.

The subject of the article is the security and defence policy of Australia in the 2010s in view of the rapidly growing power of the People’s Republic of China. The article analyses issues such as the potential, values, interests and threats of Australia; strategic dimension of Australia’s security and defence policy; Australia’s cooperation with the United States in the context of the rise of China; and Australia’s attitude towards China’s assertive actions in the Asia-Pacific. The aim of the article is to analyse and evaluate Australia’s security and defence policy towards the growing power of China. The main research problem is included in the question of whether Australia adequately and sufficiently responds to the increasing military potential of the Middle Kingdom. The thesis of the article assumes that while the directions of Australian policy are justified, its scale is insufficient. The most important elements in securing interests in the context of China’s growing power is increasing its own defence capabilities and deepening multi-faceted cooperation with allies and partners of the Pacific region. This must be accompanied by caring for the correctness of relations with China and efforts to reduce tensions between the People’s Republic of China and the United States. The article is based on the theory of structural realism of the defensive type. The article uses the method of source text analysis.

This paper will discuss how the cooperative relationship between Indonesia and Australia through AusAID resulted in various assistance programs in the education sector during the Joko Widodo era from 2014 to 2019, in which this research will look at the effectiveness of the cooperation. Indonesia has pressing problems in the education sector. This is due to the declining quality of education in Indonesia and the alarming dropout rate. Therefore, it is necessary to take steps to improve the quality of education in Indonesia, one of which is through cooperation with Australia. Bilateral relations between Indonesia and Australia have existed for a long time so cooperation in the education sector between the two countries is considered to be beneficial. Indonesia has various policies in the education sector such as 9-year compulsory education and character education development. Meanwhile, Australia has a foreign policy in the field of education that focuses on assistance in improving the quality of education and direct assistance. The cooperation between Indonesia and Australia in the field of education can be seen in the implementation of programs such as the Education Partnership, Technical Assistance for Education System Strengthening, ProDEP, and Innovation for Indonesia's School Children. The cooperation program resulted in various achievements, such as the availability of educational infrastructure and facilities, improving the quality of educators and educational services, improving the curriculum for effective learning methods, as well as the accessibility of education quality in achieving gender equality and being disability-friendly. Researchers see that educational cooperation between Indonesia and Australia from 2014 to 2019 was effective in helping to overcome various educational issues in Indonesia.

Research conducted to find out what was done by Australia-ASEAN in the economic field. The method used by researchers is deductive, in which the paragraphs are collected in general or the main idea of the paragraphs and then conclusions are drawn specifically. The type of research conducted is qualitative research in which collects data used by researchers, namely Library Studies (Library Research). Based on the results and discussion of ASEAN is an important part of economic prosperity in Australia. As a regional organization in the Southeast Asian region, ASEAN is currently the largest trading partner with Australia. Cooperation between Australia and ASEAN includes the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the ASEAN-Australia Development Cooperation Program (AADCP), the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement (AANZFTA). Australia has welcomed the cooperation agreement. This cooperation agreement is important for trade in our region which will drive export opportunities for Australian businesses and facilitate more local employment.

The article deals with the pivot to Asia started in the USA in 2011, now becoming a part of US military strategy. Asian-Pacific region will be playing increasingly important role in securing of political, economic and defence interests of the USA seeking to consolidate world order based on “American leadership from the position of strength” – which is the main principle of New National Security Strategy. Pivot to Asia is understood as modernization and reinforcement of traditional “security alliances”. The old policy of “deterrence” of China as main geopolitical competitor is still being pursued.Military presence of the USA on Japanese islands is used for rearmament of Japanese self-defence forces. New bilateral treaty is being prepared, thus creating the possibility of joint actions of armed forces of Japan and US on the territories in- and outside Pacific region. Threat for North Korea is used as a good pretext for build-up of US military forces and deployment of THAAD complexes on the territory of South Korea. China and Russia express same attitude in this respect regarding THAAD as an instrument for increase tension in the region. Defence co-operation between Australia and US has incentives for development as well as limitations: Australia is not sure US are able to fulfill its obligations in case of crisis and at the same time economic co-operation with Beijing is of crucial interest for Australia. The involvement of Philippines in the territorial dispute with China made possible for US to strengthen cooperation in the sphere of defence. After power shift in Thailand military cooperation with US stopped. Seeking new partners in the region, US is lifting embargo to supply of weapons to Vietnam and gradually unfreezing relations with Myanmar. US moves in SEA can be regarded as reaction to Chinese promotion of “Maritime silk route of the 21st century” concept. Relations with India are viewed in the USA as means of deterrence of China ambitions and competition with Russia in military co-operation.The article contains practical recommendations how Russia should act when purpose of increasing its influence in the region is on the agenda.

The article analyses the political and military aspects of progress in the dialogue between Russia and the U.S./NATO on cooperation in missile defense; investigates the past experiences and current state of cooperation between Russia and the Alliance on missile defense issues; examines the technical features of American missile defence systems today; finds a solution to question whether or not the European Missile Defence Program actually threatens Russia's nuclear deterrent and strategic stability in general; identifies both potential benefits and possible losses for Russia stemming from the development of cooperation with the United States and NATO in countering ballistic missile threats, or from refusal to have such cooperation. Evidently, the initiative of creation of a missile defense in Europe surely belongs to the USA. Washington has enormous technological, financial, economic, military and institutional capabilities in the field of a missile defense, exceeding by far other NATO member-states. In February 2010, the President of the United States B. Obama adopted a project "European Phased Adaptive Approach" (EPAA) as an alternative to G. Bush's global strategic missile defense plan. The first two stages of the Phased Adaptive Approach are focused on creating a system capable of intercepting small, medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles. The possibility of intercepting long-range missiles is postponed to the third (2018) and forth phases (2020). Moscow finds especially troublesome the third and the fourth phases of Washington's project of creating a European segment of the global antiballistic missile system, considering prospective capabilities of the U.S. interceptor missiles 61 and the envisioned areas of their deployment. The U.S. counter-evidence is that phase four interceptors do not exist yet. Russia insists on getting the political and legal guarantees from the U.S. and NATO that their missile defense systems will not slash the efficiency of Russian nuclear deterrence forces.

The United States, the UK and Australia continue to enhance defence cooperation in the dual space of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. These powers announced the establishing of a trilateral security pact AUKUS on September 15, 2021. The U.S. will transfer nuclear submarine technology to Australia but the nature of AUKUS implies a broader technological interaction between the parties. Despite the Anglosphere's attempts to indicate that their actions aren't directed against any power, all their actions reveal intensifying rivalry with the People's Republic of China (PRC). This article examines the nature of AUKUS and the reasons for its appearance. Special attention is paid to the influence of the alliance on the Fifth Continent's defense capabilities and its domestic policy dimension. At the same time, the author analyzes the impact of AUKUS on Australia's relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and Oceania.

The public sector in Australia, as in other western countries, has been accused in recent times of being too costly, too rigid, inefficient and ineffective. What is apparently needed is a public sector that is smaller, less costly, more efficient and more effective. The search for alternative and better ways to organise and undertake work to meet these reform objectives is at the heart of the rapid expansion of Competitive Tendering and Contracting (CTC) within the public sector in the last two decades. But increased reliance on government contracting does not always lead to outsourcing. Some government agencies allow, indeed encourage, their current employees to also bid for the work on offer by including an In-House Option (IHO) within their CTC processes. In a number of cases these IHOs have been selected ahead of their commercial competitors. IHOs are effectively internal tenders that, if selected, must be implemented by work areas within the confines of the policies and practices of their parent organisation. The reasons commonly expressed in support of IHOs are to do with addressing the potentially problematic aspects of organisational review and possible outsourcing, and to assist the parent organisation achieve its reform intentions in the most effective and least disruptive manner possible. This research examined the achievements of six IHOs within the Australian Defence Organisation. It also asked what can be learned from their experiences? The findings show that IHOs can contribute to reform and enhance the effectiveness of CTC processes but that these achievements come at a price�borne primarily by the staff who work within selected IHOs. IHOs add to the competition of CTC exercises. They also act as an insurance policy against being caught with no reasonable bids and offer a benchmark against which to assess unknown bids. But competition can also focus bidders on doing what is necessary to win rather than what is best for an organisation or its staff. Having IHOs increases the uncertainty for staff about their future employment while at the same times raising expectations that if they can be successful they will be able to make changes and improve their work areas. This research has shown that this does not always occur and staff can find the whole experience frustrating and demoralising. Organisations that include IHOs within their CTC methodologies need to assist them if they are to have the best opportunity to propose new and innovative ways of working. And they must be prepared for the possibility that their IHOs could win. Selected IHOs need support to successfully implement changes, and as the IHOs examined here have shown, they can make significant improvements in work practices and more efficient use of resources if given the chance.

Under traditional International relations theory, diplomacy relates to relations between sovereign nations. There have been two broad schools of thought on the dynamics behind these relations: the ‘realist’ school, which tends to consider power and conflict as the major lens through which such should be viewed, and the ‘idealist’ school which tended to focus on cooperation rather than conflict. Between these two extreme views, a third school, the English School of International Relations, also known as the British Institutionalists, provides somewhat of a compromise view, acknowledging the merit of both realism and idealism, by accepting that power remains an important element but also advocating that acceptance of common norms and institutions plays a significant role in determining relations, or the International Society between states. In 1977 Hedley Bull offered the following definition of International Society when he stated that International Society … exists when a group of states, conscious of certain common interests and common values, form a society in the sense that they conceive themselves to be bound by a common set of rules in their relations with one another, and share in the working of common institutions. This thesis is not specifically related to International Relations theory, which deals with inter-state relations. Whilst inter-state conflict and international relations remain important drivers of foreign and military policy, there is a growing recognition that it is intra-state conflict avoidance and post-conflict reconstruction which increasingly mitigate the risk to the safety, security, peace and prosperity of nations and regions. Much of this disquiet has its roots in maladministration, poor governance and a lack of justice. These are areas in which traditional approaches to foreign intervention via trade, aid and military force have limited effect, and in which effective consent-based policing and justice can play a significant part in building sustainable and peaceful outcomes. This thesis discusses the role played by a non-traditional actor in the international arena, the police, specifically the Australian Federal Police (AFP), in addressing some of these intra-state justice and governance issues in a constantly changing, unstable and unpredictable global and regional environment. The thesis is intended to outline the diversity and versatility of AFP activities and to contextualise them in terms of non-traditional New Diplomacy. The aspects of diplomacy of most significance relate to diplomatic qualities or traits of the individual police officer, diplomatic behaviours of these members, and diplomatic outcomes of their activities. As such the thesis does not relate directly to International Relations theory or to International Society, as espoused by Hedley Bull. There are, however, some interesting intersections which are worthy of note. There are some critics of the English School who argue that it is Eurocentric. Today’s International Relations originated in the 19th century when a number of European nations formed a club of ‘civilised’ states bound by international law, which expanded around the globe to involve all nations. This concept has been used to explain the lack of imperative for a supra-state or world government to maintain orderly inter-state relations, as the force which binds them is consent to agree to common interest and values within a global rules-based order. In terms of policing on an international scale, global government is simply too unwieldy. There are a number of global, consent-based institutions such as the United Nations and INTERPOL, which fulfil this requirement to a certain extent. The AFP has had long involvement with both of these global institutions, as well as several regional policing institutions. In terms of conflict-oriented ‘realism’ and cooperative ‘idealism’, policing walks both sides of the street. As this thesis will discuss, the whole posture of liberal-democratic policing is conflict prevention, and the means by which such police carry out their daily duties is by cooperation. This is the context in which replication or expansion of International Society should be considered in relation to the activities of the AFP internationally and regionally. This thesis is by definition Eurocentric, or more specifically Anglo-centric, due to the historical fact that the AFP draws all of its principles from Australia’s British antecedents and adheres to a largely ‘western’ or European notion of human rights values. This thesis explores the role of the AFP as an international actor. The thesis asserts that effective international policing has never been more important in linking the international with the domestic. The way the AFP operates in a landscape where traditional policing paradigms are rapidly changing, due to ever-changing, political, diplomatic, and transnational issues, is examined in the context of the ‘globalisation paradox’, of both needing and fearing, global governance simultaneously, as raised by Anne-Marie Slaughter in her book, A New World Order. The way the organisation has evolved from its origins, based on Western liberal-democratic policing values, approaches and skills, to an organisation involved in international policing and diplomacy at the highest levels, while still retaining its liberal-democratic credentials is explained. It is argued that in the contemporary international and Australian context, the AFP is an effective and experienced agency. It is further argued that this is a distinctive form of new diplomacy, appropriate to an increasingly globalised world. The AFP has established an extensive international network in more than 30 countries, has been a consistent contributor to national security, has participated in numerous international deployments over half a century, and continues to play a meaningful role in Australian foreign policy efforts. The thesis provides evidence to show how AFP officers exhibit diplomatic qualities similar to those listed by Daryl Copeland in his book Guerrilla Diplomacy , as well as those mentioned by Christopher Meyer in his book Getting Our Way. In all of its international endeavours, AFP members have demonstrated, in varying degrees, the three enduring elements of diplomacy as outlined by Jonsson and Hall in their book The Essence of Diplomacy. They have communicated and negotiated in some very challenging circumstances and they are representatives of the Australian Government and its humanitarian values. The AFP, as part of broader efforts with institutions such as the UN, have not so much sought a replication of international society, as mentioned by Jonsson and Hall, but have provided a supplement to international society, by effective networking, thereby addressing in large part, Slaughter’s ‘globalisation paradox’. It is not so much universal police homogeneity which is sought by such endeavours, as a balance between it, and the heterogeneity which is inevitably associated with cultures transitioning from custom and tradition, to 21st century expectations of nationhood. The way the AFP’s transnational operations, activities, and deployments, not only serve perceived national interests, but result in more effective regional governance, is identified as ‘diplomacy by default’, because formal Track I diplomacy is not their primary objective. It will be demonstrated how international diplomacy, while generally conducted with perceived national interests as its primary goal, has a secondary benefit, good international citizenship, and that the AFP has a credible history of serving both. It is argued that the AFP is well positioned within government, law and intelligence and security circles, in the Australian and international contexts, through an extensive liaison officer network in South-East Asia, the South-West Pacific as well as more broadly. It will be demonstrated how the AFP has shown itself as capable and ready to respond effectively to extant and emerging challenges, and as such, has earned a place in foreign policy discussions and considerations at the highest diplomatic levels, including the UN. The AFP provides a distinctive and direct link between the global, the regional, and the domestic, which matches the rapidly globalised community it represents. The thesis confirms that international policing acts as a distinctive aspect of Australian ‘firm’ diplomacy, and supplements the more traditional elements of international engagement, between the ‘soft’ or traditional diplomacy, and the ‘hard’ form of military intervention. The evidence provided shows how it is by this form of whole-of-government activity, inclusive of policing, that stability and security are enhanced, and peace and prosperity are encouraged. Overall, the thesis affirms the AFP as a transnational agency, which is well placed to link the international with the domestic, the contextual with the aspirational, and the theoretical with the practical, in a period of strategic uncertainty in international affairs at the dawn of the Third Millennium.

This thesis analyses the relationship between Australia and Indonesia between 1986-1996 and particularly focuses on cooperation in the areas of politics, economics and defence. It is argued that the relationship between Australia and Indonesia has become stronger due to the mutual interests of the two countries.
Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of Politics, 1997

After decades of mutual indifference, India’s and Australia’s strategic interests are converging. Both countries share increasing apprehension about China’s rise. Yet, despite a common concern regarding Chinese assertiveness and growing trade between the two countries, engagement remains limited. Both states see a lot of risk but few security benefits in appearing confrontational toward China. Moreover, their respective partnerships with the United States constrain the development of their bilateral security relations as they feel no need to deviate from their current parallel trajectory. In that sense the relations between India and Australia illustrate the limits of the Look East Policy. Deep ambivalence persists between the two countries and defence cooperation is largely restricted to soft security and dialogue. Both sides remain cautious about giving the relationship a strategic significance that could be interpreted as the beginning of a coalition against China.

AbstractBy mid-November 1945, Pawsey had begun planning for an observational programme in the post-54RS era. Although Pawsey was clearly appreciative of the excellent cooperation of the RAAF at Collaroy, the radio group at RPL now needed a site closer to the Laboratory at Sydney University, with accessible and convenient public transport. In addition, RPL needed a field station site under their own control, allowing modifications on the equipment to be made by their staff. The obvious solution was to start work at the Dover Heights ShD (Shore Defence) or C.D. (Coastal Defence) station of the Australian Military Forces. This station had been used by RPL during WWII for radar development and was only 10 km from the lab and reachable by public buses. The station was called CA No. 1 (Costal Artillery). As we have seen, Pawsey had begun planning for the first observations (January 1946) the previous November. An image from the WWII era of the Shore Defence aerial at Dover Heights is shown in Fig. 13.1.

During the Cold War the Fulbright program was considered an effective arm of US ‘soft power’ and cultural diplomacy. The US saw Australia as strategically valuable in the Asia-Pacific region of the world and under the Menzies Liberal Party government, Australia shared the US military and defence agenda. How could the Fulbright program maintain its independence from government interference in the powerful force of Cold War geopolitics? Australia’s Fulbright Board held strongly to the importance of independence and the role of academics to ensure that.

This chapter explores the influence of private actors—such as non-governmental organizations, journalists, academics, and defence lawyers—through an examination of bilateral cooperation relating to detained nationals. It focuses on cases of Indonesian nationals detained in Australia for people smuggling, and Australian nationals detained in Indonesia for drug offences. These cases reveal how private actors are able to shape the cooperative relationship by contributing to its underlying political and policy debates. The chapter also suggests that private actors are more likely to influence the cooperative relationship when they coordinate with, or coopt, other actors in ‘webs of influence’. These webs are particularly effective when they cross national borders.

Materials engineering applications are becoming more widespread, varied and sophisticated due to advances in science and increasing interdisciplinary cooperation. To be able to impart engineering graduates with the required technical background, educators need to update the course syllabus and the program curriculum continuously. Most importantly, in a world of constant change, educators need to develop the right graduate capabilities in engineering students. This calls for new, innovative teaching approaches to materials education. This chapter demonstrates the authors' teaching approach through the design and development of an Automotive Materials course at postgraduate level in an ‘International Automotive Engineering' program at RMIT University in Melbourne, Australia. To elucidate this teaching approach to materials education, the authors discuss in detail the need to impart an up-to-date understanding of new, alternative materials, the development of graduate capabilities, interdisciplinary systems thinking towards materials education, and the environmental sustainability of engineering materials.

Materials engineering applications are becoming more widespread, varied and sophisticated due to advances in science and increasing interdisciplinary cooperation. To be able to impart engineering graduates with the required technical background, educators need to update the course syllabus and the program curriculum continuously. Most importantly, in a world of constant change, educators need to develop the right graduate capabilities in engineering students. This calls for new, innovative teaching approaches to materials education. This chapter demonstrates the authors' teaching approach through the design and development of an Automotive Materials course at postgraduate level in an ‘International Automotive Engineering' program at RMIT University in Melbourne, Australia. To elucidate this teaching approach to materials education, the authors discuss in detail the need to impart an up-to-date understanding of new, alternative materials, the development of graduate capabilities, interdisciplinary systems thinking towards materials education, and the environmental sustainability of engineering materials.

Students in the Engineering and Information Technology (IT) field are statistically less mobile than in many other disciplines. This has been documented across Australia, Europe and North America. While studies have shown the benefits of going abroad for a period of time, these messages seem to be lost on many Engineering and IT students. Using comparative case studies between/among various Universities, this chapter outlines and explores the challenges of trying to encourage more of such students to go abroad. Challenges include: (1) student concerns; (2) degree structure and program limitations; and (3) faculty buy-in. This chapter outlines three cases where strategic and operational actions have been taken to mitigate identified challenges. Best practices include the identification and introduction of ‘mobility windows' in curricula in cooperation with faculty, having a clear management framework and performance indicators and achieving faculty buy-in.

Hollow bead is an elongated linear pore aligned with the weld axis. The sporadic appearance of epidemics of hollow bead defects during the construction of pipelines has for years been responsible for increasing the cost and time required for completion of a number of projects in many parts of the world. The inability to identify the cause of this defect has been one of the major obstacles in attempting to reduce its occurrence. As a result of this situation, following an important pipeline construction project which was seriously disrupted by problems with hollow bead, a number of Australian companies contributed to a major three year programme of research undertaken by the Cooperative Research Centre for Materials Welding and Joining. A systematic study of the effects of a range of parameters including welding variables, parent metal composition, joint geometry, surface condition and welding consumables has been undertaken. The data obtained has been used to ascertain their influence on the occurrence of hollow bead pores, and to provide guidelines for field welding practice which provide a high level of confidence that hollow bead can be eliminated as a practical problem in pipeline construction.

In Australia, 6000 military personnel leave the military each year, of whom at least 30% become unemployed and 19% experience underemployment, figures five times higher than the national average (Australian Government 2020). Believed to be one of life's most intense transitions, veterans find it difficult to align their military skills and knowledge to the civilian labour market upon leaving military service (Cable, Cathcart and Almond 2021; AVEC 2020). // Providing authentic opportunities that allow veterans to gain meaningful employment upon (re)entering civilian life raises their capability to incorporate accrued military skills, knowledge, and expertise. Despite acknowledging that higher education is a valuable transition pathway, Australia has no permanently federally funded post-service higher education benefit supporting veterans to improve their civilian employment prospects. Since World War II, American GIs have accessed a higher education scholarship program (tuition fees, an annual book allowance, monthly housing stipend) (Defense 2019). A similar offering is available in Canada, the UK, and Israel. // We are proposing that the AVSP would be the first comprehensive, in-depth study investigating the ongoing academic success of Australia's modern veterans as they study higher and vocational education. It consists of four distinct components: // Scholarships: transitioning/separated veterans apply for one of four higher education scholarship options (under/postgraduate): 100% tuition fees waived // $750/fortnight living stipend for the degree duration // 50/50 tuition/living stipend // Industry-focused scholarships. // Research: LAS Consulting, Open Door, Flinders University, over seven years, will follow the scholarship recipients to identify which scholarship option is the most relevant/beneficial for Australian veterans. The analysis of the resultant quantitative and qualitative data will demonstrate that providing federal financial support to student veterans studying higher education options: Improves the psychosocial and economic outcomes for veterans // Reduces the need for financial and medical support of participants // Reduces the national unemployed and underemployed statistics for veterans // Provides a positive return of investment (ROI) to the funder // May increase Australian Defence Force (ADF) recruitment and retention rates // Career Construction: LAS Consulting will sit, listen, guide, and help build an emotional connection around purpose, identity, education and employment opportunities back into society. So, the veteran can move forward, crystalise a life worth living, and find their authentic self, which is led by their values in the civilian world. // Mentoring: Each participant receives a mentor throughout their academic journey.

The paper describes results of the international collaboration that led to revision of the declared lives for critical components of a turbo-prop gas turbine engine. Four nations contributed to the program—Australia, Canada, USA and South Africa under the auspices of a Component Improvement Program led by the Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM). This international collaboration was initiated as a result of the decrease in the declared life for some critical components of this engine by the OEM. The core of the program consisted of a detailed stress analysis performed in South Africa, and spin rig testing of selected life-limited, rotating turbine components—two stages of discs and two stages of spacers—performed in Australia and Canada. The general objectives of the program were to provide more accurate low cycle fatigue crack initiation data and to verify crack growth life analysis techniques using advanced 2D and 3D finite element analyses and spin rig testing for selected components. The crack initiation results are used to improve the life management procedures. Since the OEM does not recommend using life limits that exceed the safe crack initiation life of the rotating turbine components, the crack growth analysis results are used only for risk assessment and risk management by the engine operators. The basis of analytical techniques used for preparing the tests as well as the testing procedures are described. In addition, the development of NDE (Non Destructive Evaluation) methods and the inspections of these components during and after the tests are discussed. The economical benefits of such an international collaboration are demonstrated. The uniqueness of this approach to life revision of critical components of gas turbine engines, particularly for engines that have been in operation for many years, includes close cooperation of an international team of the engine manufacturer, the major engine users and their respective scientific organizations. In addition, a significant amount of operational experience that has been accumulated by the OEM, has allowed for verification of the spin rig test results.

Northwest Russia contains large quantities of spent nuclear fuel (SNF) that potentially threaten the environmental security of the surrounding Arctic Region. The majority of the SNF from Russian decommissioned nuclear submarines is currently stored either onboard submarines or in floating storage vesssels in Northwest Russia. Some of the SNF is damaged, stored in an unstable condition, or of a type that cannot currently be reprocessed. Most of the existing storage facilities being used in Northwest Russia do not meet health and safety and physical security requirements. Existing Russian transport infrastructure and reprocessing facilities cannot meet the requirements for moving and reprocessing this fuel. Therefore, additional interim storage capacity is required. The removal, handling, interim storage, and shipment of the fuel pose technical, ecological, and security challenges. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), in cooperation with the U.S. Department of Defense and the Department of Energy’s (DOE) Oak Ridge National Laboratory, along with the Norwegian Defence Research Establishment, is working closely with the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Atomic Energy of the Russian Federation (RF) to develop an improved and integrated management system for interim storage of military SNF in NW Russia. The cooperative effort consists of three subprojects involving the development of: (1) a prototype dual-purpose, metal-concrete container for both transport and long-term storage of RF military SNF, (2) the first transshipment/interim storage facility for these containers, and (3) improved fuel preparation and cask loading procedures and systems to control the moisture levels within the containers. The first subproject, development of a prototype dual-purpose container, was completed in December 2000. This was the first metal-concrete container developed, licensed, and produced in Russia for both the transportation and storage of military SNF. These containers are now in serial production. Russia plans to use these containers for the transport and interim storage of military SNF from decommissioned nuclear submarines at naval installations in the Arctic and Far East. The second subproject, the design, construction, and licensing of the first transshipment/interim storage facility in Russia, was completed in September 2003. This facility can provide interim storage for up to nineteen 40-tonne SNF containers filled with SNF for a period not to exceed two years. The primary objective of building this transshipment/interim storage facility in Murmansk, Russia was to remove a bottleneck in the RF transportation infrastructure for moving containers, loaded with SNF, from the arctic region to PO “Mayak” for reprocessing or longer-term storage. The third subproject addresses the need to improve fuel conditioning and cask operating procedures to ensure safe storage of SNF for at least 50 years. This will involve the review and improvement of existing RF procedures and systems for preparing and loading the fuel in the specially designed casks for transport and long-term storage. This subproject is scheduled for completion in December 2003. Upon completion, these subprojects are designed to provide a physically secure, accountable, and environmentally sound integrated solution that will increase the capacity for removal and transfer of SNF from decommissioned RF submarines in the Russian Federation to PO “Mayak” in central Russia.