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1

Hariri, Siti Nadjiha. "PERSAINGAN CHINA-AUSTRALIA DALAM PEREBUTAN PENGARUH DI KAWASAN PASIFIK." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 4, no. 1 (September 25, 2020): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v4i1.1640.

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The rise of China in the Pacific region is a threat to Australia as a traditional actor who has an important influence and role in the region. The rise of China pushed Australia to increase its role in the region. The Australian Government responded by channeling funds to Pacific countries to build infrastructure, a step taken by the Australian government is considered to counteract China's influence in the Pacific. With a series of major investment funds and development assistance projects, Australia and China are trying to compete with each other to create a network of their power and influence in the Pacific countries. This journal discusses the role of China-Australia in the competition for influence in the Pacific Region, using qualitative methods aimed at describing and analyzing a phenomenon systematically. This method will explain how China's role in the Pacific region increases and Australia's response as one of the traditional actors in the region. The discussion in this journal is the influence of Australia in the Pacific, the increasing role of China and Australia's response to China's rise in the Pacific Region. Keywords: Australia, China, Pacific Islands Abstrak Kebangkitan Cina di kawasan Pasifik menjadi khusus bagi Australia sebagai aktor tradisional yang memiliki kepentingan dan peran penting dikawasan. Kebangkitan China mendorong Australia untuk meningkatkan kembali perannya dikawasan. Pemerintah Australia merespons dengan akan menyalurkan dana ke negara-negara Pasifik untuk membangun infrastruktur, langkah yang diambil oleh pemerintah Australia ini guna untuk menangkal pengaruh Cina di Pasifik. Dengan bantuan dana investasi utama dan proyek-proyek bantuan pembangunan, Australia dan Cina berusaha saling berlomba-lomba untuk menciptakan jaringan koordinasi dan memfasilitasi mereka di negara-negara Pasifik. Jurnal ini membahas tentang Peran Cina-Australia dalam Persaingan pengaruh di Kawasan Pasifik, dengan mengunakan metode kualitatif yang membahas dan menganalisa fenomena yang sistematis. Metode ini akan menjelaskan cara meningkatkan peran Cina dikawasan Pasifik serta respons Australia sebagai salah satu aktor tradisional di kawasan. Terkait pembahasan dalam jurnal ini yaitu Australia di Pasifik, Peran Cina juga respons Australia terhadap China di Kawasan Pasifik. Kata Kunci: Australia, China, Kepulauan Pasifik
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Perwita, Banyu, and Isti Marta Sukma. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF AUSTRALIA’S MARITIME DEFENSE STRATEGY IN RESPONSE TO CHINA’S MILITARY MODERNIZATION IN THE INDO-PACIFIC REGION (2013-2016)." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 2, no. 1 (June 4, 2018): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v2i1.668.

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Along with economic development of a country, the sphere of the national interests are automatically cultivates. China, with the rapid economy development, has been undergoing military modernization in order to protect their national interests better. Indo-Pacific region as one of the most crucial region in the world, dynamically, has been evolved into major powers countries’ favorite region particularly the maritime sector. Australia, which located inside the Indo-Pacific region as well as the one that puts most of the national interests in the region, has been aware that China’s military modernization can not be fully perceived as “peaceful rise” due to uncertain future circumstances. The purpose of this research is to examine the maritime defense strategy response of Australia regarding China’s military modernization in Indo-Pacific region. This research provides further explanation regarding Australia’s standpoint in Indo-Pacific region, China’s military modernization and the sphere of influence in Indo-Pacific, and most importantly—the analysis of Australia’s implementation of the maritime defense strategy in responding China’s military modernization in the region. Keywords: Maritime strategy, China’s Military Modernization, Indo-Pacific, Defense Strategy, National Interests, Naval Power. Abstrak Seiring dengan perkembangan ekonomi suatu negara, bidang kepentingan nasional berkembang secara otomatis. China, dengan perkembangan ekonomi yang pesat, telah menjalani modernisasi militer untuk melindungi kepentingan nasional mereka dengan lebih baik. Kawasan Indo-Pasifik sebagai salah satu wilayah paling krusial di dunia, secara dinamis, telah berkembang menjadi favorit negara-negara besar terutama untuk sektor maritimnya. Australia, yang berada di dalam wilayah Indo-Pasifik dan juga negara yang menempatkan sebagian besar kepentingan nasional di kawasan ini, telah menyadari bahwa modernisasi militer China tidak dapat sepenuhnya dianggap sebagai "pembangunan damai" karena keadaan masa depan yang tidak pasti. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji respons strategi pertahanan maritim Australia mengenai modernisasi militer China di wilayah Indo-Pasifik. Penelitian ini akan memberikan penjelasan lebih lanjut mengenai sudut pandang Australia di wilayah Indo-Pasifik, modernisasi militer China dan lingkungan pengaruhnya di Indo-Pasifik, dan yang paling penting—analisis implementasi strategi pertahanan maritim Australia dalam menanggapi modernisasi militer China di wilayah tersebut. Kata kunci: Maritim Australia, Modernisasi Militer China, Indo-Pasifik, Strategi Pertahanan, Minat Nasional, Kekuatan Angkatan Laut.
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3

de Jonge, Alice. "Australia-China-Africa investment partnerships." critical perspectives on international business 12, no. 1 (March 7, 2016): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cpoib-01-2014-0003.

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Purpose – This paper aims to examine the potential for “triangular cooperation” between investment partners from Australia, China and host African nations to contribute to the economic development in Africa. Design/methodology/approach – The paper discusses a number of complementarities between Australian and Chinese investors in mining, agriculture, energy, research and education and finance – sectors vital to Africa’s future development. These complementarities are examined in light of recent development studies on the benefits of triangular cooperation and recent literature examining links between foreign direct investment (FDI) policy and economic development. Findings – The paper concludes that there is much to be gained by making the most of the existing and potential synergies between Australian, Chinese and local investors in African settings. Research limitations/implications – The implications of this paper are, first, that African nations should keep the benefits of triangular cooperation in mind when designing FDI policies and, second, that Australian and Chinese investors should be more willing to explore potential investment partner synergies when investing in Africa. The paper also suggests an agenda for future research into how good design of FDI policies might best promote healthy economic development in African nations. Practical implications – Australian and Chinese companies should be more willing to explore potential avenues for cooperation when investing in Africa, while African governments should be more mindful of how rules and policies can maximise the local benefits of FDI. Social implications – African governments should be more mindful of the quality, rather than the quantity of FDI when drafting relevant laws and policies. Originality/value – The value of the paper is in applying the concept of “triangular cooperation” to direct investment. The paper also provides an original focus on Australia-China investment synergies in African settings.
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4

Mascitelli, Bruno, and Mona Chung. "Australia-China and Stern Hu." International Journal of Asian Business and Information Management 2, no. 1 (January 2011): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jabim.2011010102.

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China’s economic growth over the last decade has been spectacular and Australia has been a beneficiary of this growth in terms of China’s demand for resources and the strength of Chinese exports. Pundits even suggest that Australia avoided the global recession as a result of this strong trade relationship. Trade relations between Australia and China resulted in China becoming Australia’s key trading partner. The arrest and charging in 2009/10 of four Rio Tinto executives (including Stern Hu the head of Rio’s operation in China) based in China raised fears of posing a strain on this vital economic relationship. Moreover China’s inability to takeover Rio Tinto and the significance and consequences of this incident are at the core of this paper. How do these events reflect the uncertainties of doing business in China or do these events demonstrate China’s sovereign right to enforce anti-corruption legislation? While China has embraced the international business community, to what extent has the arrest and imprisonment of Stern Hu changed the Australian-China trade relations including doing business in this thriving and buoyant market?
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5

Zhou, Weihuan. "Australia’s Anti-dumping and Countervailing Law and Practice: An Analysis of Current Issues Incompatible with Free Trade with China." Journal of World Trade 49, Issue 6 (December 1, 2015): 975–1010. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2015038.

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This article identifies and analyses five major issues relating to current antidumping and countervailing laws and practice in Australia. Given the recent conclusion of a free trade agreement between Australia and China, the article proposes to focus on Australia’s antidumping and countervailing investigations against China. The article discusses whether the Australian laws and practice are consistent with the relevant WTO rules and how they may impact on the promotion of trade liberalization between Australia and China. The article concludes that all of these issues may create trade barriers to Chinese exports to Australia and hence must be dealt with to protect the enhancement of market access of Chinese exports to Australia under the Australia – China free trade initiatives.
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6

Nachatar Singh, Jasvir Kaur. "Challenges in obtaining employment in China: Lived experiences of Australian Chinese graduates." Australian Journal of Career Development 29, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1038416220947085.

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Previous scholarly work has elaborated on challenges faced by Chinese international returnees at Chinese workplaces. However, limited research has captured to what extent such challenges have involved Chinese Australian graduates in gaining employment in China. Hence this study investigates the challenges involved in obtaining successful employment in China. Drawing on a qualitative study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 19 Chinese graduates who studied at one Australian university and returned to China upon graduation. The study results highlight significant barriers to employment. Challenges include limited prior working experience, graduation in Australia that is not synchronised with employment months in China and lack of guanxi. This study provides important insights into barriers of employment in China for Chinese returnees from Australia and, potentially, for graduate returnees from other countries to China. It also discusses implications for Australian universities and for Chinese international students in Australia.
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7

Guoth, Nicholas. "Advancing trade with China: The Eastern and Australian Mail Steam Company and the 1873–1880 mail contract." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 2 (May 2019): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871419833524.

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The Eastern and Australian Mail Steam Company altered the dynamics of sea transport between China and Australia in the late nineteenth century. From 1873 to 1880, this shipping company initiated a new, regular, and permanent route between China and Australia that assisted in the development of stronger trade relationships. The company fulfilled this on the back of a mail contract with the Queensland government. What transpired during the mail contract, its impacts, and its legacies have left an indelible, though unrecognised, positive mark on Australia’s trade relationships with China. As such, Eastern and Australian were one of the pioneers in brokering regular international trade routes for colonial Australian merchants and governments. They also became an integral element in the eventual transition from sail to steam, not only along the China-Australia route but also for all Australian international shipping.
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8

YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
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9

Chen, S., M. N. Nelson, K. Ghamkhar, T. Fu, and W. A. Cowling. "Divergent patterns of allelic diversity from similar origins: the case of oilseed rape (Brassica napus L.) in China and Australia." Genome 51, no. 1 (January 2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g07-095.

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Oilseed rape ( Brassica napus ) in Australia and China have similar origins, with introductions from Europe, Canada, and Japan in the mid 20th century, and there has been some interchange of germplasm between China and Australia since that time. Allelic diversity of 72 B. napus genotypes representing contemporary germplasm in Australia and China, including samples from India, Europe, and Canada, was characterized by 55 polymorphic simple sequence repeat (SSR) markers spanning the entire B. napus genome. Hierarchical clustering and two-dimensional multidimensional scaling identified a Chinese group (China-1) that was separated from a “mixed” group of Australian, Chinese (China-2), European, and Canadian lines. A small group from India was distinctly separated from all other B. napus genotypes. Chinese genotypes, especially in the China-1 group, have inherited unique alleles from interspecific crossing, primarily with B. rapa, and the China-2 group has many alleles in common with Australian genotypes. The concept of “private alleles” is introduced to describe both the greater genetic diversity and the genetic distinctiveness of Chinese germplasm, compared with Australian germplasm, after 50 years of breeding from similar origins.
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10

Zhou, Weihuan, and James Laurenceson. "Demystifying Australia-China Trade Tensions." Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 1 (December 1, 2022): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022003.

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In 2020 Australia’s political relations with China plumbed new depths. Trade and other economic ties were also hit with disruption. Contributing to this deterioration, and complicating an accurate assessment of the consequences, has been a raft of misunderstandings. This article demystifies the bilateral trade tensions by exposing the deeper drivers of political friction, providing a critical assessment of the vulnerability of the Australian economy, and placing the current state of Australia’s relations with China in a comparative regional perspective. These discussions provide context for a detailed analysis of the legal issues that Chinese trade measures have created under the rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the China – Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA). We show that these legal issues have been over-simplified in existing work. A clear understanding of these issues offers the best prospect for an improved relationship trajectory, serving both countries’ interests. China, Australia, Trade tensions, WTO, Free Trade Agreement
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11

Garin, Artyom. "THE FEATURES OF MODERN SINO-AUSTRALIAN TRADE AND ECONOMIC RELATION IN THE CONTEXT OF CHANGING ASIA-PACIFIC." Eastern Analytics, no. 2 (2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2021-02-032-042.

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Australia successfully combines a unique geopolitical position in the Asia- Pacific, as well as economic potential. At the same time, the emerging trade dependence of the Fifth Continent on the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy year by year. The aggravation of Sino- U.S. relations has also led to tension between Australia and China. In 2020, the world faced the COVID-19 pandemic, which caused negative impacts on the global economy, and trade tensions began between the two states. In early 2021 Beijng also suspended all activity under the China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue for an indefinite period. All these events give the research of trade and economic relations between Australia and the PRC a great practical focus, including allowing us to more specifically identify the degree of dependence of the economy of the Fifth Continent on the situation in China or the degree of Sino- Australian relation. This article examines the consequences of the suspension China- Australia Strategic Economic Dialogue, in particular, its impact on the future prospects for the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the impact of China’s economic growth rates on the Australian economy. At the same time, the author aggregates the trade and economic strategies of Australia as a middle power, considering Canberra’s response to the transformation of the regional architecture in the Asia- Pacific. The provisions and conclusions presented in this article are based on the study of the works of leading international researchers specializing in foreign policy and economic issues of Australia, as well as Sino- Australian relations.
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12

Ren, Xifeng, Chengdao Li, W. J. R. Boyd, Sharon Westcott, C. R. Grime, Dongfa Sun, and Reg Lance. "QTLs and their interaction determining different heading dates of barley in Australia and China." Crop and Pasture Science 61, no. 2 (2010): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/cp09187.

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Heading date is a major determinant of the regional and seasonal adaptation of barley varieties. The dogma is that introduced germplasm is more likely to be adapted if it is derived from a similar latitude. However, barley germplasm introduced from similar latitudes of South-East Asia is extremely early heading in the Australian environments and vice versa. A doubled-haploid population from a cross of an Australian barley Galleon and a Japanese barley Haruna Nijo was evaluated for heading date in Australia (Perth, 31°56′S) and China (Wuhan, 30°33′N) under normal autumn sowing, late sowing in the field, and extended-light glasshouse conditions. One major QTL was identified on chromosome 5H under the three conditions in China. The single QTL accounted for up to 50% of phenotypic variation for heading date. The Australian variety contributed to late heading date. Two QTLs on chromosomes 4H and 5H were detected for controlling heading date in Australia. The QTL/QTL interaction contributed up to 35.8% of phenotypic variation for heading date in Australia, which is the major reason for the extremely early heading date of the Japanese variety in the Australian environment. The chromosome 5H QTL was detected at the same chromosomal location when the population was grown in either China or Australia. In both environments the Australian variety contributed to the late heading date. Selection against the Japanese alleles of chromosomes 4H and 5H QTLs could eliminate the extremely early genotype in Australia and selection against the Australian allele of chromosome 5H QTL could eliminate the extremely late genotype in China when Australian and Japanese germplasms are used in the breeding programs.
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13

Grunberg, Benjamin, and Jadranka Petrovic. "Intersecting Trade, Politics and Human Rights: The Negotiation Phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 1 (February 1, 2017): 67–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017004.

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This article concerns a free trade agreement (FTA) between Australia and China signed on 17 June 2015. It has been acclaimed that this agreement lays the foundation for the next phase of Australia’s economic relationship with China and predicted that it will unlock significant opportunities for Australia as China is Australia’s largest export market for both goods and services, accounting for nearly a third of total exports, and a growing source of foreign investment. However, concerns have been expressed that the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement is likely to have a number of retrogressive effects on the protection and promotion of human rights, including labour standards. This article explores differences between the free trade agreement negotiating precepts and cultures of China and Australia and the status of human rights in those negotiations, with an emphasis on understanding representative Australian attitudes. Although those negotiations are now a faint accompli, they are nevertheless of great interest. The article’s focus on the fate of human rights in the negotiation phase of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement from the Australian perspective, together with the dynamics and nuances of the negotiation process giving rise to the Agreement, provides timely and significant insight on the implementation process, as well as a lesson-learned for future free-trade negotiations. The article argues that human rights should not be overlooked in the negotiations that lead to a free trade agreement. The article comprises seven parts. Section 1 introduces the subject-matter. Section 2 provides a historical overview of trade relations between Australia and China. Section 3 considers the complexity of negotiations between the two States and their different expectations and approaches. Section 4 outlines Australia’s major international human rights obligations including labour standards. Section 5 highlights specific human rights concerns raised in Australia during the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement negotiations. Section 6 observes other States’ approaches to human rights issues when negotiating their FTAs with China. Section 7 concludes that robust safeguards must be embedded and that a close consideration should be given to the implementation process, including the ex post human rights impact assessment of the Australia- China Free Trade Agreement.
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Atkinson, Joel. "Development Assistance and Geopolitics in Australia-China-Taiwan Relations." International Studies Review 16, no. 2 (October 19, 2015): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01602001.

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The development assistance programs of Australia, China and Taiwan impact each other’s geopolitical interests in the South Pacific region. This “aid triangle” has recently undergone a significant transformation. Previously, the interests of Australia and China aligned in competing against Taiwan for political influence in the region. However, since 2008, China-Taiwan relations have warmed and their aid contest in the South Pacific has been largely put on hold. This has ameliorated Taiwan’s conflict with Australia, and the two countries have increased their development assistance cooperation. However, China’s role in undermining Australia’s policy towards Fiji, and the global deterioration in China’s relations with a US coalition (including Australia), have potentially increased the competitive aspects of the Sino-Australian side of the triangle.
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15

Diamond, Marian. "Tea and Sympathy: Foundations of the Australia/China Trading Networks." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001124.

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In 1824, a group of London businessmen established the Australian Agricultural Company (AAC), Australia's oldest chartered company. Their prospectus listed amongst their objectives, after the raising of sheep and cattle, the production ‘at a more distant time, of Wine, Olive-Oil, Hemp, Flax, Silk, Opium, &c. as articles of export to Great Britain’. In 1828, a local manager reported that he thought that ‘if the labour of the Blacks can be procured for the operative part the culture [of opium] would likely prove profitable to the Company.’ And in 1833, the Australian manager of the company sent the London Board a sample of the first opium grown on company lands in the Hunter River area. The board had it evaluated by a pharmacist, who reported that it was ‘of fair, merchantable quality, about equal to Egyptian Opium. — It contains two thirds of the quantity of Morphia usually found in the best Turkey Opium. In this market, when Turkey Opium is worth 15s./ p lb., we have no doubt that such Opium as your Sample would sell for 14s/ p Ib. On the basis of this disappointing assessment, the Australian Agricultural Company abandoned opium growing — and opium growing was abandoned in Australia for another hundred and fifty years.
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Garin, A. A. "The China Factor in Australia – United States Cooperation." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 2 (47) (2020): 186–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-2-2-47-186-198.

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Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Commonwealth of Australia and the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1972, the status of their trade ties have reached an unprecedented level. Nowadays PRC is the main trade destination for Australia. Growing trade interdependence on China is increasingly affecting Canberra’s foreign policy, which needs to maintain a balance between China as the main trading partner and the United States as the main ally, which is the major pillar of support for Australia's foreign policy and defence capacity.
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Pangsy-Kania, Sylwia, and Katarzyna Kania. "Australijsko-chiński handel towarowy w kontekście RCEP i wojny handlowej – diagnoza i perspektywy rozwoju." Gdańskie Studia Azji Wschodniej, no. 20 (2021): 68–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538724gs.21.001.14833.

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Australian-Chinese goods trade in the context of the RCEP and the trade war – diagnosis and development prospects The aim of this article is to analyze changes in merchandise bilateral trade relationships between Australia and China in the years of 2000–2020. Particular attention was paid to the importance of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the trade war in response to Austalia’s call for an international inquiry into China’s handling of the coronavirus when the pandemic had become an international issue. The main purpose of this article is to diagnose and evaluate Australian-Chinese relations. The thesis was formulated as follows: the political conflict between China and Australia translates into mutual trade relations, the consequences of which are felt by both sides, but in the coming years China will still be Australia’s most important trading partner. At the same time, Australia will be looking for new markets, and China will be looking for new suppliers.
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Taylor, Brendan. "Is Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy an illusion?" International Affairs 96, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz228.

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Abstract Australia has been among the most prominent advocates of the increasingly popular Indo-Pacific concept. This article argues that Canberra's enthusiasm for the concept stems from its appeal to the two dominant traditions of Australian foreign policy—a ‘dependent ally’ tradition and a ‘middle power’ approach. While these two traditions are typically seen as being in tension, the Indo-Pacific concept provides a rare point of convergence between them. The article begins by outlining the appeal of the Indo-Pacific concept to each of these traditions. Using a case-study of recent Australian policy toward the South China Sea disputes, however, the article then demonstrates that Australia has in practice implemented its stated Indo-Pacific strategy far less consistently than its very vocal support would appear to suggest. This disjuncture is attributed to the growing influence of a third, generally understudied, ‘pragmatic’ Australian foreign policy tradition. Because Australia has been such a prominent champion of the Indo-Pacific concept, the article concludes that this divergence between the rhetoric and the reality of Australia's Indo-Pacific strategy threatens to have a negative impact on the concept's broader international appeal and sustainability, particularly among Australia's south-east Asian neighbours.
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Akbar, Muhammad. "BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) AND ITS IMPLICATION ON MARITIME SECURITY IN ASIA PACIFIC: CASE STUDY ON CHINA-AUSTRALIA TRADE COOPERATION." Jurnal Asia Pacific Studies 3, no. 1 (July 5, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/japs.v3i1.1031.

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Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or One Belt One Road (OBOR) first introduced by Xi Jinping on September 2013 in Kazakhstan, when he stated “Silk Road Economic Belt”, specifically. One month later, he stated the term “Maritime Silk Road” in Indonesia. OBOR is both a concept and a work plan that designed by China to connect towards Eurasia, Africa, and Oceania. The connections are both distance and political influence. China’s bargaining position on Australia is considered strong enough, and vice versa. Australia is important for China for its iron ore that exported to China. China will not put their position at a stake considering its 60% dependency of iron ore from Australia, based on the research by Professor Rory Medcalf from Australia National University (Medcalf 2017, 110). The complexity of the struggle for power in this region is increasing since Australia has been the ally of The United States of America (USA) to whom China is declaring Trade War. China’s expenditure and development of the Navy growing increasingly reflects the higher attention on maritime security. Political condition in Asia Pacific will be effected by this condition with the growing influence of the superpower of the South China Sea, the People’s Republic of China. This paper will explore about sea power in Asia Pacific and its relations with the growing and more advanced China-Australia relations. Keywords: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Maritime Security, Sea Power, Asia Pacific. Abstrak Istilah Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) atau dikenal juga dengan jargon One Belt One Road (OBOR) pertama kali digaungkan oleh Xi Jinping pada bulan September 2013 di Kazakhstan, ia mengucapkan “Silk Road Economic Belt”, secara spesifik. Sebulan kemudian, Ia menyinggung konsep “Maritime Silk Road” dalam kunjungannya ke Indonesia (Davies, 2016, 218). OBOR adalah sebuah konsep, sekaligus juga workplan yang dirancang sedemikian rupa oleh China untuk mendekatkannya dengan Eurasia, Afrika, dan Oceania. Dekat dalam artian keterhubungan melalui kemudahan transportasi, dan dekat secara pengaruh (political influence). Tulisan ini akan mengambil studi kasus kerja sama perdagangan yang dilakukan antara China dan Australia. Posisi tawar China terhadap Australia cukup kuat, dan begitu pula sebaliknya. Australia diunggulkan dengan komoditi biji besi yang diekspor ke China, sehingga membuat China memiliki ketergantungan terhadap Australia. Professor Rory Medcalf dari Australia National University (ANU) mengatakan bahwa China tidak akan mempertaruhkan hubungan perdagangannya dengan Australia, mengingat dependensi China terhadap impor biji besi dari Australia sebesar 60% (Medcalf 2017, 110). Australia adalah sekutu Amerika Serikat (AS) yang kini sedang dalam kondisi perang dagang dengan China, membuat hubungan diantara negara-negara ini menjadi kompleks. Anggaran belanja pertahanan dan percepatan pertumbuhan Armada Laut China cenderung meningkat, sehingga dapat disimpulkan adanya keseriusan dalam hal peningkatan keamanan maritim (maritime security). Kondisi politik regional di kawasan Asia Pasifik akan terdampak atas kedigdayaan maritim China di kawasan. Tulisan ini akan membahas mengenai Sea Power di kawasan Asia Pasifik dan kaitannya dengan hubungan dagang China-Australia yang semakin intens. Kata kunci: OBOR (One Belt One Road), Keamanan Maritim, Sea Power, Asia Pacific
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Zhao, Shuming, Cathy Sheehan, Helen De Cieri, and Brian Cooper. "A comparative study of HR involvement in strategic decision-making in China and Australia." Chinese Management Studies 13, no. 2 (June 3, 2019): 258–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cms-08-2018-0643.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to address gaps in the knowledge about human resource (HR) professional involvement in strategic decision-making in China compared with that in Australia. Design/methodology/approach First, the authors compare the strategic involvement of Chinese and Australian HR professionals. Second, based on the upper echelon theory, the authors compare the impact of chief executive officer (CEO) and top management team (TMT) between both countries on HR involvement in strategic decision-making. Data were collected from matched pairs of HR and TMT executives in China (n = 168) and in Australia (n = 102). Findings Results indicate a difference, despite of no statistical significance, in HR involvement in strategic decision-making between Chinese and Australian samples. TMT behavioural integration was positively related to HR involvement in strategic decision-making in a collectivistic culture (i.e. in China), but not in an individualistic culture (i.e. in Australia). However, CEO support for HRM was positively related to HR involvement in strategic decision-making in Australia, whereas it is not related in China. Originality/value The paper conducts a comparative study and practical, and research implications are discussed at the end.
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Williams, Michael. "Brief Sojourn in your Native Land: Sydney Links with South China." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001112.

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The title of this paper is taken from a testimonial signed by a number of Gundagai residents on the departure for China in 1903 of Mark Loong after sixteen years in the district. That the notion of a person ‘sojourning’ in China is a contradiction of the prevailing ‘sojourner’ concept usually held about early Chinese migrants in Australia is the result the failure of Australian-Chinese research to fully appreciate the significance of family and district links between Australia and China and their impact upon the motivation, organisation and settlement patterns of Chinese people in Australia before the middle of the twentieth century. Without such an appreciation most research into Australian-Chinese history has focused only on those who established families in Australia or who ran successful businesses. This paper will focus on describing some features of these family and districts links with regard to that generation who arrived after the gold rushes of the 1850s to 1870s but before the Immigration Restriction Act 1901, who originated in one south China district, Zhongshan , and who lived primarily in one Australian city, Sydney. These restraints are partly due to reliance on sources such as the administrative files of the Immigration Restriction Act which begin only in 1901, and partly to the fact that this research represents a first step in the investigation of the significance of district of origin and the people of Zhongshan district in Sydney are the first to be investigated.
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Dixon, Peter B. "The Australia—China Free Trade Agreement: Some Modelling Issues." Journal of Industrial Relations 49, no. 5 (November 2007): 631–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185607082212.

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General equilibrium modelling has been used to analyse many policy proposals. This article aims to help non-modellers assess general equilibrium analyses, particularly of a potential Australia—China free trade agreement (FTA). General equilibrium modelling is effective in studies of unilateral tariff reductions. However, most general equilibrium modelling assumes given technologies and information. For issues where the essence is technology transfer and new information, general equilibrium models can only produce results after most of the analysis has been done outside the model. In an Australia—China FTA, tariff cuts may be only a small part of the package. The main part may be goodwill, technology transfer and increased mutual awareness. Thus, for analysing FTAs, general equilibrium modelling is of limited value. The only conclusion for Australia that general equilibrium modelling of an Australia—China FTA can deliver with any certainty is that such an agreement will cause significant contraction in the Australian clothing industry.
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Burrow, Sharan. "Australia's Social and Commercial Engagement with China: What Direction for the Relationship?" Journal of Industrial Relations 49, no. 5 (November 2007): 615–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185607082211.

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This article suggests four criteria that any Australian Government should satisfy in promoting new forms of social and commercial engagement in the Australia—China economic and trading relationship. Any Free Trade Agreement (FTA) should require a high level of commitment to meet four standards. First, the inclusion of a labour clause within the agreement. Second, the government must now ensure that there is no disadvantage to Australian industry particularly for the purpose of applying anti-dumping provisions. Third, an Australia—China FTA would need to demonstrate how the economic and trading relationship would become more balanced and why a bilateral FTA will not further compromise the multilateral system. Fourth, the government must demonstrate its commitment to make Australia free trade ready so the nation can maximize the benefits and minimize the costs of commercial engagement with China and other counties. Ultimately corporate globalization will only work for the world's workers and their families when it is underpinned by a fair set of global rules including labour rights.
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Bisley, Nick. "Australia’s engagement with China: From fear to greed and back again." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 379–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018792918.

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This paper examines how Australia has managed its relationship with China. It looks at the broad trends in the relationship, with a focus on the decades after recognition in 1972. The second part examines the recent past, and particularly the ways in which Australia’s active courtship of China has begun to be tempered by concerns about the destabilizing security and strategic consequences of the country’s return to power. It assesses the options Australia faces and the growing polarization of opinion between security “hawks” and economic “doves” in public debate about Australia’s future, and then charts where Australian policy is currently placed. The paper concludes by explaining why Australia finds taking a nuanced position in relation to its engagement with China so difficult.
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Hu (胡博林), Bolin. "Reporting China." Journal of Chinese Overseas 17, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): 84–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341435.

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Abstract This article explores how Chinese-language newspapers in Australia reported on China in the period 1931–37. These newspapers made efforts to build support for the Sino-Japanese war and influence Chinese residents in Australia. However, they offered contrasting views of the Chinese government ruled by the Kuomintang. The Tung Wah Times, along with the Chinese World’s News, continued to publish anti-Chiang Kai-shek propaganda, arguing for a strong anti-Japanese resistance. But the Chinese Republic News and the Chinese Times demonstrated support for and understanding of the Chiang government’s dilemma, though the political position of the former was much more fluid. The divergent views revealed the multiple loyalties of Chinese residents in Australia and their active community politics when their population in Australia was declining, and it was a reminder that the diasporic community cannot be homogenized with a collective concept of a “country.” It also reflected their shared identification with the Chinese nation, showing different approaches to building up a strong home country. By shaping their readerships’ Chinese patriotism and nationalism, these Chinese-language newspapers strengthened the connection and allegiances between Chinese in Australia and their homeland.
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Doe, Peter Edward, Sarah Lyden, Seeta Jaikaran-Doe, and Xiaolin Wang. "Enhancing Chinese Students’ Learning in an Australian 2+2 Undergraduate Engineering Program." International Journal of Higher Education 7, no. 5 (September 26, 2018): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v7n5p86.

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Undergraduate engineering units (subjects) are delivered by Australian academics at two universities in China over a three-week period. Students may choose to transfer to the Australian university to complete the final two years of the Bachelor of Engineering with Honours degree (2+2 program). The aim of this study is to determine what strategies are most effective for the Australian university academics to adopt for effective delivery of engineering units at Chinese universities. A mixed methods approach was applied to in-class feedback and student surveys. Three major themes: Language, Learning and Social were identified. These themes were further explored in a quantitative survey of Chinese students newly-arrived in Australia in 2016. Successful strategies for delivering engineering units included referring questions to discussion groups; students explaining difficult concepts to other students; writing key words on the board and flash cards. The principal concern for students before they transferred to Australia was the teaching and learning style of the Australian university academics. However, English language proficiency was the major concern for students transferred to Australia. The strategy for improving Chinese students’ engagement and learning outcomes should focus on additional support both in China and Australia.
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Bhuyan, Deep Jyoti, Muhammad A. Alsherbiny, Mitchell Nolan Low, Xian Zhou, Kirandeep Kaur, George Li, and Chun Guang Li. "Broad-spectrum pharmacological activity of Australian propolis and metabolomic-driven identification of marker metabolites of propolis samples from three continents." Food & Function 12, no. 6 (2021): 2498–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1039/d1fo00127b.

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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.
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Akami, Tomoko. "Britain, China, and Colonial Australia." Australian Historical Studies 49, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2018.1415601.

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30

Rosecrance, Richard. "Australia, China and the US." Australian Journal of International Affairs 60, no. 3 (September 2006): 364–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710600865648.

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31

Stoll, Viktor M. "Britain, China and Colonial Australia." Journal of Pacific History 53, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223344.2018.1433446.

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32

Sinaga, Lidya Christin. "China’s Assertive Foreign Policy in South China Sea Under Xi Jinping: Its Impact on United States and Australian Foreign Policy." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 3, no. 2 (February 20, 2016): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v3i2.770.

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This essay examines the impact of the assertiveness of China’s Foreign Policy in the South China Sea under Xi Jinping on United States and Australian foreign policy. The essay focuses on the Xi Jinping period from 2013 because Xi has a different approach in foreign policy making from that of his predecessors. His determination to defend and advance maritime claims and interests as well as the external developments, have made his foreign policy more assertive. This essay will argue that China’s assertive foreign policy in South China Sea under Xi Jinping has paved the way for a greater role for the US in Southeast Asia, and deepened the rivalry between China and the US. This rising tension in turn has put Australia in a challenging situation, torn between its security alliance with the United States, and its economic interests in China. However, Australia does not have to choose one, but Australia can play a constructive role in the development of some compromise between the two.
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Garin, Artyom A. "Topical Issues of Sino-Australian Relations: Supply Chains Resilience and Australia’s Critical Infrastructure under China's Rule." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, no. 1(50) (2021): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-207-219.

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In the course of the development of trade and economic processes in the Asia Pacific, Sino-Australian ties had become increasingly close. Australia has benefited from cooperation with China: it has become one of the leading exporters of natural resources both regionally and globally and has also attracted human and material capital, which has accelerated the development of the Fifth Continent as one of the most popular destinations for tourism and education in the region. However, with the development of trade relations between Australia and China, there were growing concerns that the high export dependence and investment in the Fifth Continent's infrastructure from China bear the risks. In this paper, the author will focus on some topical issues of Sino-Australian relations in 2020 — the first half of 2021. In particular, the author will consider the trade diversification and the perception of the Australian authorities of investments in critical infrastructure from the PRC.
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Healey, Deborah J. "Strange Bedfellows or Soulmates: A Comparison of Merger Regulation in China and Australia." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 7 (2012): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s219460780000065x.

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AbstractChina and Australia are extremely significant trade partners and investors. Australia has a very well established competition law, now called the Competition and Consumer Law 2010, with a well-established merger regime. China has a relatively new competition law, the Anti-Monopoly Law 2007. This article compares merger control in the two jurisdictions. The Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM) has already referred to an Australian decision in rejecting a merger, the only reference to a foreign decision to date, which confirms the utility of the comparison. This article critically evaluates the determinations of MOFCOM and compares the approach of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC), the Australian regulator. It assesses the transparency and predictability of procedures and decision-making in the two jurisdictions.
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Tomasic, Roman, and Ping Xiong. "Mapping the Legal Landscape: Chinese State-Owned Companies in Australia." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 48, no. 2 (October 2, 2017): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v48i2.4737.

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Australia has always relied heavily upon foreign sources of investment and financing and has in the past tended to draw mainly upon British, American and Japanese investment. In recent decades, Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have played an increasingly important role in the Australian economy with a rising level of investment taking place. Chinese SOEs have been more heavily involved in investments into larger Australian investment projects, such as in mining and infrastructure. Australia has seen an increase in the number of Chinese state-owned companies acquiring substantial domestic assets; this may continue following the ratification of the China-Australia Free Trade Agreement in 2015. Although Chinese SOEs operating in foreign countries such as Australia are required to comply with local corporate governance laws and principles, they also retain their unique Chinese corporate governance values and culture which they have inherited through their parent companies and from China itself. In Australia, there has been an ongoing debate over Chinese investment, with the business community being particularly supportive of such investment. Driven largely by the business community, this debate has been relatively narrow and has not explored the likely impact of Chinese SOEs and their subsidiaries upon the shape of corporate governance in countries in which they invest. This article seeks to examine the legal contours of Chinese-controlled investment in Australia with a view to acquiring a more informed understanding of the impact of Chinese SOEs upon the Australian legal landscape.
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Guo, Qi. "What Lessons can the Luckin Coffee Scandal Offer to Australia–China Cross-Border Listed Companies’ Supervision? Problems and Reform Suggestions in China." Columbia Journal of Asian Law 35, no. 2 (August 17, 2022): 200–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cjal.v35i2.8932.

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The continuous disclosure compliance of Chinese cross-border companies listed in Australia has long been a concern, as Chinese companies are either frequently delisted or rejected by the Australian Securities Exchange. The particularity of cross-border listings generates information asymmetry between securities regulators based out of the host jurisdiction and the home jurisdiction. This then impacts the effectiveness of the host jurisdiction’s supervision of the cross-border listed companies and each company’s continuous disclosure compliance. The purpose of this article is to clarify the issues surrounding cross-border supervision by the securities regulators in China to shed light on current dilemmas and suggest possible reform proposals. Considering the similarities of the securities markets in the US and Australia, as a case study example, this article looks at Luckin Coffee, a US-listed Chinese company, which created a scandal in 2020 when it was accused of continuous disclosure fraud. The case points out relevant lessons for Australia–China securities cross-border supervision.
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Sun, Qian, Meiling Qi, Wendy Moyle, Cindy Jones, Benjamin Weeks, Zihui Xie, and Ping Li. "Physical Activity Participation and Psychological Wellbeing in University Office Workers in China and Australia: An Online Survey." Healthcare 9, no. 12 (November 23, 2021): 1618. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare9121618.

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Background and purpose: Physical inactivity and prolonged sitting have associations with adverse health. University office workers are at a high risk of psychological and pain issues. This study aimed to explore the differences in sitting time, levels of physical activity participation, stress, depression, anxiety, and pain among university office workers in China and Australia. Methods: Online surveys were distributed to university office workers over 55 years at two universities in China and Australia, respectively. Results: A total of 185 participants completed the online survey (119 in China and 66 in Australia). Significant differences were found in sitting time during workdays between the two countries (p < 0.05) with a longer sitting time in the Australian respondents (7.5 h/day) than those in China (4.6 h/day). Additionally, there were also significant differences in terms of levels of depression and pain symptoms within the two countries (p < 0.05). The Australian respondents reported high levels of depression and pain (M = 7.38, SD = 5.86 and M = 3.65, SD = 2.21, respectively) than those in China (M = 5.71, SD = 4.87 and M = 1.89, SD = 1.89, respectively). The gender, education level, and sitting time of participants were found to be associated with pain scores (p < 0.05). A significant association between marital status and pain scores was found among the Australian respondents (p < 0.05). Conclusions: Future studies with a larger population are needed to validate the results and to further explore the association between physical activity participation and psychological wellbeing among university office workers.
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Farneubun, Petrus K. "China’s Rise and its Implications for Australian Foreign Policy." Papua Journal of Diplomacy and International Relations 2, no. 2 (August 7, 2022): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31957/pjdir.v2i2.2234.

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This article places a particular emphasis on the rise of China and its implications for Australian foreign policy. It qualitatively examines the perceptions of China’s rise, its intentions, and the Australian responses, based on government and international organisation reports, and secondary sources such as books, journals, and media articles. Using realism as a theoretical lens, this article argues that Australia’s foreign policy still reflects an ambiguity, as a result of, on the one hand, the economic opportunities China creates, and on the other hand, uncertainty regarding China’s intentions, whether offensive or defensive, peaceful or aggressive. Facing this condition, this article demonstrates that Australia adopts several important policy strategies. First, it maintains a hedging strategy to balance its economic interests and its security concern. Second, Australia continues to rely on the protection of the US. In the long-term, however, this reliance may be changed. For this reason, Australia needs to increase its own military capability. This article concludes that Australian foreign policy will likely remain ambivalent in its response to the rise of China.KEYWORDSAustralia; China’s Rise; Foreign Policy; Military Capability; Power Shift
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FLETCHER, MURRAY J., and WU DAI. "Two new species of Maiestas Distant (Hemiptera: Cicadellidae: Deltocephalinae: Deltocephalini) with a new record from Australia." Zootaxa 4521, no. 3 (November 14, 2018): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4521.3.8.

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Two new species of the genus Maiestas Distant are described and illustrated from Australia, M. barrowensis n. sp. and M. viraktamathi n. sp. In addition, Maiestas webbi Zhang & Duan, previously known only from China, is recorded for the first time from Australia. A checklist of species from the Australian region and a key for their separation are provided.
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Bairagi, Ranajit Kumar. "Dynamic Impacts of Economic Policy Uncertainty on Australian Stock Market: An Intercontinental Evidence." Journal of Emerging Market Finance 21, no. 1 (January 21, 2022): 64–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09726527211069610.

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This study empirically investigates the impacts of economic policy uncertainty (EPU) of five countries from four continents on the Australian stock market with monthly observations from January 1998 to January 2021. The dynamic linkage model reports that EPUs are negatively influenced by their own lagged effect along with bidirectional volatility spillover and the returns of stock markets unidirectionally spillover to the EPU of the corresponding economy. The study documents that shocks originated in the Australian stock market spillover negatively onto its own EPU and that of China and positively onto EPUs of Europe and Japan. The shocks originated in EPUs of Australia, Europe, China, and Japan significantly negatively impact the Australian stock market. The bidirectional volatilities of EPUs can offer insight for portfolio investors in searching the possible hedging opportunities in Australia. The reported drivers of Australian EPU can be incorporated in formulating and implementing the EPU-sensitive Australian trade policies. JEL: G15, G17, G18
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41

Gou, He, and Michael Dezuanni. "Towards understanding young children’s digital lives in China and Australia." Comunicar 26, no. 57 (October 1, 2018): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c57-2018-08.

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This article develops insights and generates new lines of inquiry into young children’s digital lives in China and Australia. It brings to dialogue findings from a national study of young children's digital media use in urban settings in China with findings from studies in Australia. This is not presented as a direct comparison, but rather as an opportunity to shed light on children’s digital lives in two countries and to account for the impact of context in relatively different social and cultural circumstances. The article outlines findings from a study of 1,171 preschool-aged children (3 to 7-year-olds) in six provinces in China, including the frequency of their use of television, early education digital devices, computers, tablet computers and smartphones, music players, e-readers and games consoles. It also focuses on various activities such as watching cartoons, using educational apps, playing games and participating in video chat. Methods included a multistage sampling process, random selection of kindergartens, a weighted sampling process, the generation of descriptive data and the use of linear regression analysis, and a chi-square test. The study demonstrates the significance of a range of factors that influence the amount of time spent with digital media. The contrast with Australian studies produces new insights and generates new research questions. Este artículo desarrolla ideas y genera nuevas líneas de investigación sobre las vidas digitales de los niños en China y Australia, en discusión con las conclusiones de estudios nacionales sobre el uso de los medios digitales por parte de los niños en entornos urbanos en China y Australia. El trabajo gira en torno al mundo digital de los niños en los dos países, analizando el impacto del contexto en ámbitos sociales y culturales significativamente diferentes. El estudio abarca una muestra de 1.171 niños de 3 a 7 años, de seis provincias de China, presentando la frecuencia de uso de televisión, dispositivos digitales en la educación temprana, ordenadores, tabletas y teléfonos inteligentes, reproductores de música, libros electrónicos y videoconsolas. También se enfoca en diversas actividades como ver dibujos animados, usar aplicaciones educativas, jugar a videojuegos y participar en videollamadas. Los métodos incluyeron un proceso de muestreo multietapa, con selección aleatoria de jardines infantiles, un proceso de muestreo ponderado, la generación de datos descriptivos y el uso del análisis de regresión lineal, y una prueba de chi-cuadrado. El estudio demuestra la importancia del rango de factores que influyen en la cantidad de tiempo que pasan con los medios digitales. El contraste con los estudios australianos produce nuevos conocimientos y genera nuevas preguntas de investigación.
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WOOLLEY, SKIPTON, and ROBIN S. WILSON. "Two new species of Eulepethidae (Polychaeta) from Australian seas." Zootaxa 2839, no. 1 (April 29, 2011): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.2839.1.2.

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Exploration of poorly known regions of the Australian continental margin has resulted in the discovery of two new species in the scale worm family Eulepethidae. Grubeulepis kurnai sp. nov. occurs in southeastern Australia while Proeulepethus payungu sp. nov. was collected at one site in the Indian Ocean on the continental margin of Western Australia. Pareulepis malayana (Horst, 1913), also collected from the continental margin of Western Australia, is newly recorded from Australia, representing a range extension of that species previously known from Madagascar, Malaysia and the South China Sea. Four species, and four of the six known genera of Eulepethidae are now known from Australian waters. The family Eulepethidae remains species-poor compared with most polychaete families, and now comprises 21 species world wide.
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43

Tisdell, Clem. "Foreign Tourism in China, in Australia, and between Australia and China: Some Observations and Comparisons." China Report 26, no. 3 (July 1990): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559002600303.

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44

Hamman, Evan. "Bilateral agreements for the protection of migratory birdlife: the implementation of the China-Australia Migratory Bird Agreement (CAMBA)." Asia Pacific Journal of Environmental Law 22, no. 1 (May 2019): 137–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/apjel.2019.01.07.

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Every year, millions of migratory birds journey along the East Asian-Australasian Flyway (EAAF). The scope of the EAAF encompasses Asia Pacific nations like Australia, New Zealand, China, Japan, South Korea, Vietnam, Malaysia and Indonesia. The effective conservation of these birds rests upon the implementation of bilateral legal agreements as well as non-binding regional initiatives along this North-South nexus. This article evaluates the implementation of one of the most important bilateral bird agreements in the region – the China-Australia Migratory Bird Agreement (CAMBA). The main obligations in CAMBA are identified; as are the legal initiatives adopted by both China and Australia which reflect CAMBA's obligations. Whilst Australian law makes specific reference to CAMBA, Chinese law is far less direct, though perhaps no less effective. The argument is made that the findings in this article have relevance for an improved understanding of the mechanisms for transboundary governance of migratory birdlife, especially in the Asia Pacific.
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Chen, Xuekuan, Phillip Jackson, Wankuan Shen, Haihua Deng, Yuanhong Fan, Qiwei Li, Fengduo Hu, Xianming Wei, and Jiayong Liu. "Genotype×environment interactions in sugarcane between China and Australia." Crop and Pasture Science 63, no. 5 (2012): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/cp12113.

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Sugarcane improvement has traditionally been conducted by nationally focussed breeding programs, with some exchange of elite cultivars among some programs. It has been generally assumed by breeders that genotype × country interactions are large, and therefore selection trial data in one country may be of limited relevance to another. However, no studies quantifying clone × country interactions have been reported to our knowledge. In research reported here, a common set of mostly unselected sugarcane genotypes was evaluated in commercial production environments in Australia and China. Consistent with past studies, genotype × site interaction was an important source of variation within each country. Overall a moderate to high genetic correlation existed between production environments in China and Australia for cane yield and sugar content (0.77 for both traits). This suggests that despite difference in environmental conditions and crop management in production environments between countries, that selection trials in China have some relevance for selecting clones for Australian environments and vice versa. It also supports the hypothesis that regular exchange of selected germplasm from effective breeding programs between countries will have mutual benefits.
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Korwa, Johni Robert Verianto. "The China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA): its implications for Australia-United States relations." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 15, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v15i1.2981.41-53.

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Australia is currently faced with a strategic and economic dilemma regarding its interactions with China and the United States (US). On the one hand, it should maintain and strengthen its strategic relations with the US as an ally in order to contain a rising China. On the other hand, Australia should ensure its economic growth by strengthening trade relations with China. This paper aims to examine the implications of the new China-Australia Free Trade Agreement (ChAFTA) for the ANZUS strategic alliance. Through Qualitative Approach, this article analyzes the issues with the use of realist and liberal perspectives in international relations. By assessing two previous events involving the triangular Australia-US-China relationship (the case of the Taiwan conflict, and the US development of a National Missile Defense system), this paper concludes that ChAFTA may tend to undermine the ANZUS alliance. Three reasons for this conclusion are identified: a fundamental shift in the way Australia perceives China; ChAFTA offers more benefits to Australia than the Australia-US Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA); and finally Australia may consider ChAFTA as being more in its national interests in the international system than the ANZUS alliance.
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Ramadhani, Suci Nur, and Mohammad Noer. "CHINA’S INFLUENCE ON AUSTRALIA'S POSITION IN THE SOUTH PACIFIC IN THE SECURITY SECTOR AND DEVELOPING SECTOR." Journal of Social Political Sciences 3, no. 1 (February 28, 2022): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.52166/jsps.v3i1.98.

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After the economic growth, the government system, and security in the Solomon Islands have started to improve. China is here to increase its influence in the Region. China's presence in the Solomon Islands puts Australia's position at risk. The research entitled "China's Influence on Australia's Position in the South Pacific Region in the Security and Development Sector. (Case Study: the Solomon Islands 2013-2017)”, has a problem formulation because the influence exerted by China on the Solomon Islands can pose a threat to Australia. This study aimed to determine the influence exerted by China on the Solomon Islands, thus posing a threat to Australia's position in the region, especially in the security and security sector. This research uses the library research method or literature study. Researchers use library research as their research by collecting library data, reading, taking notes, and reprocessing research materials. The theory used to answer the problem is the theory of foreign policy and international security. Based on the results of the analysis, the author can find out that the presence of China in the Solomon Islands has had a major influence on Australia in the region. If China succeeds in exerting influence in the Solomon Islands, it will pose a huge threat to Australia's position on a security.
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Li, Wei, and Hans Hendrischke. "Chinese Outbound Investment in Australia: From State Control to Entrepreneurship." China Quarterly 243 (October 22, 2019): 701–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019001243.

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AbstractThis article contributes to our understanding of Chinese corporate expansion into developed economies by using Australia as a case study of how, in the 2010s, Chinese firms began transiting from government-driven resource investment to entrepreneurial expansion in new industries and markets. We contextualize this process by demonstrating how changing market demand and institutional evolutions at home and in the host country created new motivations for Chinese investors. In particular, the decline of active government control in China over the overseas operations of Chinese firms and the more business-oriented regulatory regime in Australia empowered local subsidiaries of Chinese firms to become more entrepreneurial and explorative in their attempts to compensate for their lack of competitiveness and weak organizational capabilities. Consequently, Chinese firms brought their domestic experience and modus operandi to the Australian host market and collectively adapted and deployed dynamic capabilities such as the use of network linkages, experiential learning and corporate reconfiguration. We find that this transfer of capabilities was facilitated by the co-evolution of the Chinese and Australian institutional and market environments and has maintained Australia's position as one of the major recipient countries of Chinese outbound investment, opening the Australian economy to ongoing expansion and disruption.
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49

WALTON, David. "Australia and the Quad." East Asian Policy 14, no. 01 (January 2022): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000034.

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From an Australian viewpoint, Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) between Australia, the United States, Japan and India is an important development. The Quad secures a US long-term presence in the region to balance China’s influence, strengthens close security ties with Japan and enhances Australia’s strategic engagement with India. Notably, the non-traditional security emphasis in Quad 2.0 has the potential to generate support among Southeast Asian countries which are cautious about upsetting China.
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50

Zhang, Ge, and Wilfred Yang Wang. "‘Property talk’ among Chinese Australians: WeChat and the production of diasporic space." Media International Australia 173, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x19837669.

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This article examines the ways the Australian property market is addressed among Chinese migrants in Australia on and off WeChat, one of the most popular instant messenger apps installed on Smartphones. Specifically, we focus on how migrant media and real estate professionals’ narratives on real estate properties constitute and reproduce a transnational Chinese diasporic space between China and Australia. Although the latest wave of ‘property talk’ is relatively a new concept to the mainstream Australian societies due to the housing price boom since 2012, talking about land and property ownerships has always been integral part of Chinese diasporic culture. Yet, with the advent of digital media technologies, this cultural conversation is increasingly being delivered, processed and experienced through digital platforms such as that of WeChat. Drawing on observations on WeChat and interviews with Chinese media and real estate practitioners in Australia, we conceive that WeChat plays a vital role in forging and reproducing Chinese diasporic spaces in Australia by articulating the intersection of diasporic spatiality and mediasphere. We contend that WeChat’s affordances of the informational, interpersonal and instrumental have aided Chinese migrants and those Chinese real estate practitioners to co-constitute a social space of property talk that enables new social relations to be negotiated and social networks to be established and reinforced across China and Australia.
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