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Journal articles on the topic 'Augustinian theory'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

TOMAR ROMERO, Francisco. "La memoria como "autoconocimiento" y "amor de sí"." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 8 (October 1, 2001): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v8i.9382.

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This work proposes a synthesis of the Augustinian Trinitarian conception of Mens with the dual theory of intentional relationships and the genres of the power of the sole that are true to the Aristotelian tradition. To this end, we will analyse the theory of the existential and essential sole of Saint Augustine, the duplex cognitio of Saint Thomas Aquinas, as well as other important aspects of the Jaime Bofill's Thomistic Augustinism which are relative to his theory of «memoria de sí» (self memory) or «Sentimiento fundamental» (essential feeling).

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2

Watson, Thomas Ramey. "Enlarging Augustinian Systems." Renascence 46, no. 3 (1994): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence199446313.

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3

Lössl, Josef. "An Augustinian Colloquium." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni090.

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4

PIERAGOSTINI, RENATA. "Augustinian networks and the Chicago music theory manuscript." Plainsong and Medieval Music 22, no. 1 (April 2013): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137112000198.

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ABSTRACTThe manuscript Chicago, Newberry Library 54.1, copied in Pavia in 1391 by an English friar, has been the object of attention of scholars for some time now. Because of the presence of Senleches's song La harpe de melodie (famously notated in the shape of a harp), and of the earliest known dated copy of the Tractatus figurarum (which reflects late fourteenth-century developments in the notation of complex rhythms), the Chicago manuscript has often been cited in support of the historiographical hypothesis which sees the Visconti court of Pavia–Milan as the main centre of production of Ars subtilior repertory in Italy. In the absence of records on the scribe ‘G de Anglia’ and the context in which he worked, it has been almost inevitable thus far to associate the compilation of the manuscript with the Visconti court and the city university (founded and supported by the Visconti). A recently identified document, however, provides some clues to the identity of the scribe of Chicago 54.1, who can now be identified as an Augustinian Hermit. This is confirmed by various elements in the manuscript that also indicate Augustinian connections, placing the compilation of the manuscript in the context of the Augustinian house of Pavia. These elements help to shift the focus of attention to other cultural contexts that may have played a role in the compilation of the manuscript, and invite a reassessment of the hitherto assumed connections with the Visconti court and secular university.

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5

Robinson, Howard. "A 'Trinitarian' Theory of the Self." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 5, no. 1 (March 21, 2013): 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v5i1.255.

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I argue that the self is simple metaphysically, whilst being complex psychologically and that the persona that links these moments might be dubbed ‘creativity’ or ‘imagination’. This theory is trinitarian because it ascribes to the self these three ‘features’ or ‘moments’ and they bear at least some analogy with the Persons of the Trinity, as understood within the neo- platonic, Augustinian tradition.

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6

O'Malley, John W. "Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer's Thought on Renaissance Rome." Renaissance Quarterly 20, no. 1 (2002): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2858771.

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Giles of Viterbo (Egidio da Viterbo, 1469-1532) has been receiving increasing attention as his place in early sixteenth-century intellectual and religious history becomes clearer: he combined a central and effective position in ecclesiastical administration with an active role in the leading scholarly and literary circles of the late Italian Renaissance. As prior general of the Augustinian friars from 1508 until 1518 he undertook from Rome a vigorous reform of the order. He was a trusted adviser of Pope Julius II, under whose powerful patronage he had been elected head of the Augustinians, and he enjoyed a very cordial relationship with the two Medici popes, Leo X and Clement VII, the former of whom created him a cardinal in 1517.

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7

Benson, Sean. "Augustinian Evil and Moral Good in Lolita." Renascence 64, no. 4 (2012): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence201264435.

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8

Hösle, Vittorio. "From Augustine’s to Hegel’s theory of Trinity." Neue Zeitschrift für Systematische Theologie und Religionsphilosophie 62, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nzsth-2020-0023.

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SummaryThe essay compares the two most original philosophical doctrines of the Trinity, namely the Augustinian and the Hegelian one. It focuses on their concepts of the philosophy of religion, their epistemologies of religion, their doctrines of the mind, and their conceptions of the immanent Trinity. It ends with a sketch of an alternative theory of Trinity that finds the best approach to the Trinity not in the individual mind but in intersubjective relations.

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9

Führer, Markus L. "Henry of Ghent on Divine Illumination." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 3 (December 31, 1998): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.3.06fuh.

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Abstract This essay examines Henry of Ghent's reaction to the Thomistic criticism of the Au-gustinian theory of divine illumination. By grounding epistemology in the psychology of Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas made divine illumination appear to be an unwieldy theory incorrect in its basic assumptions. Even though Henry reworked the Augustinian theory, he did not completely reject the Aristotelian-Thomistic epistemology. Unlike so many of his predecessors, Henry did not attempt to avoid difficult questions raised by the fallibility of sense experience in developing his epistemology. Rather, he attempted to synthesize the intellectualist tendencies of the Augustinian theory with some of the empirical concerns of the Aristotelian-Thomistic account of human knowledge. Henry moved away from the strict metaphor of illumination, while at the same time exploring the relationship between the divine art and the human agent intellect. He was thus able to retain much of the Aristotelian terminology and still defend what he understood to be Augustine's intention for the doctrine of illumination.

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10

Yeong-Heum Ju. "A Study of Augustinian Theory of Beauty and Liberal Education." Journal of Educational Idea 27, no. 1 (April 2013): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17283/jkedi.2013.27.1.163.

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11

Treherne, Matthew, and J. Christopher Warner. "The Augustinian Epic, Petrarch to Milton." Modern Language Review 101, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 1069. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20467031.

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12

Verburg, Rudi. "The Dutch background of Bernard Mandeville's thought: escaping the Procrustean bed of neo-Augustinianism." Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics 9, no. 1 (March 11, 2016): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23941/ejpe.v9i1.212.

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This paper argues that the neo-Augustinian outlook of the French moral tradition has been used for too long as a Procrustean bed, thereby depreciating the Dutch background of Mandeville's thought. In particular, Johan and Pieter de la Court were an important source of inspiration for Mandeville. In trying to come to terms with commercial society, the brothers developed a positive theory of interest and the passions, emphasizing the social utility of self-interest and honour in securing the health and wealth of the commonwealth. By combining elements from neo-Augustinian and Dutch commercial republican discourses, Mandeville devised a new logic for interpreting the nature and growth of commercial society, which was to inspire intense debate.

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13

Evans, G. R. "Calvin on signs: an Augustinian dilemma." Renaissance Studies 3, no. 1 (March 1989): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.1989.tb00167.x.

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Evans, G. R. "Calvin on signs: an Augustinian dilemma." Renaissance Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1990): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.1990.tb00203.x.

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15

Jungman, Robert. "Mining for Augustinian Gold in John Donne'sMeditation 17." ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews 20, no. 2 (May 2007): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/anqq.20.2.16-20.

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16

Rudat, Wolfgang E. H. "Ovid's Art of Love and Augustinian Theology in Paradise Lost." Milton Quarterly 21, no. 2 (May 1987): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1094-348x.1987.tb00711.x.

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17

Slotkin, Joel. "Poetic Justice: Divine Punishment and Augustinian Chiaroscuro in Paradise Lost." Milton Quarterly 38, no. 2 (May 2004): 100–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1094-348x.2004.00073.x.

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18

Wright, Paul R. "Book Review: The Augustinian Epic, Petrarch to Milton." Forum Italicum: A Journal of Italian Studies 41, no. 2 (September 2007): 570–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001458580704100239.

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19

Bak, Krzysztof. "Mot ett bredare arketextualitetsbegrepp: den augustinsk-lutherska diskurstypen i Birgitta Trotzigs Dykungens dotter." AUC PHILOLOGICA 2021, no. 1 (August 30, 2021): 9–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/24646830.2021.10.

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This article has three aims, all of them related to the theory and practice of intertextuality. Firstly, the article makes an attempt to reconstruct the Augustinian-Lutheran type of discourse. A number of modern theologians and historians of philosophy have observed that the main currents within Christian theology have their basis in a specific discourse organization of textual utterances. With reference to these observations, the article maps out some dominant features of Augustine’s and Luther’s discoursive practices. The type of discourse thus reconstructed contains grammatical, logical-argumentative, narrative and rhetoric-figurative characteristics, and – as a matter of fact – it manifests a high degree of applicability in the field of literary studies. Secondly, the article applies the reconstructed type of discourse to analyze a masterpiece of Swedish twentieth-century literature, the novel Dykungens dotter (The Marsh King’s Daughter, 1985) by Birgitta Trotzig (1929–2013). In several interviews, Trotzig makes evidently contradictory remarks on Augustine and Luther. She dissociates herself from their anthropology at the same time as she hints that their view of human conditions has made a deep impression on her. The article’s application intends to throw light on this precarious hermeneutic situation. The intense presence of the Augustinian-Lutheran type of discourse in the novel made apparent through the application indicates that an interpretation of Trotzig’s writings by means of Augustinian-Lutheran intertexts is hermeneutically motivated in spite of her own negative declarations. Thirdly, the article makes use of the reconstructed type of discourse in order to examin Gérard Genette’s notion of architextuality. There is a theoretical incongruence in his notion. On an explicit definitory level, architextuality includes all types of discourse and modes of enunciation. On a conteptual level, however, the notion of architextuality is constructed on the pattern of literary genres. The article’s application demonstrates that Genette’s notion requires some corrections to live up to its definitory commitments. The Augustinian-Lutheran architext comes into conflict with some of Genette’s linguisticly construed structuralistic categories and demands a more discoursive and hermeneutic way of thinking.

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20

Peterson, Linda H. "Newman's Apologia pro vita sua and the Traditions of the English Spiritual Autobiography." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 100, no. 3 (May 1985): 300–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/462084.

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Although some readers argue that the Apologia pro vita sua is not true autobiography, Newman in fact draws on models of spiritual autobiography in two traditions—one English and Protestant, the other Augustinian and Catholic. In the early chapters, Newman patterns his account on Thomas Scott's Force of Truth, presenting his own religious development as a series of encounters with theological texts but replacing the typological hermeneutics of Scott (and of most other Protestant autobiographers) with an interpretive method derived from ecclesiastical history. In later chapters, as he narrates his conversion to Catholicism, Newman takes Augustine's Confessions as a model, invoking characteristically Augustinian figures to signal a turn to a Catholic literary tradition. More comprehensively, he adapts the multiple forms of confession that organize Augustine's work to shape his final statement of faith and to integrate the narrative and expository modes that distinguish the Apologia and autobiography as a genre.

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21

TRIFOGLI, CECILIA. "CONTINUIT E DISCONTINUIT DELLE GRANDEZZE FISICHE IN EGIDIO ROMANO." Nuncius 5, no. 2 (1990): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539190x00020.

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Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title This paper deals with Giles of Rome's (a late XIIIth century Aristotelian Commentator, Augustinian) position on the continuity of extension and motion. Giles maintains that extension and motion are continuous in so far as they can be considered simply as quantities, but are discontinuous when considered as physical objects or processes, since in the natural world they are joined with qualities. This paper aims at establishing that Giles' position reflects a widespread issue in XIIIth century natural philosophy according to which Aristotle's theory of continuity is a physic-mathematical rather than a strictly physical theory.

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22

Freccero (book author), John, and Emmanuele Riu (review author). "In Dante’s Wake: Reading from Medieval to Modern in the Augustinian Tradition." Quaderni d'italianistica 37, no. 2 (January 27, 2018): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v37i2.29237.

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23

CAMPBELL, J. "Racine and the Augustinian Inheritance: The Case of Andromaque." French Studies 53, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/53.3.279.

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24

Crisp, Oliver D. "On the theological pedigree of Jonathan Edwards's doctrine of imputation." Scottish Journal of Theology 56, no. 3 (August 2003): 308–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930603001121.

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Jonathan Edwards's doctrine of imputation has long been misunderstood. This essay sets out to redress the balance on this aspect of Edwards's hamartiology, drawing on both nineteenth- and twentieth-century analyses of Edwards's theory. I argue that what previous commentators have failed to see is that Edwards's doctrine was not an aberrant version of either Augustinian realism or Calvinistic federalism. Instead, it was an attempt to forge a via media between the two, utilising the notion of a real union in Adam from Augustinianism and the representational aspect of federalism to form a new theory of imputation which, though indebted to the traditional alternatives, is independent of both.

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25

Treherne, Matthew. "The Augustinian Epic, Petrarch to Milton by J. Christopher Warner." Modern Language Review 101, no. 4 (2006): 1069–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2006.0429.

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26

Ransom, Emily A. "Opposing Tyranny with Style: More, Lucian, and Classical Rhetorical Theory." Moreana 50 (Number 191-, no. 1-2 (June 2013): 159–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2013.50.1-2.9.

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More’s most popular contribution to sixteenth-century humanism during his lifetime was a showcase of classical rhetorical styles: in 1506 he and Erasmus published their translations of several Lucianic satires, along with a declamation defending tyrannicide and their own declamations in response. As More engages the Greek satirist, he employs rhetorical tactics partially derived from Cicero’s three styles but with an Augustinian forcefulness that adapts the classical tria genera dicendi to his own literary objectives. Yet with his three distinct rhetorical styles that roughly approximate the plain, middle, and grand styles of the classical oration, More demonstrates that just as tyranny is an affront against the law, human nature, and the gods, those who oppose tyranny can only do so on those grounds. Through this criticism of the opportunistic assassin, we may understand the shades of ambivalence that obscure his indictment against tyranny in his contemporaneous Richard III, Utopia, and epigrams.

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27

Kristjánsdóttir, Steinunn. "Medieval Monasticism in Iceland and Norse Greenland." Religions 12, no. 6 (May 21, 2021): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060374.

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the monastic houses operated on the northernmost periphery of Roman Catholic Europe during the Middle Ages. The intention is to debunk the long-held theory of Iceland and Norse Greenland’s supposed isolation from the rest of the world, as it is clear that medieval monasticism reached both of these societies, just as it reached their counterparts elsewhere in the North Atlantic. During the Middle Ages, fourteen monastic houses were opened in Iceland and two in Norse Greenland, all following the Benedictine or Augustinian Orders.

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28

Bärmann, Michael. "“Mit Allerleẏ Geblúmpten Worten”." Daphnis 49, no. 3 (July 14, 2021): 467–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-12340027.

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Abstract In the Colmar archives départementales du Haut-Rhin an extensive copy book of the Colmar Augustinian hermits is hold, in which, among other things, a legal dispute over a town property that has probably smoldered for more than half a century has left its written mark. The plaintiffs of the Breisach patrician family von Pforr, who appeared several times in the course of the protracted legal quarrels, are also and above all represented by Antonius von Pforr, who in his later years, worked as a literary author of the Buch der Beispiele in the environment of Archduchess Mechthild von Rottenburg and her son Count Eberhard V im Bart.

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29

Green, Adam, and Joshua Morris. "Living Within Our Limits: A Defense of the Fall." Journal of Analytic Theology 8 (September 21, 2020): 371–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12978/jat.2020-8.061713121418.

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In this paper, we use the biology of pain and Augustinian insights into the relationship between physical and spiritual death to give a defense of the Fall. If we think of pain as, biologically, a limiting system but one that interacts with advanced rationality in such a way as to create a new experience of one’s biological limits, then one can use Augustine’s treatment of our experience of physical death as both a consequence and a symbolic check on our moral and spiritual condition to give an account of the Fall that is consistent with evolutionary theory.

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30

Coffey, John. "“The Brand ofGentilism”: Milton's Jesus and the Augustinian Critique of Pagan Kingship, 1649-1671." Milton Quarterly 48, no. 2 (May 2014): 67–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/milt.12077.

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31

Watson, Duane F., and Marty L. Reid. "Augustinian and Pauline Rhetoric in Romans Five: A Study in Early Christian Rhetoric." Journal of Biblical Literature 116, no. 4 (1997): 755. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3266575.

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32

Baker, Naomi. "“This Sad Time”: The Augustinian Temporality of King Lear." Modern Philology 120, no. 3 (February 1, 2023): 335–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/722806.

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33

Roniger, Scott J. "Is there a Punishment for Violating the Natural Law?" American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 94, no. 2 (2020): 273–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq2020312202.

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Is there a punishment for violating the natural law? This important question has been neglected in the scholarship on Thomistic natural law theory. I show that there is a three-fold punishment proper to the natural law; the remorse of conscience, the inability to be a friend to oneself, and the inability to be a friend to another work in concert to provide a natural penalty for moral wrongdoing. In order to establish these points, I first analyze sources of St. Thomas Aquinas’s natural law theory by discussing St. Augustine’s notion of law and fundamental ideas in Aristotle’s political philosophy. Next, I show how Aquinas unites aspects of Augustinian and Aristotelian thought in his treatment of natural law and thereby provides a framework for answering our question. Finally, I turn to Plato’s Gorgias and to Aristotle’s discussion of self-love in order to integrate these ideas with Aquinas’s natural law theory.

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34

Pardue, Stephen. "Kenosis and its Discontents: Towards an Augustinian Account of Divine Humility." Scottish Journal of Theology 65, no. 3 (July 27, 2012): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930612000117.

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AbstractAfter many years of dormancy, the concept of kenosis has recently received widespread and lively attention from contemporary theologians. Yet, in the midst of this revival, there has emerged a steady stream of critique of the concept because of its apparently adverse doctrinal and ethical implications. Less remarked upon, but equally important, is an analogous and long-standing debate about the nature and pervasiveness that we should assign to humility in Christian teaching. Indeed, the interweaving of humility and kenosis in Philippians 2 arguably requires that the two rise or fall together; even if the concepts are not semantically equal, their meanings and their theological implications overlap in manifold and important ways. This article surveys the current state of the question, and argues that the works of Augustine yield valuable insights regarding the most knotty problems emerging from contemporary disputes about kenosis and humility. In the first part, I outline several recent perspectives on kenosis, aiming to bring clarity to the discussion. Along the way, I note the similarities between kenosis and humility as they function theologically, and I offer a summary of the qualities that a theologically sound account of those concepts would need to exhibit in order to address the valid concerns which have so far been raised. In the second part, I propose that closer attention to the theme of humility (both human and divine) may shed new and important light on kenosis debates, suggesting that Augustine is the ideal theologian on whom to test this theory. To this end, I explore Augustine's explanations of christology and language, suggesting that these are the loci through which Augustine's perspective on humility – both divine and human – is best expressed. In both cases, Augustinian humility strikes a noteworthy balance between restraint and empowerment and offers an instructive vantage point from which to address the complex and lively discussions about kenosis. While the African bishop may not offer a decisive resolution of these matters, his approach to them does hold significant promise for a depiction of humility and kenosis which incorporates the valid concerns of critics while simultaneously preserving an unavoidable and central aspect of Christian doctrine.

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35

Staykova, J. D. "The Augustinian Soliloquies of an Early Modern Reader: A Stylistic Relation of Shakespeare's Hamlet?" Literature and Theology 23, no. 2 (March 26, 2009): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/frp003.

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36

Sloane (book author), Barney, and Ann M. Hutchison (review author). "The Augustinian Nunnery of St. Mary Clerkenwell, London: Excavations 1974–96." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 2 (September 8, 2014): 193–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i2.21834.

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37

Murray, A. J. H. "The Moral Politics of Hans Morgenthau." Review of Politics 58, no. 1 (1996): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500051676.

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It is argued that, in contrast to traditional interpretations, Morgenthau's theory of international politics is primarily concerned with the normative, and that, in contrast to revisionist accounts, the moral theory he generates is rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition of moral thought. Morgenthau adopts an Augustinian, rather than Hobbesian-Machiavellian, moral framework, reconciling cosmopolitan principles with a recalcitrant reality by representing their relationship as a dialectical tension. This leads him to develop a practical morality which emphasizes the continued application of cosmopolitan imperatives to action, mitigated by a consequentialist orientation which demands that they be applied cautiously and always adapted to circumstances. This generates a political morality which reconciles the imperatives of morality and national survival by asserting that, while the national interest must be protected, it must always be subjected to strict moral limitations. It is therefore concluded that his approach ultimately culminates in a traditional, Judeo-Christian, nonperfectionist ethic.

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38

ADAMS. "'PUR VOSTRE COR SU JO EM PAINE': THE AUGUSTINIAN SUBTEXT OF THOMAS'S "TRISTAN"." Medium Ævum 68, no. 2 (1999): 278. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/43630181.

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39

Landes, Richard. "The Fear of an Apocalyptic Year 1000: Augustinian Historiography, Medieval and Modern." Speculum 75, no. 1 (January 2000): 97–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887426.

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40

Côté, Antoine. "Simplicius and James of Viterbo on Propensities." Vivarium 47, no. 1 (2009): 24–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853408x345909.

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AbstractThe paper examines Simplicius's doctrine of propensities (epitedeioteis) in his commentary on Aristotle's Categories and follows its application by the late thirteenth century theologian and philosopher James of Viterbo to problems relating to the causes of volition, intellection and natural change. Although he uses Aristotelian terminology and means his doctrine to conflict minimally with those of Aristotle, James's doctrine of propensities really constitutes an attempt to provide a technically rigorous dressing to his Augustinian and Boethian convictions. Central to James's procedure is his rejection, following Henry of Ghent, of the principle that “everything that is moved is moved by another”. James uses Simplicius' doctrine of propensities as a means of extending the rejection of that principle, which Henry had limited to the case of the will, to cognitive operations and natural change. The result is a theory of cognition and volition that sees the soul as the principal cause of its own acts, and a theory of natural change that minimizes the causal impact of external agents.

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41

Fiore, Robert L. "Angelo DiSalvo.Cervantes and the Augustinian Religious Tradition. York, South Carolina: Spanish Literature Publications Co., 1989. xii + 254pp." Romance Quarterly 38, no. 4 (November 1991): 492–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08831157.1991.9926924.

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42

Collins, Matthew Timothy. "In Dante’s Wake: Reading from Medieval to Modern in the Augustinian Tradition." Italian Studies 71, no. 4 (September 20, 2016): 574–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00751634.2016.1223862.

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43

Lewis, Simon. "A ‘Diversity of Passions and Humours’: Early anti-methodist literature as a disguise for heterodoxy." Literature & History 26, no. 1 (May 2017): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197317695409.

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This article explores the way in which early anti-Methodist literature was utilised as a disguise for heterodoxy. It draws particular attention to Thomas Whiston, an Anglican divine, who published a polemic in 1740, entitled The Important Doctrines of Original Sin, Justification by Faith, and Regeneration. Whiston advertised this tract as an attack on the Methodists and their perceived ally, William Law. However, this paper argues that anti-Methodism was merely a smokescreen which enabled Whiston to profess his loyalty to the established Church, while he advanced various heterodox views. Whiston's controversial opinions included his rejection of the Augustinian doctrine of original sin, along with his subtle show of support for the annihilationist views which his uncle, William Whiston, had recently expressed in The Eternity of Hell Torments (1740). Crucially, such views were repugnant, not only to Methodists, but also to numerous High Churchmen who similarly despised evangelical ‘enthusiasm’.

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44

Malcolm, Noel. "Hobbes and Sexual Desire." Hobbes Studies 28, no. 2 (October 27, 2015): 77–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02802001.

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Hobbes has long been associated with the sexual ‘libertinism’ of the Restoration period. The connections that are commonly made are crude, misrepresenting his philosophy; moreover, the attitude to sexual matters expressed in many of his published works was quite puritanical. Yet there are elements of his thought that could be taken to support a libertine agenda: hostility to Augustinian teaching on lust and chastity; the idea that marriage laws are merely human; a recognition of self-regarding elements in sexual psychology; and the idea that desires in themselves are not sins. On this last point, however, Hobbes’s distinction between desires and intentions to act, combined with his account of the role of imagination in desire, does make it possible to attribute to him a distinctly non-libertine theory of how sexual behaviour is modified in civil society.

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Marek, Rafał. "Caesaropapism and the Reality of the 4th–5th Century Roman Empire." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 9, Special Issue (2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.16.032.6970.

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The relationships between the secular authorities and the ecclesiastical hierarchy in the Roman Empire of the discussed epoch do not follow the simple pattern known as “caesaropapism” or other similar models of sovereign’s supremacy over the church hierarchy within the “State church”. The reality was much more complex then, since a new model, known as “symphony” began to develop. The notion of “symphony” should be understood as a kind of close cooperation of both powers within the uniform Christian society. Popes strongly affirmed the primacy of Rome within the church. At that time the theory of Pope Gelasius and the doctrine of St. Augustine played a prominent role. Nevertheless, these ideas were not widely received in the East. Later on, the Gelasian and Augustinian theories begun to be studied and appreciated in the scholastic milieu, where the new model of the relationship between the secular and papal power was developing.

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Biard, Joël. "Diversité des fonctions et unité de l'âme dans la psychologie péripatéticienne (XIVe-XVIe siècle)." Vivarium 46, no. 3 (2008): 342–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853408x360957.

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AbstractThe question of the unity of the soul is posed in the Midle Ages, at the crossing point of the Aristotelician theory, which distinguishes several potencies, even several parts in the soul, and the Augustinian doctrine, which underlines the unity of the mind using corporeal powers. John Buridan, when commenting the Treatise on the Soul of Aristotle, emphasizes the unity, probably in reaction against John of Jandun's position. From the middle of 14th century till the end of 17th, this problem goes on being debated through the two questions of the substantial unity of the soul and of the the relation between the soul and its potencies. This article studies some stages of this development, some of them immediately after Buridan, in Nicole Oresme's and Peter of Ailly's positions, another more distant, in Antoine Rubio's work. It suggests that we find still the same problematics, reelaborated and transformed, in Descartes.

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Wood, Benjamin J. "The Making of Christian Toryism: The Public Faith of Harold Macmillan." International Journal of Public Theology 16, no. 4 (December 21, 2022): 466–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-20220062.

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Abstract This article considers the significance of the public Christianity of the British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan (1894–1986). By excavating the socially conscious faith of the Edwardian upper classes, it locates Macmillan as the advocate of a unique synthesis of Disraelian Toryism and Christian Socialism. The discussion opens with an exploration of the origins of Macmillan’s politics. Drawing on the medievalism of William Morris, the Anglo-Catholicism of Ronald Knox, and Augustinian pessimism, Macmillan arrives at a sin-sensitive politics which seeks to tame capital and the state. The argument then considers how Macmillan’s rich articulation of Toryism has the capacity to challenge contemporary British Conservatives to recover and deepen their traditions of community-spirit and social justice. In an effort to contest a narrow description of British Toryism as a purely economic theory, I argue for a generous reassessment of a profoundly religious Toryism

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Erik Wade. "Language, Letters, and Augustinian Origins in the Old English Poetic Solomon and Saturn I." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 117, no. 2 (2018): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jenglgermphil.117.2.0160.

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Pavlovits, Tamás. "L’union de l’âme et du corps selon Pascal." KÜLÖNBSÉG 21, no. 1 (March 12, 2022): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/kulonbseg.2021.21.1.305.

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The union of body and soul is not a central topic in Pascal. Pascal interprets the human condition in an Augustinian and Jansenist context, and therefore the fall, corruption and concupiscence dominate his anthropology. Nevertheless, issues of union are sometimes addressed in the Pensées. This study explores the importance of the union of soul and body in Pascalian thought in the context of classical philosophy, starting from the Cartesiant theory of union. For Descartes union is the source of feelings in the soul. Therefore, the paper examines whether it is possible to reconcile feelings with union in Pascal. The paper argues that Pascal’s apologetic project is targeted at bringing different feelings into harmony and at achieving that the body and the soul are oriented towards the same goal: the veneration and love of God. In this way Pascal aims to prepare the true union of soul and body which can be realised in beatitude.

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Bredin, Hugh. "The Literal and the Figurative." Philosophy 67, no. 259 (January 1992): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819100039838.

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In everyday English usage, the words ‘literal’ and ‘figurative’ are normally taken to be opposite in meaning. It is an opposition with very ancient roots. One of its forbears was the medieval theory of Scriptural hermeneutics, which distinguished among the literal, allegorical, moral, and anagogic senses of Scripture. This itself had an ancestry in pre-Augustinian times: Augustine tells in his Confessions how he learned from Ambrose the trick of interpreting Scripture figuratively, thus eliminating the problems and contradictions created by a literal reading. Earlier still, the distinction and the opposition were at least implicit in Poetics 21, where Aristotle differentiated between the standard or normal name for a thing, and various other types of name among which he listed metaphor. The antonymy of the literal and the figurative is therefore deeply embedded in our intellectual history, and it is perhaps for this reason that it has remained, to a large extent, unexamined and unquestioned.

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