Academic literature on the topic 'Augustinian theory'
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Journal articles on the topic "Augustinian theory"
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TOMAR ROMERO, Francisco. "La memoria como "autoconocimiento" y "amor de sí"." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 8 (October 1, 2001): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v8i.9382.
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This work proposes a synthesis of the Augustinian Trinitarian conception of Mens with the dual theory of intentional relationships and the genres of the power of the sole that are true to the Aristotelian tradition. To this end, we will analyse the theory of the existential and essential sole of Saint Augustine, the duplex cognitio of Saint Thomas Aquinas, as well as other important aspects of the Jaime Bofill's Thomistic Augustinism which are relative to his theory of «memoria de sí» (self memory) or «Sentimiento fundamental» (essential feeling).
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Watson, Thomas Ramey. "Enlarging Augustinian Systems." Renascence 46, no. 3 (1994): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence199446313.
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Lössl, Josef. "An Augustinian Colloquium." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni090.
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PIERAGOSTINI, RENATA. "Augustinian networks and the Chicago music theory manuscript." Plainsong and Medieval Music 22, no. 1 (April 2013): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137112000198.
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ABSTRACTThe manuscript Chicago, Newberry Library 54.1, copied in Pavia in 1391 by an English friar, has been the object of attention of scholars for some time now. Because of the presence of Senleches's song La harpe de melodie (famously notated in the shape of a harp), and of the earliest known dated copy of the Tractatus figurarum (which reflects late fourteenth-century developments in the notation of complex rhythms), the Chicago manuscript has often been cited in support of the historiographical hypothesis which sees the Visconti court of Pavia–Milan as the main centre of production of Ars subtilior repertory in Italy. In the absence of records on the scribe ‘G de Anglia’ and the context in which he worked, it has been almost inevitable thus far to associate the compilation of the manuscript with the Visconti court and the city university (founded and supported by the Visconti). A recently identified document, however, provides some clues to the identity of the scribe of Chicago 54.1, who can now be identified as an Augustinian Hermit. This is confirmed by various elements in the manuscript that also indicate Augustinian connections, placing the compilation of the manuscript in the context of the Augustinian house of Pavia. These elements help to shift the focus of attention to other cultural contexts that may have played a role in the compilation of the manuscript, and invite a reassessment of the hitherto assumed connections with the Visconti court and secular university.
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Robinson, Howard. "A 'Trinitarian' Theory of the Self." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 5, no. 1 (March 21, 2013): 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v5i1.255.
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I argue that the self is simple metaphysically, whilst being complex psychologically and that the persona that links these moments might be dubbed ‘creativity’ or ‘imagination’. This theory is trinitarian because it ascribes to the self these three ‘features’ or ‘moments’ and they bear at least some analogy with the Persons of the Trinity, as understood within the neo- platonic, Augustinian tradition.
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O'Malley, John W. "Giles of Viterbo: A Reformer's Thought on Renaissance Rome." Renaissance Quarterly 20, no. 1 (2002): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2858771.
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Giles of Viterbo (Egidio da Viterbo, 1469-1532) has been receiving increasing attention as his place in early sixteenth-century intellectual and religious history becomes clearer: he combined a central and effective position in ecclesiastical administration with an active role in the leading scholarly and literary circles of the late Italian Renaissance. As prior general of the Augustinian friars from 1508 until 1518 he undertook from Rome a vigorous reform of the order. He was a trusted adviser of Pope Julius II, under whose powerful patronage he had been elected head of the Augustinians, and he enjoyed a very cordial relationship with the two Medici popes, Leo X and Clement VII, the former of whom created him a cardinal in 1517.
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Benson, Sean. "Augustinian Evil and Moral Good in Lolita." Renascence 64, no. 4 (2012): 353–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence201264435.
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Hösle, Vittorio. "From Augustine’s to Hegel’s theory of Trinity." Neue Zeitschrift für Systematische Theologie und Religionsphilosophie 62, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nzsth-2020-0023.
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SummaryThe essay compares the two most original philosophical doctrines of the Trinity, namely the Augustinian and the Hegelian one. It focuses on their concepts of the philosophy of religion, their epistemologies of religion, their doctrines of the mind, and their conceptions of the immanent Trinity. It ends with a sketch of an alternative theory of Trinity that finds the best approach to the Trinity not in the individual mind but in intersubjective relations.
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Führer, Markus L. "Henry of Ghent on Divine Illumination." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 3 (December 31, 1998): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.3.06fuh.
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Abstract This essay examines Henry of Ghent's reaction to the Thomistic criticism of the Au-gustinian theory of divine illumination. By grounding epistemology in the psychology of Aristotle, Thomas Aquinas made divine illumination appear to be an unwieldy theory incorrect in its basic assumptions. Even though Henry reworked the Augustinian theory, he did not completely reject the Aristotelian-Thomistic epistemology. Unlike so many of his predecessors, Henry did not attempt to avoid difficult questions raised by the fallibility of sense experience in developing his epistemology. Rather, he attempted to synthesize the intellectualist tendencies of the Augustinian theory with some of the empirical concerns of the Aristotelian-Thomistic account of human knowledge. Henry moved away from the strict metaphor of illumination, while at the same time exploring the relationship between the divine art and the human agent intellect. He was thus able to retain much of the Aristotelian terminology and still defend what he understood to be Augustine's intention for the doctrine of illumination.
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Yeong-Heum Ju. "A Study of Augustinian Theory of Beauty and Liberal Education." Journal of Educational Idea 27, no. 1 (April 2013): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17283/jkedi.2013.27.1.163.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Augustinian theory"
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Schumacher, Lydia Ann. "Divine illumination in Augustinian and Franciscan thought." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5816.
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In this thesis, my purpose is to determine why Augustine’s theory of knowledge by illumination was rejected by Franciscan theologians at the end of the thirteenth century. My main methodological assumption is that Medieval accounts of divine illumination must be interpreted in a theological context, or with attention to a scholar’s underlying doctrines of God and of the human mind as the image of God, inasmuch as the latter doctrine determines one’s understanding of the nature of the mind’s cognitive work, and illumination illustrates cognition. In the first chapter, I show how Augustine’s understanding of illumination derives from his Trinitarian theology. In the second chapter, I use the same theological methods of inquiry to identify continuity of thought on illumination in Augustine and Anselm. The third chapter covers the events of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries that had an impact on the interpretation of illumination, including the Greek and Arabic translation movements and the founding of universities and mendicant orders. In this chapter, I explain how the first Franciscan scholars transformed St. Francis of Assisi’s spiritual ideals into a theological and philosophical system, appropriating the Trinitarian theology of Richard of St. Victor and the philosophy of the Arab scholar Avicenna in the process. Bonaventure is typically hailed the great synthesizer of early Franciscan thought and the last and best proponent of traditional Medieval Augustinian thought. In the fourth chapter, I demonstrate that Bonaventure’s Victorine doctrine of the Trinity both enabled and motivated him to assign originally Avicennian meanings to philosophical arguments of Augustine and Anselm that were incompatible with the original ones. In the name of Augustine, in other words, Bonaventure introduced a theory of knowledge that is not Augustinian. In the fifth chapter, my aim is to throw the non-Augustinian character of Bonaventure’s illumination theory into sharper relief through a discussion of knowledge and illumination in the thought of his Dominican contemporary Thomas Aquinas. Although Aquinas is usually supposed to reject illumination theory, I show that he only objects to the Franciscan interpretation of the account, even while he bolsters a genuinely Augustinian account of knowledge and illumination by updating it in the Aristotelian forms of philosophical argumentation that were current at the time. In the final chapter, I explain why late thirteenth-century Franciscans challenged illumination theory, even after Bonaventure had enthusiastically championed it. In this context, I explain that that they did not reject their predecessor’s standard of knowledge outright, but only sought to eradicate the intellectually offensive interference of illumination, as he had defined it, which they perceived as inconsistent with the standard, in the interest of promulgating it. In concluding, I reiterate the importance of interpreting illumination as a function of Trinitarian theology. This approach throws the function of illumination in Augustine’s thought into relief and facilitates the effort to identify continuity and discontinuity amongst Augustine and his Medieval readers, which in turn makes it possible to identify the reasons for the late Medieval decline of divine illumination theory and the rise of an altogether unprecedented epistemological standard.
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Millis, Brian David, and n/a. "Faith, Learning and Christian Higher Education." Griffith University. School of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061019.120201.
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Responding to the absence of readily available models in Australia for thinking about Christian higher education, this thesis investigates what might constitute its foundational principles and distinctive character. The thesis considers the Western Christian tradition, the history of the university, and the contemporary experience of Christian higher education in the United States to identify models for thinking about Christian higher education. It is argued that a central issue to be addressed in developing a distinctively Christian approach to scholarship is the relationship of faith and reason, an issue to which the Christian tradition offers a range of approaches. The question of faith and reason has a wider cultural significance since, it is argued, Western culture is fundamentally constituted by the relationship of Jerusalem and Athens, in which the inherent tensions do not obscure an ultimate commitment to the unity of truth. In contemporary debates over Christian higher education, the concept of faith-learning integration is a central issue. Given the variety of definitions and models proposed, the thesis considers the approaches which have been adopted in the Christian tradition. The approaches of Philo and the Church Fathers to classical learning are considered, with extended attention given to the 'faith seeking understanding' model attributed to St Augustine. Drawing upon Neoplatonism, Augustine's theory of illumination explained why true knowledge was dependent upon divine revelation. Augustine's approach also held that 'all truth is God's truth', and justified the appropriation of classical learning as analogous to the Hebrews 'spoiling Egypt' at the time of the Exodus. The Augustinian approach offers significant insight into the role of the will and the affections in knowing, and justifies belief as a reliance upon authority. While Augustine's is not the only model that might validly be termed 'Christian', and is not without its problems, it is a model which still has much to offer to Christian higher education today. The Augustinian approach has a profound historical significance since it established the epistemological framework for western Christendom throughout the middle ages. In responding to the criticism that the term 'Christian university' is an oxymoron, the thesis also considers aspects of the history of the medieval and Reformation universities, seeking to establish the extent to which it is possible for the university to be regarded as a Christian institution. It is argued that the university did not arise out of the rediscovery of Aristotelian philosophy, and that it is indeed possible to regard the university as a Christian institution for much of its history. The possibility of a Christian university today is thus not inconsistent with the history and institutional character of the university. The contributions to thinking about faith and learning and Christian higher education of Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, John Calvin, and John Henry Newman are also discussed. One of the critical tasks of Christian higher education generally, and of a Christian university specifically, is the synthesis or integration of faith and learning, of which both Augustine and Thomas Aquinas were exemplars. It is argued however that, while the Thomistic approach can validly be termed 'Christian', it has been more successfully pursued in Catholic institutions than in their Protestant counterparts in which a central authority to regulate the boundaries of the domains of faith and reason is absent. A critical issue for Christian higher education today is that of secularising pressures, and thus the recent history of the secularisation of Christian higher education institutions in the United States is also considered. It is argued that the secularisation of these institutions was due particularly to the view of faith and learning which they had adopted. The study concludes that the 'worldview' approach advocated by Abraham Kuyper offers an approach to scholarship which is both resistant to secularisation, and consistent with the Christian tradition, particularly as expressed by Augustine and Calvin.
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Millis, Brian David. "Faith, Learning and Christian Higher Education." Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366985.
Full textAbstract:
Responding to the absence of readily available models in Australia for thinking about Christian higher education, this thesis investigates what might constitute its foundational principles and distinctive character. The thesis considers the Western Christian tradition, the history of the university, and the contemporary experience of Christian higher education in the United States to identify models for thinking about Christian higher education. It is argued that a central issue to be addressed in developing a distinctively Christian approach to scholarship is the relationship of faith and reason, an issue to which the Christian tradition offers a range of approaches. The question of faith and reason has a wider cultural significance since, it is argued, Western culture is fundamentally constituted by the relationship of Jerusalem and Athens, in which the inherent tensions do not obscure an ultimate commitment to the unity of truth. In contemporary debates over Christian higher education, the concept of faith-learning integration is a central issue. Given the variety of definitions and models proposed, the thesis considers the approaches which have been adopted in the Christian tradition. The approaches of Philo and the Church Fathers to classical learning are considered, with extended attention given to the 'faith seeking understanding' model attributed to St Augustine. Drawing upon Neoplatonism, Augustine's theory of illumination explained why true knowledge was dependent upon divine revelation. Augustine's approach also held that 'all truth is God's truth', and justified the appropriation of classical learning as analogous to the Hebrews 'spoiling Egypt' at the time of the Exodus. The Augustinian approach offers significant insight into the role of the will and the affections in knowing, and justifies belief as a reliance upon authority. While Augustine's is not the only model that might validly be termed 'Christian', and is not without its problems, it is a model which still has much to offer to Christian higher education today. The Augustinian approach has a profound historical significance since it established the epistemological framework for western Christendom throughout the middle ages. In responding to the criticism that the term 'Christian university' is an oxymoron, the thesis also considers aspects of the history of the medieval and Reformation universities, seeking to establish the extent to which it is possible for the university to be regarded as a Christian institution. It is argued that the university did not arise out of the rediscovery of Aristotelian philosophy, and that it is indeed possible to regard the university as a Christian institution for much of its history. The possibility of a Christian university today is thus not inconsistent with the history and institutional character of the university. The contributions to thinking about faith and learning and Christian higher education of Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, John Calvin, and John Henry Newman are also discussed. One of the critical tasks of Christian higher education generally, and of a Christian university specifically, is the synthesis or integration of faith and learning, of which both Augustine and Thomas Aquinas were exemplars. It is argued however that, while the Thomistic approach can validly be termed 'Christian', it has been more successfully pursued in Catholic institutions than in their Protestant counterparts in which a central authority to regulate the boundaries of the domains of faith and reason is absent. A critical issue for Christian higher education today is that of secularising pressures, and thus the recent history of the secularisation of Christian higher education institutions in the United States is also considered. It is argued that the secularisation of these institutions was due particularly to the view of faith and learning which they had adopted. The study concludes that the 'worldview' approach advocated by Abraham Kuyper offers an approach to scholarship which is both resistant to secularisation, and consistent with the Christian tradition, particularly as expressed by Augustine and Calvin.Thesis (Professional Doctorate)
Doctor of Education (EdD)
School of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning
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Chi, Young-hae. "By what right do we own things? : a justification of property ownership from an Augustinian tradition." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5555bb1d-9d5c-4260-b2bc-3c04c61ecb31.
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The justification of property ownership based on individual subjective rights is tightly bound to humanist moral perspectives. God is left out as irrelevant to the just grounds of ownership, which is established primarily on the basis of human self-referential, moral capacity. This thesis aims at developing an alternative justification, both for property as an institution and as a private holding, with a view to bringing God back into the centre stage and thereby placing property ownership on the objective concept of right. A tradition hitherto generally left unnoticed, yet uncovered here as the source of inspiration, vests the whole project with a moral-teleological tone. The tradition, enunciated by St. Augustine and developed by St. Bonaventure and John Wyclif, invites us to see property from the perspective of a moral end: it ought to be used for the love of God and neighbours, and as such it can be owned only by the just. In spite of important insights into the moral nature of property, the Augustinian thesis not only fails to spell out what ‘use for love’ means but also suffers from elitism. Nor does it offer an adequate justification of private property. Such weaknesses call for revision. When we reinterpret the Augustinian thesis through the concept of the divine imperative of service coupled with a proper understanding of human work, property acquires a distinctive justification. Property, as an institution, is justified as a requisite for carrying out God’s redemptive work towards the world. From this general justification ensues the particular justification. We hold property as specifically ‘mine,’ since each person’s ordained mission to participate in God’s work requires a uniquely personal material means, although the recognition and fulfilment of individual mission still demands communal efforts. The duty to carry out the God-commanded mission at first allows us to possess private property only in a non-proprietorial and non-exclusive manner. Yet in the prevailing condition of economic scarcity and human greed, civil jurisdiction must provide a structure of rights to enforce property institution. As God’s invitation for the transformation of the world is a universal command, everybody should have a minimum of property, and yet in differentiation of the scope and kinds commensurate with the particularities of individual mission.
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Kuo, Shu-ling, and 郭書玲. "From Mystery to Dialogue: the Augustinian Theory of the Word and Gadamer's Philosophical Hermeneutics." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/62126203112490326853.
Full textBooks on the topic "Augustinian theory"
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Augustinian just war theory and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq: Confessions, contentions, and the lust for power. New York: Peter Lang, 2011.
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de Paulo, Craig J. N., Patrick Messina, and Daniel P. Tompkins, eds. Augustinian Just War Theory and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Peter Lang US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/978-1-4539-0782-5.
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Wood, Benjamin J. Augustinian Alternative: Religious Skepticism and the Search for a Liberal Politics. 1517 Media, 2017.
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Augustinian Alternative: Religious Skepticism and the Search for a Liberal Politics. Augsburg Fortress, Publishers, 2017.
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Byers, Sarah Catherine. Augustinian Puzzles about Body, Soul, Flesh, and Death. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190490447.003.0005.
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Augustine’s employment of some (ultimately) Aristotelian concepts and distinctions, such as from the work On the Soul, helped him to develop his own account of the human being as a single-substance body-soul compound, and a correlative theory of death. The recovery of his view involves some work, because he does not always explain how he thinks the core theses to which he is committed play out in detail. Nevertheless it is possible when we use his Literal Meaning of Genesis to illuminate the City of God, Book 13. The former text contains the most extended presentation of Augustine’s natural philosophy. It employs concepts from classical metaphysics—such as matter, body, form, and potentiality—which, along with some of the Aristotelian categories, are recognizable again in the City of God, a work that he commenced as he was completing the Genesis commentary.
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Messina, Patrick, Daniel P. Tompkins, and Craig J. N. de Paulo. Augustinian Just War Theory and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq: Confessions, Contentions, and the Lust for Power. Lang AG International Academic Publishers, Peter, 2012.
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Ruse, Michael. Two Visions of War. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190867577.003.0003.
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Jesus apparently proscribed violence, which meant that—as was understood by early Christians—war is prohibited. As Christianity became the state religion, by focusing on our innate unhappy nature—“original sin”—Augustine devised “just war theory,” legitimizing the Christian use of war and specifying the conditions under which it could be fought. Augustinian philosophy influenced Anglican theology, although, by the nineteenth century, thinking about war was fashioned more to the needs of empire building. Darwin discussed war in detail in the Descent, in respects accepting Augustinian thinking about our original violent nature, but putting this in the context of natural selection making for a progressive climb to humankind. Unlike the Christian who thinks that war will be with us always, Darwin envisioned a war-free future.
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Teubner, Jonathan D. The Augustinianism 2 of the Rule of St Benedict. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198767176.003.0011.
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Chapter 8 examines the Benedictine conversatio as a life of prayer that arises out of a constellation of Augustinian themes. Despite its many literary borrowings from monastic traditions of the East, Benedict’s use of regula and conversatio is situated within an Augustinian understanding of Christian existence that is constellated around a life of prayer grounded in hopeful patience. In Benedict’s Rule, one can detect an expansion of the form Augustine imagined redemption to take in this life. For monks, as for lay and clerical Christians, redemption is eschatologically achieved but held in hope until the age to come. Through a reading of four key chapters of the Rule (3, 7, 71–2), Benedict’s Augustinianism 2 comes into view as a theory of individual growth.
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Cesalli, Laurent, and Irène Rosier-Catach. “Signum est in praedicamento relationis”. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827030.003.0003.
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Roger Bacon is a remarkable figure for his theory of the sign. According to the new reading hypothesis presented in this article, the whole theory is grounded on the relational nature of the sign. Every sign is involved in two relations: one to the interpreter, the other to the significate, the first being “more essential” than the second. The hypothesis allows for a better understanding of Bacon’s central claim that speakers constantly re-impose words in colloquial practice, as well as of its main technical developments (equivocation and supposition understood as instances of re-imposition, the possibility for a word to lose its signification, its impossibility to signify univocally beings and non-beings). In his whole semantics, Bacon’s focus is not so much on entities (e.g. sounds, traces) as on relations holding between entities. From a comparative point of view, the paper offers considerations on the theological (and mainly Augustinian) background of Bacon’s ideas.
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Ruse, Michael. Realists and Pacifists. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190867577.003.0007.
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Christians, in the years after the Great War until the end of the Second War, continued divided. There were those who regretted war but felt it sometimes necessary. Prominent here was the American Lutheran theologian, Reinhold Niebuhr. His “Christian realism” started with original sin but did not follow a strict just-war-theory line. He argued that privately we ought to follow Jesus and eschew violence, but as members of society we sometimes need to fight. Karl Barth, who broke from his mentor Adolf von Harnack over the morality of the First War, stood against the Nazis and, although also not a just war theorist, argued the necessity of conflict against Hitler. Countering all of these were the pacifists, notably in America the preacher Harry Emerson Fosdick, and in England the Anglican priest Dick Sheppard. When war was again declared in 1939, the Christian leaders on both sides again took up the call to arms in the name of Jesus. A notable exception was the still-undergraduate, recent Catholic convert, future Wittgensteinian philosopher Elizabeth Anscombe, who was no pacifist but who argued that entering the conflict against Hitler did not fill the requirements demanded of an Augustinian just war.
Book chapters on the topic "Augustinian theory"
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Lamb, Michael. "Augustine and Contemporary Political Theory: Toward an Augustinian Republicanism." In Augustine in a Time of Crisis, 261–82. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61485-0_15.
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Otten, Willemien. "Broken Mirrors: Abelard’s Theory of Language in Relation to the Augustinian Tradition of Redeemed Speech." In Disputatio, 69–87. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.disput-eb.3.1656.
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"18. St. Augustine and the Just War Theory." In The Augustinian Tradition, 323–44. University of California Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520919587-021.
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Dunnington, Kent. "Remembering Christian Humility." In Humility, Pride, and Christian Virtue Theory, 29–46. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818397.003.0002.
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Augustine’s Confessions is a locus classicus for early Christian privileging of the virtue of humility. This chapter shows that the contemporary “memory” of Christian humility fails to capture what Augustine took humility to be in the Confessions. Augustine had all the marks of the contemporary memory of “Christian humility,” yet still took himself to lack the humility of Jesus. The chapter then tries to supply an account of Augustinian humility. Augustinian humility is best understood as the virtue opposed to the Roman valorization of self-sufficiency and immortality. The chapter concludes by trying to relate Augustinian humility to the most prevalent contemporary accounts of humility, low concern and limitations-owning. Neither of those accounts can be assimilated to an Augustinian account of humility.
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Silva, José Filipe. "Knowing." In Robert Kilwardby, 94–170. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190674755.003.0005.
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The longest chapter of the book examines Kilwardby’s theory of knowledge, from sense perception to intellectual cognition. The key texts to understanding Kilwardby’s interpretation of Aristotelian and Augustinian epistemology are considered and the original solutions presented. Kilwardby combines an active theory of perception of Augustinian influence with a standard interpretation of the doctrine of abstraction. Also examined in this chapter is Kilwardby’s moderate realist interpretation of universals and how their discovery and application is found in scientific demonstrations. The conditions for and the nature of scientific demonstrations are examined in detail.
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Christman, Robert. "The Authorities Respond: Pope and Emperor Seize the Initiative." In The Dynamics of the Early Reformation in their Reformed Augustinian Context. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463728621_ch04.
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Chapter Four investigates the responses of various opponents of Reformation ideas emanating from the Reformed Augustinian cloisters of Lower Germany. After the Diet of Worms (1521), pope and emperor made common cause with forces already arrayed against religious dissent in Lower Germany. This chapter traces the development of the campaign against the Antwerp Augustinians, which quickly expanded to include the other six Reformed Augustinian cloisters of Lower Germany. It also explores the pope’s response to these Augustinians as it relates to his capacious efforts to limit Reformed Augustinian influence throughout the empire. The chapter demonstrates that key authorities understood the Reformed Augustinians as a threat, and that the response to that threat was an important element in the early Reformation.
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Scribano, Emanuela. "Descartes’ Innatism as Anti-Augustinianism." In Descartes in Context, 9—C1.N16. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197649558.003.0002.
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Abstract Scholars have often spoken of “Augustinianism” in relation to Descartes’ theory of knowledge. Instead, this chapter intends to prove that Cartesian innatism involves a clear rejection of the Augustinian theory of knowledge. Augustine himself, searching for a suitable theory to explain knowledge of necessary and eternal truths, had rejected innatism, in the form of Platonic reminiscence, in favor of the participation of human mind in uncreated truth. Moreover, innatism had acquired a strong anti-Augustinian characterization with Aquinas. Although Aquinas rejects innatism for man, it is to this Platonic model of knowledge that he resorts when it comes to defining angels’ knowledge. Angel’s natural knowledge consists of innate ideas, independent of vision in the Word. Consequently, innatism becomes a kind of natural knowledge, as opposed to vision in God, which can be reached only via supernatural intervention. According to Descartes, the human mind, like the angel’s mind in Aquinas, knows by connatural ideas and attains the truth, even though it is separated from the divine understanding. For an attentive reader of Aquinas, innatism evokes not only angelic knowledge but also the refusal to base the search for truth on vision in God and Augustinian illumination. The proof a contrario is given by Malebranche, who regards innatism precisely as the enemy of Augustinian illumination.
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Brooke, Christopher. "Jean-Jacques Rousseau." In Philosophic Pride. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691152080.003.0009.
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This chapter tracks the changing fortunes of a fundamental opposition between more Stoic and more Augustinian perspectives on human life, showing that as the seventeenth century gave way to the eighteenth, the patterns of Augustinian anti-Stoicism had often found expression in a more secular, Epicurean register. What Jean-Jacques Rousseau attempts, more strenuously than any other thinker of the period, is an extraordinary synthesis of Epicurean, Augustinian, and Stoic argumentative currents. In common with the modern Epicureans, Rousseau uses claims about self-love to illuminate all areas of human behaviour in modern times. But by presenting that self-love as inflamed amour-propre, Rousseau tilts sharply towards the more critical Augustinians than towards those Epicurean writers who were making their apology for commercial society.
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Christman, Robert. "The Reformed Augustinians of Lower Germany and the Dynamics of the Early Reformation." In The Dynamics of the Early Reformation in their Reformed Augustinian Context. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463728621_ch11.
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After summarizing the evidence that the events in Lower Germany were a watershed in the early Reformation, this chapter turns to an analysis of how the story of Reformed Augustinians deepens our understanding of the dynamics of the early Reformation. It demonstrates how ideas were passed via Augustinian networks, and the strategic element to their dissemination. It also indicates that impulses from Lower Germany influenced Luther, raising fundamental questions about a simplistic model of the Reformation that places Wittenberg at its centre and understands Martin Luther as its sage. Finally, the chapter shows the importance of the Augustinian context, not only for its impact on Luther’s theology, but for its institutional and administrative structures, and how they facilitated the early Reformation.
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Christman, Robert. "Reformation Ideas in the Low Countries." In The Dynamics of the Early Reformation in their Reformed Augustinian Context. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463728621_ch06.
Full textAbstract:
While the premise of Chapter Five was that the leadership of the Reformed Augustinians in Wittenberg influenced the Reformation in Lower Germany, Chapter Six examines whether the Reformed Augustinians of Lower Germany influenced Luther and his colleagues in Wittenberg. While Luther was sequestered in the Wartburg (1521 to early 1522), Wittenberg seethed as extremists agitated for radical reform. Among the chief instigators was a cadre from within the Reformed Augustinian cloister, a dozen or so friars from the Low Countries studying in Wittenberg. Their willingness to support revolutionary change suggests a perspective on reform that differed from that of many of their German-speaking counterparts. This chapter explores the reasons for their more extreme approach and its impact on Luther.