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1
Adair-Toteff, Christopher. "Troeltsch and Augustine." Journal for the History of Modern Theology / Zeitschrift für Neuere Theologiegeschichte 26, no. 2 (October 25, 2019): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znth-2019-0016.
Abstract:
Abstract 1915 ist Ernst Troeltsch nach Berlin gezogen, wo er Professor für Philosophie wurde. Sein Wechsel aus der Heidelberger Theologischen Fakultät in die Philosophische Fakultät der Berliner Universität und sein zunehmendes Interesse am Historismus hat ihn nicht daran gehindert, theologische Studien fortzuführen. Ein Ergebnis dieser Studien war eine noch in Heidelberg geschriebene detaillierte Untersuchung über Augustins Theologie und im besonderen über De Civitate Dei. Troeltsch hat diese Studie unternommen, um zum einen eine Lücke in seinen Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen zu füllen und zum anderen wegen seinem zunehmenden Interesse an Augustins Philosophie. Das Ergebnis dieser Untersuchung ist Troeltschs Buch Augustin, die christliche Antike und das Mittelalter. Dieses Buch ist aus vielen Gründen ein bemerkenswertes Werk, unter anderem, weil es eine objektive und eine prägnante Untersuchung über Ethik und Naturgesetz darstellt. Troeltschs Buch über Augustin ist sehr wichtig zu untersuchen, aber genauso wichtig ist der Prozess, der ihn dazu geführt, es zu schreiben. Dabei handelt es sich um mehrere Rezensionen, die Troeltsch über Bücher zu Augustins Theologie, Ethik und politischer Philosophie geschrieben hat. Indem wir Troeltschs Rezensionen und sein Buch Augustin studieren, lernen wir nicht nur, was in seiner Sicht besonders wertvoll sei in den Schriften des großen Kirchenvaters, sondern wir lernen auch Troeltschs eigenes Denken zu Ethik, Geschichte und sogar Politik besser kennen. By 1915 Ernst Troeltsch had moved to Berlin where he became professor of philosophy. His move from the Faculty of Theology to philosophy and his increasing concern with historicism did not hinder him from continuing with his theological studies. One of the results of these studies was his detailed investigation of Augustine’s theology and he focused specifically on de Civitate Dei. Troeltsch undertook this study partially to rectify an omission in his Soziallehren der christlichen Kirchen und Gruppen and partially because of his increasing interest in Augustine’s philosophy. The result of this study was Troeltsch’s book Augustin, die christliche Antike und das Mittelalter. This is a remarkable work for many reasons, including that it was an objective and appreciative investigations on ethics and natural law – and it was written by a prominent Protestant theologian. However, this book has been mostly neglected which is unfortunate. Troeltsch’s book on Augustine is well-worth exploring but so is the process which led him to write it. That entails consulting the numerous reviews that Troeltsch wrote about a number of books devoted to certain aspects of Augustine’s theology, ethics, and political philosophy. By studying Troeltsch’s book reviews and his Augustin, we not only learn what Troeltsch regarded as so valuable in the writings of this particular Church Father, but we also learn about Troeltsch’s own thinking about ethics, history, and even politics.
2
Petrov, Philipp. "Augustine's Literary Legacy as Research Focus in Contemporary Scholarship." Hypothekai 8 (May 2024): 135–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-135-167.
Abstract:
The views on the soul in the philosophical-theological thought of Au-relius Augustine (354–430 AD) hold a special place. When considering practically any of his teachings—whether it be his doctrine on the cosmos, time, memory, the relationship between free will and divine predestination, or his philosophy of history and pedagogy—we are inevitably compelled to take them into account or directly engage with them. His works are also associated with the so-called "psychologism" of Augustine, a concept high-lighted by numerous scholars delving into his truly vast creative heritage. The purpose of this paper is to explore the research devoted to the concepts of the soul (both individual and cosmic) in the works of Augustine or related to them. Additionally, it aims to identify works that address the issue of how Augustine's ideas about the soul were perceived in the early Middle Ages, using Cassiodorus [c. 487 – c. 578 AD] as an example. The studies, which encompass the aspects of Augustine’s psychological conception, are examined according to thematic principles, and divided into the following groups: (I) Studies dedicated to the exploration of Augustine’s cosmology, human existence, and soul (Among them: “Augustine’s Philosophy of Mind” by Gerard O’Daly [1987]; “Augustine: Ancient Thought Baptized” by J. Rist [1994]; “The World-Soul and Time in St. Augustine” [1983] and “Augus-tine’s Theory of Soul” [2003] by Roland Teske, and others). (II) Works demonstrating the influence of early teachings, traditions, and texts on Augustine (for example, “The Divine Sense: The Intellect in Patris-tic Theology” [2007] by Anna Williams and “Memory in Plotinus and Two Early Texts of St. Augustine” [1976] by Gerard O’Daly, among others). (III) Studies focused on the examination of individual works of Augustine with regard to their psychological aspects (Including: “An Analysis of Saint Augustine’s De immortalitate animae” [1980] and “The Fall of the Soul in Saint Augustine: A Quaestio Disputata” [1986] by Richard Penaskovic; “Augustine, Conf. IX, 10, 24” [1958] by John Taylor, and others). (IV) Papers indicating Cassiodorus’s reception and assimilation of Au-gustine’s teachings on the soul (e.g., e.g. “The Manuscripts of Cassiodorus’ De anima” [1959] by J.W. Halporn; “Cassiodoro e la grecità” [1986] by A. Garzya, “Il sottofondo culturale del De anima di Cassiodoro” [1995] by R. Masulo, etc.).
3
Sato, Makiko, and Enrique A. Eguiarte B. "Falsedad en las primeras obras de Agustín." Augustinus 63, no. 3 (2018): 463–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201863250/25121.
Abstract:
In the second book of Soliloquia, Augustine queries: what is ‘true’ and what is ‘false’. Through the examination, Augustine (Ratio) expresses the idea that ‘true’ is that which exists. Therefore, whatever exists is true; nothing will be false. But then, what is ‘false’? This paper will first clarify that the examination of ‘false’ in Soliloquia relates to Augustine’s awareness of the problem of sin. Already in Soliloquia, Augustine finds that the soul can have in itself the cause of sin so as to be unable to have the truth. Secondly, the author examines how the epistemology of falsehood is developed in the early Augustine by examining his articles after Soliloquia, focusing on the concept of lying in De Genesi contra Manichaeos and De vera religione. This will show that Augustine's understanding of falsehood and lying is related to his soteriology. Thirdly, the paper focuses on q. 63 of De diversis quaestionibus LXXXIII, in order to clarify what Augustine thinks about the relationship between God and human soul, where Augustine notes the significance of knowing and confessing sin as the means of cooperative salvation already described in his early works.
4
Eksen, Kerem. "„ETIKA“, „MORALĖ“ IR AUGUSTINO LIBERUM ARBITRIUM." Problemos 76 (January 1, 2009): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2009.0.1941.
Abstract:
Straipsnyje analizuojama A. MacIntyre’o ir B. Williamso pasiūlyta terminologinė „etikos“ ir „moralės“ skirtis. Ši skirtis kol kas netapo etikos diskurso standartu, tačiau ji neabejotinai paskatino vaisingus filosofų debatus svarstant šiuolaikinius moralės filosofijos klausimus, interpretuojant etikos istoriją. Julia Annas, viena ryškesnių šių debatų dalyvių, pateikė išsamią skirties kritiką. Straipsnyje kritiškai analizuojama Annas argumentacija, ji vertinama aptariant vieną idėjų istorijos momentą – Augustino Liberum Arbitrium – ir siekiama naujai pažvelgti į minėtą skirtį ir jos reikšmę etinio diskurso istorijoje. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad Augustino Liberum Arbitrium reikšmė etikos istorijoje sietina su perėjimu nuo graikiškosios etikos prie perspektyvos, siejamos su moralės terminu. Parodoma, kaip Augustinas, originaliai vartodamas valios (voluntas) sąvoką, perorganizavo etikos lauką, naujoviškai apibrėžė laimės (beatitudo) ir teisingo veiksmo sąryšį. Taip demonstruojama, kad etikos ir moralės skirtis iš esmės grindžia dvi etikos diskurso paradigmas ir yra labai vaisinga, padedanti suprasti etikos lauko transformaciją į tuos pavidalus, kuriais klausimus apie apie žmogaus veiksmus kelia vėlesnės kartos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: etika, moralė, Augustinas, valia, eudaimonia, teisingas veiksmas.“Ethics”, “Morality” and Augustinean Liberum ArbitriumKerem Eksen SummaryThe present paper aims at a reconsideration of the terminological distinction – postulated by eminent contemporary thinkers such as Alasdair MacIntyre and Bernard Williams – between “ethics” and “morality”. Although this distinction has not been settled as a standard*, there is no doubt that it incited fruitful debates relating to the contemporary issues of moral philosophy as well as the history of ethics. Julia Annas, to take one considerable example, presented a full-fledged criticism of the distinction and touched upon crucial questions**. In the following pages, we shall take the general argument of Annas as our starting-point, and reevaluate it with reference to a particular moment in the history of ideas, in order to shed light on the proposed distinction. To this end, we shall focus on the philosophy of Augustine, more precisely on his De Libero Arbitrio (On Free Choice), with the aim of comprehending the novelty of his contribution to the history of ethics. We shall show how Augustine, through his original usage of the concept of voluntas (will), reorganized the sphere of ethics and redefined the relationship between happiness (beatitudo) and right action. We will thereby illustrate that the ethics / morality distinction is highly illuminating for getting the real sense of this process of redefinition and reorganization, as well as the broader transformation that it triggered in the way human action will be problematized by later generations.Keywords: ethics, morality, Augustine, will, eudaimonia, right action.
5
Long, Elly. "Cosmopolitan Localism: Augustine on Place and Contingency." History of Political Thought 44, no. 3 (August 31, 2023): 484–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.53765/20512988.44.3.484.
Abstract:
Augustine is not included among the many ancient thinkers that Martha Nussbaum draws upon for her cosmopolitan project. This is surprising both because Augustine is often read as a cosmopolitan and because Nussbaum engages with and critiques him on other related matters, particularly the purported 'otherworldliness' of this thought. This article remedies this lack, putting Augustine into conversation with Nussbaum's cosmopolitanism. By investigating Augustine's view of contingency generally and the contingency of place specifically, I show that Augustine's thought supports both universal ethical concern of the sort Nussbaum praises and particular attachments to place which Nussbaum has been criticized for lacking. In addition, Augustine's view of contingency avoids the ironism of Richard Rorty's patriotism, which Nussbaum also criticizes. Augustine sees more clearly than both Nussbaum and Rorty how particular and universal commitments need not be competitive. Therefore, Augustine is not quite the cosmopolitan thinker that he is often recognized to be, but neither is he the severely otherworldly thinker that Nussbaum reads him as.
6
Ford, Coleman M. "‘He Who Consoles Us Should Console You’: The Spirituality of the Word in Select Letters of Augustine of Hippo." Evangelical Quarterly 89, no. 3 (April 26, 2018): 240–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08903004.
Abstract:
This essay explores Augustine’s spirituality of Scripture in select epistolary exchanges. It argues that Augustine’s use of Scripture in the following epistolary exchanges was meant for building up faith, hope, and love in order to help his recipients faithfully pursue the Christian life in the present day, and prepare for eternity to come. Both in the Scripture’s transformative power and its ability to shape and define one’s life, Augustine presents a multi-faceted view of spirituality centered on Scripture. This essay begins by calling attention to Augustine’s theology of Scripture. This summary leads to an assessment of Augustine’s view of Scripture as the vehicle for prayer. Augustine also provides a perspective on the humble nature of Scripture, which informs his spirituality. Additionally, the spirituality of Scripture in Augustine relates directly to Christian doctrine. In sum, for Augustine, a spirituality centered on Scripture is the only sound basis for the Christian life.
7
Edmonds, Martin. "Augustine's Laws: Norman Augustine." Defense & Security Analysis 21, no. 1 (March 2005): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475179052000341542.
8
Katreničová, Anabela. "Letter or Sermon? The Analysis of Augustine’s "De Bono Viduitatis"." Vox Patrum 85 (March 15, 2023): 121–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.13894.
Abstract:
St. Augustine’s work De bono viduitatis written in 414 is not a treatise but a letter addressed to widow issued from a noble Roman family named Juliana. She with her daughter and mother-in-law attempts to live the consecrated way of life. Under the strong influence of the ascetism and moralism of Pelagius, she begs Augustine to acquire the essential instructions for their devotion. Augustine in his answer proposes the original teaching on the widowhood based on the Holy Scripture, especially on the letters of apostle Paul, and encourages the women in their consecration to observe the goods of the widowhood. Nevertheless, St. Augustine does not write this letter only to Juliana. He desires that this letter will be spread to the other widows as well. The aim of our paper is to analyse the Augustine’s letter to Juliana and focus our interest on the homiletical forms used by St. Augustine. Our argumentation is based on the analyse of this letter and on its comparison with Augustine’s style of preaching. Examining the rhetoric elements used and known by St. Augustine as they are summarized in the Book Four of his treatise On Christian Doctrine it enables us to present the style of Augustine – preacher and consequently to find some similarity and differences.
9
Van Reisen, Hans, and Nico Beumer. "¡Abre los ojos de tu corazón! La predicación de Agustín sobre la curación del ciego de nacimiento." Augustinus 58, no. 228 (2013): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201358228/2297.
Abstract:
The article deals with the texts where Augustine explains the healing of the man born blind (John 9:1-41), using as a leitmotiv Augustine s text of lo. eu. tr. 44, and having Augustine’s sermons 135,136,136A, 136B, 136C as a background, especially stressing the spiritual aspects presented by Augustine.
10
Drobner, Hubertus R., and José Anoz. "Esbozos de la cristología de san Agustín." Augustinus 54, no. 212 (2009): 105–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus200954212/2136.
Abstract:
The article shows how Saint Augustine arrived at the formula una persona in a strict christological sense, by means of the grammatical exegesis. This is attempted in three steps: The grammatical exegesis in Augustine’s education and usage; Grammatical exegesis and Christology in St. Augustine; Christological concepts prior and contemporary to St. Augustine.
11
Grossi, Vittorino, and Enrique Eguiarte. "El recurso a Ambrosio, en el ‘Opus imperfectum contra lulianum’ de Agustín de Hipona." Augustinus 54, no. 214 (2009): 373–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus200954214/21520.
Abstract:
The article deals with the controversy among Augustine and Julian of Eclanum, underlining the different interpretation of the quotations of Ambrose as it is reflected in Augustine’s work Contra lulianum opus imperfectum. Stresses also the accusations of Manicheism from lulianus to Augustine, and the different comprehension of Tradition, that Augustine and Julian had.
12
Evans, Joshua M. "Augustine and the Problem of Bodily Desire." Augustinian Studies 52, no. 2 (2021): 161–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies202181267.
Abstract:
In what sense did Augustine attribute desires to the human body itself? Scholars disagree substantially about how to answer this question, yet it has rarely been treated as anything approaching a scholarly quaestio disputata. Some hold that bodily desire is in principle impossible according to Augustine’s anthropology. Others hold that bodily desire is of marginal significance in Augustine’s system. Still others hold that bodily desire is a central problem in human life according to Augustine. This essay is an intervention intended to prompt further exchange about the interpretation of Augustine’s thought on the issue of bodily desire. To achieve that goal, the essay closely examines two texts from Augustine’s writings against Julian of Eclanum in the early 420s. In book I of De nuptiis et concupiscentia, Augustine argues that the body does have its own desires and they are an extensive problem in human life. Furthermore, in Contra Iulianum we find that Augustine himself responds to three crucial objections that might be raised against my interpretation. In short, late in his life Augustine treated bodily desire as a grave and pervasive problem. The essay does not address his views in his earlier works. As an intervention, the essay inevitably prompts important questions it cannot fully address, especially around Augustine’s philosophy of mind, the development of Augustine’s thought, and the implications of Augustine’s claims about the body for other elements of his theological project. Future investigations will hopefully take up these topics in the scholarly exchange this intervention intends to foster.
13
LAFERRIÈRE, ANIK. "The Augustinian Heart: Late Medieval Images of Augustine as a Monastic Identity." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, no. 3 (June 26, 2015): 488–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046914002115.
Abstract:
This study focuses on fourteenth- and fifteenth-century images, commissioned by the Ordo Eremitarum Sancti Augustini, of Augustine in rapture at the Trinity, revealing a wounded heart. This imagery begins an iconographical trend within the order that portrays Augustine as the Doctor of Love and departs from the image initiated by Possidius of Augustine as the rational thinker and bishop. A comparison with contemporaneous images of Francis receiving the stigmata reveals a new understanding of the relationship of the body to fourteenth- and fifteenth-century mendicant piety, and the importance of the iconisation of the body in the Hermits' understanding of Augustine.
14
Humphries, Thomas. "El amor de Dios, la Teología Trinitaria de Agustín en la controversia pelagiana." Augustinus 63, no. 3 (2018): 401–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201863250/25118.
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This paper poses the question “Why did Augustine not use his Trinitarian theology to better effect in the Pelagian controversy?” I demonstrate first that Augustine’s mature Trinitarian theology would be directly relevant to the Pelagian discussions after the year 415. Second, I show a slight progression in Augustine’s treatment of relevant issues from 418 through the end of his life in his anti-Pelagian corpus. I argue that Augustine does not use his Trinitarian theology to his full advantage in the anti-Pelagian corpus. I suggest that Augustine avoided these connections at least in parí because the Trinitarian reflections on “God is love” (I Jn 4) would ultimately push the anti-Pelagian reflections on God’s love for Jacob (Rom 9:13) towards universalism, but Augustine had already rejected universalism.
15
Clapp, Doug. "The Challenge of Augustine’s Epistula 151." Augustinian Studies 51, no. 1 (2020): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies202011655.
Abstract:
Epistula 151 shows Augustine trying to exert pressure on a high-ranking imperial official from his position outside of the senatorial elite. The aristocrat Caecilianus had written a letter, now lost, chastising Augustine for his lack of correspondence. Augustine’s reply begins and ends according to typical epistolary conventions. The heart of the letter, however, narrates Augustine’s harrowing experience of the arrest and execution of the brothers Marcellinus and Apringius by the imperial commander Marinus. The profound spiritual contrast between villain and victims has the potential to damage Caecilianus’s reputation, forcing him into a corner. He can only agree with Augustine and act accordingly.
16
Drobner, Hubertos R. "La Passio de san Vicente de Zaragoza según las prédicas de Agustín en el día de la fiesta (sermones 4; 274-277A; 359B)." Augustinus 59, no. 232 (2014): 17–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201459232/2332.
Abstract:
The article deals with St. Augustine’s sermons about the Passio Vincentii, underlining that none of the versions that we know nowadays, were the model followed by St. Augustine. Regarding the vocabulary, the coincidences between the sermons and the Passio make clear that St. Augustine either was using a common vocabulary to refer to martyrdom, or that he has based himself in the Passio’s narratives, that were read before the sermon. It also states that Augustine’s silence of some the Passio’s details and his theological interest in the event as such, do not allow any conclusion about the text used by S. Augustine.
17
Irizar, Pablo. "Reconsidering the Vita Augustini by Possidius of Calama: Towards a Meth-od for the Study of Free Speech in the Thought of Augustine." Cuestiones Teológicas 49, no. 112 (2022): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v49n112.a03.
Abstract:
By applying tools of the history of emotions to study the Vita Augustini by Possidius of Calama—a friend, episcopal colleague, and the first biographer of Augustine of Hippo—the present article analyzes parrhesia or fearless speech as an exercise in the regulation of fear, of which authentic martyrdom is the ideal expression in early Christian North Africa. The study accentuates the centrality of parrhesia in Augustine’s life and reflection and challenges current scholarly assumptions about the parameters of parrhesia as a social construct and about the nature of its Christianizing transformations in late Antiquity.
18
van Oort, Johannes. "Augustine and the Jews." Church History and Religious Culture 103, no. 2 (September 19, 2023): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10060.
Abstract:
Abstract The essay discusses the main topics of ‘Augustine and the Jews.’ It opens with the question where, according to Augustine, the name ‘Jew’ comes from. It then proceeds to his use of the designations ‘Hebrew’ and ‘Israelite’ parallel (and partly in contrast) to ‘Jew.’ Mainly according to The City of God a brief biblical history of the Jews is outlined. Augustine’s theological valuation of the Jews turns out to be partly positive, but mainly negative. The same applies to the (rather often discussed, but frequently misunderstood) ‘sign of Cain.’ The analysis of Aduersus Iudaeos shows Augustine’s ‘provocation’ of the Jews. By and then in the course of the overview, the question of Augustine’s (likely) ‘anti-Judaism’ is briefly dealt with. Finally, the essay discusses Augustine’s acquaintance with ‘real’ i.e. contemporary Jews, draws some conclusions, and presents a concise overview of subjects requiring further research.
19
Zepeda, Joseph. "‘To whom my own glad debts are incalculable’: St. Augustine and human loves in The Four Loves and Till We Have Faces." Journal of Inklings Studies 2, no. 2 (October 2012): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ink.2012.2.2.2.
Abstract:
This essay examines C.S. Lewis’ criticism of St. Augustine in The Four Loves and his development of Augustinian themes in Till We Have Faces. Lewis reads Augustine, in his discussion of his friend’s death in Confessions Book IV, as endorsing the moral that one should love only that which will not bring us heartbreak. This, according to Lewis, is the wrong way to privilege the love of God over human loves, one that owes more to Augustine’s philosophical context than to Christianity. I argue that Lewis’ reading of Augustine is mistaken, that Augustine is saying something very different and much more profound, and that Lewis himself explores these same depths in Till We Have Faces. Both Lewis’ novel and Augustine’s Confessions IV meditate on time and eternity, complete and incomplete love, truth and falsehood, and the severe shortcomings in our self-knowledge. Augustine, like Lewis’ narrator, is examining the untruth, in both the moral and intellectual senses of the term, of his human love. Loving the beloved in God, for both Lewis and Augustine, does not mean choosing security over the possibility of heartbreak as such; rather it means seeing the beloved truly, as a complete person, for the first time.
20
Gao, Yuan. "Journey to the East: A Philosophical Inquiry into the Early Reception of St. Augustine in China." International Journal of Asian Studies 16, no. 2 (July 2019): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479591419000135.
Abstract:
AbstractIn modern scholarship, much ink has been spilled over the significance of St. Augustine in the history of Western philosophy and theology. However, little effort has been made to clarify the legacy of Augustine in East Asia, especially his contribution to China during the early Jesuit missionary work through the Maritime Silk Road. The present article attempts to fill this lacuna and provide a philosophical analysis of the encounter of Chinese indigenous religions with St Augustine, by inquiring into why and how Augustine was taken as a model for the Chinese in their acceptance of the Christian faith. The analysis is split into three parts. The first part reflects on the contemporary disputations over the quality of the paraphrasing work of the early Jesuits, analyzing the validity of the allegedly careless inaccuracies in their introduction of Augustine's biography. The second part analyses some rarely discussed Chinese translations of Augustine, which I recently found in the Nanjing Union Theological Seminary, with particular focus on their ideological context. In particular, the paraphrased text concerning Augustine's theory of sin and the two cities will be highlighted. The third part goes a step further in exploring the reason why Augustine was considered an additional advantage in dealing with the conflicts between Christian and Confucian values. The primary contribution this essay makes is to present a philosophical inquiry into the role of Augustine in the early acceptance of Christianity in China by suggesting that a strategy of “Confucian-Christian synthesis” had been adopted by the Jesuit missionaries. Thereby, they accommodated Confucian terms without dropping the core values of the orthodox Catholic faith. The conclusion revisits the critics’ arguments and sums up with an evaluation of the impact of Augustine's religious values in the indigenization of Christianity in China.
21
HIGGINS, DAVID H. "Which Augustine? The Naming of the Abbey and Church of St Augustine, Bristol." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 63, no. 1 (December 5, 2011): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691000120x.
Abstract:
The abbey of St Augustine was named for Augustine ‘Apostle of the English’, as was its associated parish church, but was governed from its foundation by canons of the rule of St Augustine of Hippo. The two Augustines in the equation were a source of confusion. A reconstruction of the abbey's lost liturgical calendar suggests that the chapter sought to exploit this uncertainty in the matter of the foundation history of their abbey, with the aim of displacing, in the popular mind, the humble ‘English’ saint of the dedication in favour of the ‘Latin’ founder of the canons' rule.
22
Hankey, Wayne J. "Self-Knowledge and God as Other in Augustine." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 4 (December 31, 1999): 83–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.4.06han.
Abstract:
Abstract Recent philosophical and theological writing on Augustine in France, England and North America is sharply divided between readings which serve either a historicist, anti-metaphysical, postmodern retrieval or an ahistorical, metaphysical, modern reassertion. The postmodern retrieval begins from a Heideggerian «end of metaphysics» and goes at least some distance with Jacques Derrida's development of its consequences. This essay starts from engagements with Augustine by Derrida and Jean-Luc Marion, moving then to Rowan Williams on the De trinitate, read to prevent comparison with Descartes' Meditations, and considers how Williams relates Augustine to Plotinus. The opposed modernist interpretation appears in Stephen Menn's Descartes and Augustine, which sees a continuity between Plotinus, Augustine and Descartes. Finally, the essay treats Plotinus and Augustine on God and self-knowledge, maintaining that Augustine's De trinitate is better understood from within a modern ahistorical stance which, within metaphysics, places Augustine together with Plotinus and Descartes. This view better captures his difference from Plotinus than the alternative postmodern perspective tending to assimilate Augustine to Plotinus.
23
Malgeri, Graziano Maria. "La esperanza en los salmos graduales, según el comentario de san Agustín (II)." Mayéutica 47, no. 103 (2021): 5–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2021471031.
Abstract:
The article offers a study of the Ascensional Psalms 126 to 133. First of all, the article presents the Latin Text used by Augustine, making a reconstruction of the Psalm’s Text, based on what Augustine comments in his explanation of the Psalms. After that, the Psalms are studied in a Biblical Context, to present afterwards the interpretation that Augustine makes of the Psalms, highlighting the Topic of Hope according to Augustine’s interpretation.
24
Malgeri, Graziano Maria. "La esperanza en los salmos graduales, según el comentario de san Agustín (I)." Mayéutica 46, no. 102 (2020): 293–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica20204610232.
Abstract:
The article offers a study of the Ascensional Psalms 119 to 125. First of all, the article presents the Latin Text used by Augustine, making a reconstruction of the Psalm’s Text, based on what Augustine comments in his explanation of the Psalms. After that, the Psalms are studied in a Biblical Context, to present afterwards the interpretation that Augustine makes of the Psalms, highlighting the Topic of Hope according to Augustine’s interpretation.
25
Engelland, Chad. "Amo, Ergo Cogito: Phenomenology’s Non-Cartesian Augustinianism." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 95, no. 3 (2021): 481–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq202162229.
Abstract:
Phenomenologists turn to Augustine to remedy the neglect of life, love, and language in the Cartesian cogito: (1) concerning life, Edmund Husserl appropriates Augustine’s analysis of distentio animi, Edith Stein of vivo, and Hannah Arendt of initium; (2) concerning love, Max Scheler appropriates Augustine’s analysis of ordo amoris, Martin Heidegger of curare, and Dietrich von Hildebrand of affectiones; (3) concerning language, Ludwig Wittgenstein appropriates Augustine’s analysis of ostendere, Hans-Georg Gadamer of verbum cordis, and Jean-Luc Marion of confessio. Phenomenology’s non-Cartesian Augustinianism can tell us something about phenomenology, namely that it is engaged in the project of recontextualizing the cogito, and something about Augustine, namely how radically different his project is than Descartes’s. Phenomenology presents an Augustine that is well positioned for the debates of our times concerning mind and world, desire and the human person, and language and embodiment.
26
Eguiarte, Enrique A. "El fondo amploniano y los nuevos sermones de san Agustín." Augustinus 58, no. 228 (2013): 21–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201358228/2292.
Abstract:
The article has two parts. In the first part, a synoptic vision of St. Augustine as a preacher is presented. It deals also with the spreading of St. Augustine's works and with his first printed works, up to the actual critical editions. The second part is a discussion of Augustine’s documents recently discovered, starting with the Divjak letters, the Dolbeau sermons, focusing on the Erfurt sermons, presenting a long introduction to these sermons, as well as an analysis of the main topics of each Erfurt sermon.
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Kayikci, Halil. "Saint Augustine’s Invention of the Inner-Man: A Short Journey to The History of the Internality of the West." European Journal of Language and Literature 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v3i1.p140-158.
Abstract:
Phrases such as inner-man, inner-self, inner-vision and inner-hearing occupy an important place in the philosophy of Saint Augustine (AD 354-430). Inner-man phrases are dominant to the Augustin ’ s explanations relating to knowledge. Besides function as a means to explain thoughts of Augustine relating to knowledge, these phrases also function as a means to connect his explanations relating to knowledge to other areas of Augustine ’ s philosophy. Before Augustine tazhere was internality also. For example in Jewishness it was thought as conscience which speaks to the individual from his inside. Saint Paul used it as the intelligent part of the soul, but Paul was influenced by Plato. But the person who uses inner-man phrases systematically and who develops an epistemology directed to subject ’ s understanding himself and who in this way starts the tradition of internality of the West is Saint Augustine.
28
He, Teng, and Paul K. Hosle. "Augustine and Confucian Virtues: Mencius and Augustine on the Proper Motivations for Moral Conduct." Religions 14, no. 9 (September 11, 2023): 1158. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14091158.
Abstract:
In this essay, we analyze Mencius’s ethics through the lenses of Augustine’s critique of pagan virtue and its tendency to self-love. In the first part of this essay, we outline the basic conceptual framework of Augustine’s theory of virtue and the brunt of his criticism of the pagan virtue tradition. In the latter part, we explore how Mencius manages to avoid the Augustinian charge against the pagans that they render virtue subservient to honor, and how he largely agrees with Augustine on what place public performance of virtuous deeds should have. At the same time, Mencius’s emphasis on loving virtue for its own sake at times slides into expressions of taking delight in one’s own virtue, a subtler form of self-love that Augustine identifies especially in the Stoic philosophy. While Mencius gives space to the role of Heaven in his ethic, he lacks the theocentric pathos of Augustine, which includes, inter alia, an acknowledgment of our human frailty and deep dependence on God’s grace. Although Mencius’s ethical ideas ultimately correspond rather to those that Augustine associates with pagan virtue, Mencius represents at least a “higher” form that finds meaningful common ground with Augustine on several important issues.
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Eddy, Paul Rhodes. "Can a leopard change its spots?: Augustine and the crypto-Manichaeism question." Scottish Journal of Theology 62, no. 3 (August 2009): 316–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930609004761.
Abstract:
AbstractThroughout his life, Augustine faced the charge that, despite his apparent conversion to the orthodox Christian faith of the Catholic Church, his thought nonetheless retained vestiges of his roughly ten-year sojourn with the Manichees. No one was more relentless in this accusation than Augustine's Pelagian nemesis of his twilight years, Julian of Eclanum. Throughout most of church history, Augustine's reputation was little troubled by these allegations of crypto-Manichaeism. However, over the last century or so, the charge has once again taken on life. This article begins with a brief orientation to some of the main philosophical and theological tenets of Manichaeism, with an emphasis on those elements that will be important for assessing the Augustine question. Next, the history of the accusation that the Christian Augustine remained, in important if unconscious ways, a crypto-Manichaean will be traced from the time of Augustine to the present. Finally, one methodological direction in which an eventual resolution to this long-standing question may lie will be considered.
30
Couenhoven, Jesse. "‘Not every wrong is done with pride’." Scottish Journal of Theology 61, no. 1 (February 2008): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930607003821.
Abstract:
AbstractThis paper provides a reading of the late Augustine which supports the hypothesis that, while the early Augustine believed that pride is the basic sin, he changes his views during the Pelagian controversies, and advocates instead (contra Pelagius) the thesis that sin, post-fall, does not take on any one form. Augustine makes some key, though rarely discussed, statements about the nature of sin that, particularly when his views are put into perspective within his larger doctrine of sin, indicate that Augustine does not think all sin can be reduced to pride. Indeed, Augustine's controversial views about original sin incline him to believe that, far from being self-aggrandising, sin often takes the form of (and is often a sign and result of) ignorance and weakness. Thus, a careful reading of Augustine's doctrine of sin shows that he has significant commonalities with his feminist critics, precisely at one of the points on which he has been most criticised.
31
Yamada, Nozomu. "Rhetorical, Political, and Ecclesiastical Perspectives of Augustine’s and Julian of Eclanum’s Theological Response in the Pelagian Controversy." Scrinium 14, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 161–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00141p11.
Abstract:
Abstract In Opus imperfectum, Augustine’s last controversy against Julian of Eclanum, we can recognize these two theologians’ rhetorical devices in which they tried to condemn each other as heretics. Particularly in the interpretations of both polemists on the issue of human sexual desire, Augustine and Julian fiercely confronted each other, making extensive use of a variety of rhetorical measures. In this article, referring to important recent research while at the same time focusing on crucial primary texts, I first would like to clarify these rhetorical arguments, particularly, the supremacy of Augustine in using such rhetorical devices. Next, the quite different philosophical frameworks of both polemists are clarified. In addition, the political and ecclesiastical perspectives of Augustine’s and Julian of Eclanum’s theological reasoning are investigated and the political tactics and ecclesiastical diplomacy of Augustine clarified. The ultimate purpose of this article is to explicate the mechanism and the true reasons for the victory of Augustine and the excommunication of Julian and other Pelagians.
32
Scott, Joanna Vecchiarelli. "Augustine and Politics as Longing in the World. By John von Heyking. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2001. 278p. $37.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 816–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402410465.
Abstract:
John von Heyking's inquiry into Augustine's politics of “longing” is a provocative contribution to the growing genre of “Augustine redux” literature written to resonate with our fin de siècle sensibilities. These valuable pearl-diving expeditions bridge scholarship and literate conversation, careful textual exegesis and political advocacy. Not surprisingly, they also illustrate the challenges of writing for multiple audiences with mixed messages. This work enters an already crowded field of recent crossover texts with Peter Brown's Augustine of Hippo (2000), Gary Wills's Saint Augustine (1999), Hannah Arendt's Love and Saint Augustine (1996), and Jean Elshtain's Augustine and theLimits of Politics (1995). A further trip back in time to the Cold War and the politics of “realism” turns up Herbert Deane's The Political and Social Ideas of St. Augustine (1963), another retrieval project written to persuade as well as inform. And this is just a very short list.
33
Lamberigts, Mathijs, and Enrique Eguiarte. "Uso agustiniano de la tradición, en la controversia con Juliano de Eclana." Augustinus 54, no. 214 (2009): 409–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus200954214/21521.
Abstract:
The article deals with the way in which Augustine presented his auctoritates in the debate with Julian of Eclanum, and how they functioned in his polemics. It leaves aside the content of the texts quoted, and the theological issues at stake in the debate between Julian and Augustine, for presenting, first Julian's complaints and critiques. Then a survey of the way in which Augustine presents the individual doctors. Finally it examines how these Fathers function in Augustine's defense.
34
Nawar, Tamer. "The Roots of Occasionalism? Causation, Metaphysical Dependence, and Soul-Body Relations in Augustine." Vivarium 60, no. 1 (November 11, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685349-05904001.
Abstract:
Abstract It has long been thought that Augustine holds that corporeal objects cannot act upon incorporeal souls. However, precisely how and why Augustine imposes limitations upon the causal powers of corporeal objects remains obscure. In this paper, the author clarifies Augustine’s views about the causal and dependence relations between body and soul. He argues that, contrary to what is often thought, Augustine allows that corporeal objects do act upon souls and merely rules out that corporeal objects exercise a particular kind of causal power (that of efficient or sustaining causes). He clarifies how Augustine conceives of the kind of causal influence exercised by souls and bodies.
35
Caruso, Giuseppe. "Agustín y la Biblia griega en las 'Enarrationes in Psalmos'." Augustinus 66, no. 1 (2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus202166260/2612.
Abstract:
The article presents a summary of the ideas of different scholars concerning the real knowledge that Saint Augustine had of the Greek Language, to point out that the competence of Saint Augustine was increasing over the years. It also addresses the relationship between Saint Augustine and Saint Jerome regarding the translations of the Bible, and the value that Saint Augustine attributed to the LXX text. Subsequently, some examples taken from the 'enarrationes in Psalmos' help to stress the work of the augustinian emendatio of the Latin text, taking as point of departure the Greek text, as well as the use the Greek text in Augustine’s own textual interpretation of the psalms.
36
Sandlin, Mac S. "Love and Do What You Want: Augustine’s Pneumatological Love Ethics." Religions 12, no. 8 (July 29, 2021): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080585.
Abstract:
Augustine famously summarizes all of ethics in the maxim, “Love and do what you want” in his Homilies on the First Epistle of John, but also describes sin as misdirected love and humanity as characterized by sin. This raises the question as to how Augustine can offer such a maxim given humanity’s tendency to love so poorly. Aimed at ethicists and theologians with only a general knowledge of Augustine, this paper examines Augustine’s approach to ethics and its relationship to his theology of the Holy Spirit. By exploring the ordo amoris, the uti/frui distinction, and the doctrine of the Spirit as the inner-Trinitarian Love of the Father and the Son, I attempt to show how Augustine’s maxim can fit with his hamartiology.
37
Rine, C. Rebecca. "Learning to Read with Augustine of Hippo." Journal of Education and Christian Belief 11, no. 2 (September 2007): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/205699710701100204.
Abstract:
THE CONFESSIONS OF Augustine of Hippo can be read as a lesson in reading, one in which Augustine teaches by example as well as precept. Throughout this work, the relationship between faith and reading is clearly on Augustine's mind, as is his desire to teach others what he has learned. As we consider our own approaches to the confluence of faith, reading, and teaching, we have much to learn from Augustine's narrative self-portrait of himself as reader. After reviewing aspects of this self-portrait, its implications for Augustine's approach to reading and for our own reading and teaching practices are considered.
38
Boersma, Gerald P. "Augustine's immanent critique of Stoicism." Scottish Journal of Theology 70, no. 2 (April 19, 2017): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930617000060.
Abstract:
AbstractThe broad contours of Augustine's critique of Stoic virtue theory in De civitate dei 19.4 finds a fascinating analogue in Theodor Adorno's theory of immanent critique: Augustine ‘enters’ into Stoic virtue theory and criticises it from its own postulates, illustrating the striking implausibility of Stoic orthodoxy when lived out in concreto and the absurd, but logical, conclusions to which one is necessarily carried by Stoic ethics. Through this deconstruction, Augustine clears a space to propose his own virtue ethic. Augustine maintains that a Stoic virtue ethic fails to deliver on its promised eudaimonistic ends because it lacks a robust eschatological vision. For Augustine, the Christian faith offers a more viable virtue ethic.
39
Pacioni, Virgilio, and Enrique A. Eguiarte. "La doble noción de Dios: ‘nomen æternitatis y ‘nomen misericordiæ'." Augustinus 61, no. 242 (2016): 381–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201661242/2439.
Abstract:
The article deals with the evolution of the idea of God in St. Augustine, analyzing the text of ord. 1,1,2, stressing the answer that Augustine gives to the ideas of the Stoics, Epicureans and Neoplatonist, and comparing the text with Enneads III,2,1. It also discusses St. Augustine’s arguments about the existence of God developed in lib. arb. Finally it focuses on St. Augustine’s commentaries on Ex 3:13-15, underlining the two names of God, the nomen æternitatis and the nomen misericordiæ.
40
Nahm, Michael. "A Guardian Angel Gone Astray: How NOT to Do Survival Research." Journal of Scientific Exploration 36, no. 4 (February 11, 2023): 783–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31275/20222779.
Abstract:
In a recent commentary on an essay competition regarding the best evidence for the survival of human consciousness, Keith Augustine prominently criticized the award-winning essay I submitted to this competition. As demonstrated in the present article, Augustine’s critique is specious as evidenced by specifically two aspects of it: 1) On multiple occasions, Augustine misrepresented contents of my essay by attributing statements to me I never made and by presenting quotes out of context and contorting their original meaning. Due to Augustine’s misrepresentations of my essay’s content, it is unavoidable to conclude that his entire commentary is permeated by biased reasoning. 2) Although Augustine caviled at numerous formulations he drew from all over my essay, he did not mention that I singled his work out for profound criticism on numerous pages of my essay. He did not even attempt to counter my critique of his writings on factual grounds. In conclusion, Augustine’s commentary is a good example of a bad contribution to the survival debate.
41
Eguiarte, Enrique A. "La función exegética de los nombres del Antiguo Testamento en el comentario de san Agustín a los salmos." Augustinus 60, no. 236 (2015): 137–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201560236/23910.
Abstract:
The paper presents the exegetical role that the Old Testament names of places and persons have in Augustine’s exegesis of the Psalms within his commentary Enarrationes in Psalmos. It presents the vocabulary used by Saint Augustine within the Enarrationes in Psalmos to talk about the different meanings that Scripture has (literal, spiritual, allegorical). It suggests that for Saint Augustine everything within the Scriptures has a meaning, and so also all the names of persons and places that are in the texts of the Psalms - or within their titles - have a meaning for the believer. It also makes a brief presentation of Augustine’s sources for this exegetical work, underlining the influence of Jerome’s work Liber Interpretationis Hebraicorum Nominum. Finally it presents briefly the main theological ideas that Saint Augustine derives in his Enarrationes in Psalmos from his exegetical work with the names of persons and places, having as a leitmotiv the idea of the peregrinatio. The believer is a pilgrim that goes from the Earthly Babylon (which is interpreted by Augustine as confusion) to the heavenly Jerusalem, name that is interpreted as uisio pacis.
42
Miles, Margaret R. "St. Augustine’s Tears." Augustinian Studies 51, no. 2 (2020): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies202081359.
Abstract:
In St. Augustine’s society, men’s tears were not considered a sign of weakness, but an expression of strong feeling. Tears might be occasional, prompted by incidents such as those Augustine described in the first books of his Confessiones. Or they might accompany a deep crisis, such as his experience of conversion. Possidius, Augustine’s contemporary biographer, reported that on his deathbed Augustine wept copiously and continuously. This essay endeavors to understand those tears, finding, primarily but not exclusively in Augustine’s later writings, descriptions of his practice of meditation suggesting that a profound and complex range of emotions from fear and repentance to gratitude, love, rest in beauty, and delight in praise richly informed Augustine’s last tears.
43
Scibetta, Concetta, and José Anoz. "Agustín, Cicerón y la semiosis de las Confessiones (conf. 12,37)." Augustinus 58, no. 228 (2013): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201358228/2296.
Abstract:
The article is a detailed discussion of Augustine’s conf. 12, 37, explaining how the bishop of Hippo was apparently talking about the book of Genesis, whereas in fact Augustine was making a reflection on his work and how it could be fruitful for his readers, since Augustine develops at length a text from Cicero (Top. 33).
44
LAMB, MICHAEL. "Between Presumption and Despair: Augustine's Hope for the Commonwealth." American Political Science Review 112, no. 4 (August 7, 2018): 1036–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000345.
Abstract:
Many political theorists dismiss Augustine as a pessimist about politics, assuming his “otherworldly” account of love precludes hope for this-worldly politics. This article challenges this pessimism by applying recent research on Augustine's “order of love” to reconstruct his implicit order of hope. Analyzing neglected sermons, letters, and treatises, I argue that Augustine encourages hope for temporal goods as long as that hope is rightly ordered and avoids the corresponding vices of presumption and despair. I then identify “civic peace” as a common object of hope that diverse citizens can share. By recovering hope as a virtue and reframing civic peace as a positive form of civic friendship, I argue that Augustine commends a hope for the commonwealth that avoids both presumption and despair. I conclude by analyzing how Augustine's vision of the commonwealth can inform contemporary political theory and practice.
45
Yuan, Gao. "St. Augustine and China: A Reflection on Augustinian Studies in Mainland China." Neue Zeitschrift für Systematische Theologie und Religionsphilosophie 61, no. 2 (May 28, 2019): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nzsth-2019-0014.
Abstract:
Summary Augustine of Hippo was one of the most influential church father in Western Christianity. However, little attention has been paid Augustine’s significance for China in the early history of Sino-Western theological and cultural dialogue. This article aims to fill this gap by providing a historical and documentary study of the reception of Augustine in China, with particular focus on the issue of how the story of Augustine was introduced into China and how Augustinian studies was developed as an independent discipline at the present stage of Chinese theological studies. Examining the newly discovered Chinese biographies of Augustine, the first section explores the early introduction of the story of Augustine during the Ming and Qing Empires, identifying the Catholic and the Protestant approaches to the translation of Augustine’s biography. The second section addresses Augustinian studies in the Minguo period (1912–1949) and analyses various approaches to the study of St. Augustine. The third section proceeds to the stage of the establishment of the new China (PRC), with a careful survey of Augustinian studies after the Cultural Revolution (1976–present). In particular, the new exploration by Chinese Augustinian scholars over the last five years will be highlighted. Based on the above observations, the article concludes with the evaluation that the biography of St. Augustine was adopted by the early Jesuits as an additional advantage for propagating the Christian faith in the Chinese context, in which the policy of cultural accommodation (initiated by Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci) had proved a useful approach for theological contextualization and would continue to serve as a resourceful strategy in the Chinese approach to Augustinian theology as well as an effective method for deepening the Sino-Western theological dialogue.
46
Petrov, Filipp. "The Personality of Augustine in the Context of Source Studies (Main Research Directions of the 19th — 21st Centuries)." ISTORIYA 14, no. 4 (126) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840026366-1.
Abstract:
The paper notes that the study of the personality of Augustine (354—430) and his writings is inextricably linked with his ideas on the soul, which occupy an important place in European religious and philosophical thought. Indeed, referring to any of the teachings of Augustine — whether it is the doctrine of the universe, time, memory, the relationship between free will and divine predestination, and others, — one should take into account his ideas on soul. The so-called psychologism of Augustine, noted by researchers of his vast creative heritage, is also associated with them. Those texts of Augustine which seem to be the most significant for the reconstruction and study of Augustine’s psychological concept are identified. There are “Confessions”, “On Order”, “On the Immortality of the Soul”, “The Soliloquies”, “City of God”, and others. It is noted that Augustine does not devote one or another of his works only to the problem of the soul; that his views on the soul can be reconstructed from individual fragments and lines taken from many other of his texts, diverse in terms of content, genre and problematic; that the involvement of the entire corpus of Augustine’s writings will allow not only to clarify his thought, to show the course of his reasoning, but also to study his psychological teaching more carefully.
47
Tkacz, Michael W., and Enrique A. Eguiarte B. "Ocasionalismo y analogía del constructor, aplicada por Agustín a la creación." Augustinus 60, no. 236 (2015): 313–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201560236/23922.
Abstract:
Augustine is acknowledged by Malebranche as the source of his occasionalism and he appropriates the architect analogy of Augustine’s De Genesi ad litteram (4.22). Augustine’s analogy, however, is not a move toward occasionalism, but a response to Platos claim in the Timaeus (41 A) that the cosmos can be destroyed and is only preserved by divine providence. The heterological nature of the architect image for creation shows that, far from arguing for occasionalism, Augustine is concerned to avoid the cosmogonically fallacious confusion of divine agency and natural cause.
48
Bresson, Adrien. "Le je dans les livres I et II des Confessions I d’Augustin : de la modernité autobiographique à l’effacement du moi." Vita Latina 202, no. 1 (2022): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2022.1995.
Abstract:
The project undertaken by Augustine is particularly innovative insofar as it puts forth the “ I ” of the author when the literary context was not open to it. Augustine very much inspired those who followed his literary path and created new codes that were later used by other authors. Yet, Augustine’s goals seem to be radically different from his heirs’ and as such, it appears crucial to seek to understand Augustine’s specificity by analysing the ambivalence of his work – which can be understood as autobiographical – and by confronting it to the very works he inspired.
49
Beckwith, Carl L. "Augustine's Use of Didymus the Blind on John 5.19." Journal of Early Christian Studies 31, no. 3 (September 2023): 283–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2023.a904928.
Abstract:
Abstract: Augustine cites the beginning of Didymus's De Spiritu sancto in his Quaestiones in Heptateuchum , which he began in 419. Some scholars think that Augustine read no more than the beginning of Didymus's work; others think that he read and made use of Didymus but have identified no textual correspondence between the two. I argue that Augustine's use of Didymus's De Spiritu sancto may be seen in his citation and interpretation of John 5.19. Augustine uses an unusual scriptural variant for the ending of John 5.19 twelve times. Nine of these occur in trinitarian works produced around 419–20. The variant also appears in Jerome's translation of Didymus's De Spiritu sancto . There is further evidence linking Augustine to Didymus's discussion of John 5.19. I argue that Augustine found the variant in Jerome's translation and that he made creative use of Didymus's construal of John 16.13 and 5.19 in several trinitarian writings produced around 419–20.
50
Ozorowski, Mieczysław. "St. Augustine’s Personal Experience of Marriage and Family and his Influence on the Theology of Marriage." Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej 19 (2020): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rtk.2020.19.04.
Abstract:
This study presents St. Augustine’s personal experiences related to marriage and family that eventually influenced his views on these topics. Augustine of Hippo is considered one of the greatest theologians of the ancient Christian world. Although he was unmarried, he was born into a Christian family and experienced what it was like to live with a woman in a quasi-married state before he converted to Catholicism. Augustine left behind a large body of writings dedicated to the topics of marriage and family. Even though these works do not constitute a coherent treaty on marriage and family, they do shed light on these issues. They also reflect the current and pressing problems that affected not only St. Augustine but also the people of his time. St. Augustine’s views on marriage and family have had an immense influence on the entire Latin Church’s position on these issues. In this regard, the primary source that contains a lot of biographical information is Augustine’s Confessions. This study is made up of two parts. Part I describes Augustine’s childhood experiences and family life. Part II describes youth and his experience living with a female concubine. This original study presents the sources of St. Augustine’s views on human sexuality and his relationship with his family.