Journal articles on the topic 'Augustine , 354-430'
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1
Петров, Ф. В. "CASSIODORUS AND AUGUSTINE ON THE SOUL: GENERAL AND PARTICULAR." Интеллектуальные традиции в прошлом и настоящем, no. 6(6) (October 20, 2022): 253–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.6.6.006.
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В статье обсуждаются представления Кассиодора (487–575) об индивидуальной душе и зависимость его психологических представлений от Августина (354–430) и других ранних авторов. The paper discusses the ideas of Cassiodorus (487-575) on the individual soul and the dependence of his psychological ideas on Augustine (354-430) and other early authors.
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Pkhydenko, S. S. "Rational Foundations of Augustine Theology." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 19 (October 2, 2001): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2001.19.1158.
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Aurelius Augustine (354-430 years) - one of the four doctors of the Catholic Church - known as the brightest representative of Western patristics, one of the most recognized creators of the doctrine of the role and significance of the church.
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Kayikci, Halil. "Saint Augustine’s Invention of the Inner-Man: A Short Journey to The History of the Internality of the West." European Journal of Language and Literature 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v3i1.p140-158.
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Phrases such as inner-man, inner-self, inner-vision and inner-hearing occupy an important place in the philosophy of Saint Augustine (AD 354-430). Inner-man phrases are dominant to the Augustin ’ s explanations relating to knowledge. Besides function as a means to explain thoughts of Augustine relating to knowledge, these phrases also function as a means to connect his explanations relating to knowledge to other areas of Augustine ’ s philosophy. Before Augustine tazhere was internality also. For example in Jewishness it was thought as conscience which speaks to the individual from his inside. Saint Paul used it as the intelligent part of the soul, but Paul was influenced by Plato. But the person who uses inner-man phrases systematically and who develops an epistemology directed to subject ’ s understanding himself and who in this way starts the tradition of internality of the West is Saint Augustine.
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Епифанова, Tatyana Epifanova, Буреев, and Aleksandr Bureev. "DIVINE LAW IN SAINT AUGUSTINE´S DE CIVITATE DEI (354-430)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (November 27, 2015): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/16835.
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The article deals with the content and structure of the concept of divine law, its action in space and time, relationship with justice in one of the major works of the undivided Christian church of Father Augustine (354 — 430). The concept of divine law of Aurelius Augustine defines it as the will of the Christian God, the eternal unchanging truth which extends to the inhabitants of God and the earthly city, their community and regulatory relations, based on the criterion of justice. In the earthly city divine law takes the form of positive law, hierarchical structure, as well as time and historical performance.
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Gonçalves, José Mário. "The Heretic As Homo Sacer." Caminhos 15, no. 1 (October 18, 2017): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v15i1.5969.
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O HEREGE COMO HOMO SACER
Resumo: o artigo analisa a condição do herege, conforme é definida pelos escritores cristãos antigos, em especial Agostinho de Hipona (354-430), à luz da figura do homo sacer, insacrificável e matável, a “vida que não merece ser vivida” como apresentada na obra de Giorgo Agamben.
Palavras-chave: Herege. Homo Sacer. Agostinho De Hipona. Giorgio Agamben.
Abstract: the paper discusses the condition of heretic, as defined by the ancient Christian writers, mainly Augustine of Hippo (354-430), in the light of the figure of homo sacer, which cannot be sacrificed and yet may be killed, “a life that does not deserve to be lived” as presented in the Giorgo Agamben’s work.
Keywords: Heretic. Homo Sacer. Augustine of Hippo. Giorgio Agamben
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Conybeare, Catherine. "Feeling for Augustine." Classical Antiquity 43, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2024.43.1.1.
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This essay promotes affective engagement with the texts we read, arguing that we should attend both to recognizing emotion within the texts and to allowing ourselves to feel emotion as we read. The essay thus aligns itself with contemporary theories of non-hermeneutic or surface reading. The argument is illustrated specifically by the relationship of Augustine of Hippo (354–430 CE) to the emotion of anger. The transcripts of the Council of Carthage, held in 411, show an eruption of anger on Augustine’s part. The essay then traces his thinking on anger through various texts, notably the City of God, the Augustinian Rule, and the personal letters to Nebridius. Using the reflections on anger of the contemporary philosopher Agnes Callard, I argue that Augustine saw anger as a unique type of moral problem, something that, once experienced, was ineradicable and distorted a sense of justice and order. It is only through an emotionally engaged reading that such a position is perceptible.
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Paciorek, Piotr. "La controversia entre Agustín y Juliano de Eclana: sobre la Ley y la gracia." Augustinus 64, no. 3 (2019): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201964254/25521.
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In 418, the Italian bishop of Eclanum (Aeclanum: Mirabella-Eclano), Julian (380-454), engaged Augustine of Hippo (354-430) in an extensive debate about three key issues of the Catholic faith, all of which are essentially grounded in sound philosophy and can be proven by reason. These are: the state of nature after sin, the authority of law (legis auctoritate), and the free will of rational beings (libertas arbitrii), the last of which remains vigorously debated today in response to the early concept of determinism. These three issues, in particular, preoccupied Augustine’s thoughts and writings up until his death.
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van Oort, Johannes. "Manichaean Women in Augustine’s Life and Works." Vigiliae Christianae 69, no. 3 (May 8, 2015): 312–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341214.
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The study of women in Manichaeism is still in its infancy. The present article aims to contribute to this promising field of research by concentrating on the writings of the former Manichaean Augustine (354-430). A considerable number of data emerge from his works, which elucidate the presence and role of Manichaean women in Roman North Africa. It turns out that, at quite different stages of his life, Augustine came into contact with female Manichaeans and described their significance very differently.
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Petrov, Filipp. "The Personality of Augustine in the Context of Source Studies (Main Research Directions of the 19th — 21st Centuries)." ISTORIYA 14, no. 4 (126) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840026366-1.
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The paper notes that the study of the personality of Augustine (354—430) and his writings is inextricably linked with his ideas on the soul, which occupy an important place in European religious and philosophical thought. Indeed, referring to any of the teachings of Augustine — whether it is the doctrine of the universe, time, memory, the relationship between free will and divine predestination, and others, — one should take into account his ideas on soul. The so-called psychologism of Augustine, noted by researchers of his vast creative heritage, is also associated with them. Those texts of Augustine which seem to be the most significant for the reconstruction and study of Augustine’s psychological concept are identified. There are “Confessions”, “On Order”, “On the Immortality of the Soul”, “The Soliloquies”, “City of God”, and others. It is noted that Augustine does not devote one or another of his works only to the problem of the soul; that his views on the soul can be reconstructed from individual fragments and lines taken from many other of his texts, diverse in terms of content, genre and problematic; that the involvement of the entire corpus of Augustine’s writings will allow not only to clarify his thought, to show the course of his reasoning, but also to study his psychological teaching more carefully.
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Petrov, Philipp. "Augustine's Literary Legacy as Research Focus in Contemporary Scholarship." Hypothekai 8 (May 2024): 135–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2024-8-8-135-167.
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The views on the soul in the philosophical-theological thought of Au-relius Augustine (354–430 AD) hold a special place. When considering practically any of his teachings—whether it be his doctrine on the cosmos, time, memory, the relationship between free will and divine predestination, or his philosophy of history and pedagogy—we are inevitably compelled to take them into account or directly engage with them. His works are also associated with the so-called "psychologism" of Augustine, a concept high-lighted by numerous scholars delving into his truly vast creative heritage. The purpose of this paper is to explore the research devoted to the concepts of the soul (both individual and cosmic) in the works of Augustine or related to them. Additionally, it aims to identify works that address the issue of how Augustine's ideas about the soul were perceived in the early Middle Ages, using Cassiodorus [c. 487 – c. 578 AD] as an example. The studies, which encompass the aspects of Augustine’s psychological conception, are examined according to thematic principles, and divided into the following groups: (I) Studies dedicated to the exploration of Augustine’s cosmology, human existence, and soul (Among them: “Augustine’s Philosophy of Mind” by Gerard O’Daly [1987]; “Augustine: Ancient Thought Baptized” by J. Rist [1994]; “The World-Soul and Time in St. Augustine” [1983] and “Augus-tine’s Theory of Soul” [2003] by Roland Teske, and others). (II) Works demonstrating the influence of early teachings, traditions, and texts on Augustine (for example, “The Divine Sense: The Intellect in Patris-tic Theology” [2007] by Anna Williams and “Memory in Plotinus and Two Early Texts of St. Augustine” [1976] by Gerard O’Daly, among others). (III) Studies focused on the examination of individual works of Augustine with regard to their psychological aspects (Including: “An Analysis of Saint Augustine’s De immortalitate animae” [1980] and “The Fall of the Soul in Saint Augustine: A Quaestio Disputata” [1986] by Richard Penaskovic; “Augustine, Conf. IX, 10, 24” [1958] by John Taylor, and others). (IV) Papers indicating Cassiodorus’s reception and assimilation of Au-gustine’s teachings on the soul (e.g., e.g. “The Manuscripts of Cassiodorus’ De anima” [1959] by J.W. Halporn; “Cassiodoro e la grecità” [1986] by A. Garzya, “Il sottofondo culturale del De anima di Cassiodoro” [1995] by R. Masulo, etc.).
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King, Peter, and Nathan Ballantyne. "Augustine on Testimony." Canadian Journal of Philosophy 39, no. 2 (June 2009): 195–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjp.0.0045.
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Philosophical work on testimony has flourished in recent years. Testimony roughly involves a source affirming or stating something in an attempt to transfer information to one or more persons. It is often said that the topic of testimony has been neglected throughout most of the history of philosophy, aside from contributions by David Hume (1711-1776) and Thomas Reid (1710-1796). True as this may be, Hume and Reid aren't the only ones who deserve a tip of the hat for recognizing the importance of testimony: Augustine of Hippo (354-430) affirms the place of testimony in human cognition, at least in his later writings.In what follows, we consider three questions raised by Augustine's thinking about testimony: the analytical question of what sources count as testimony (Section I); the epistemological question about the status of testimony-based belief (Section II); and the doxastic question about the circumstances in which it is appropriate to believe on the basis of testimony (Section III).
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Olsen, Peter. "Augustine and Luther on toleration and coercion." International Journal for Religious Freedom 17, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.59484/drwa8357.
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Augustine of Hippo (354–430) and Martin Luther (1483–1546) both argued in favor of toleration and freedom of religion in their younger years, but both changed their policy toward dissenters as they grew older. They also adjusted their reading of the Parable of the Weeds (Matt 13) to varying situations. The older Augustine and Luther both called on the secular authorities to suppress their theologi- cal opponents, using the sword that God has given them (Rom 13) to protect both tables of the law: religion and morals. This article describes and explains their similar development in this regard.
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Lin, Davi C. Ribeiro, and Anthony Dupont. "Graça e heteronímia na antropologia relational de Agostinho de Hipona." Civitas Augustiniana 9 (2021): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/civitas/9a2.
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This article will discuss Augustine of Hippo’s (354-430) relational horizon with a focus on grace and heteronomy in Confessions and in the Pelagian controversy. Grace and heteronomy are inserted biographically in Confessions, through an autobiographical narrative as a testimony of grace. Subsequently, grace and heteronomy would be endorsed in the polemic against the Pelagians, in which Augustine reaffirms his doctrine of original sin and the solidarity of the race in Adam, and the human need for the grace of Christ. Augustine’s anthropological perspective questions a self-centered understanding of human autonomy and emphasizes its dependence upon a relational horizon. A synthesis will be expressed through three axes: (i) heteronomy as an expression of a dramatic anthropology of search and encounter (ii) authentic autonomy as built upon the foundation of heteronomy, and therefore not opposed to human responsiveness (iii) heteronomy does not deny uniqueness or singularity butrecognizes it within a responsive relational horizon.
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Ribeiro Lin, Davi C. "Augustine of Hippo and the rediscovery of the therapeutic potential of narrative theology for mental health." Cuestiones Teológicas 49, no. 112 (2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v49n112.a08.
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Since the task of therapy was a concern of classical antiquity, Hellenistic philosophy produced complex understandings on illness, treatment, and health that would inspire Augustine of Hippo (354-430) to adapt these ideals within a theological framework. Confessions (397-401) proposes an experience before divine grace that generates therapeutic effects, a proposal that fosters health and hope for his audience (Conf .10.3.4). Nevertheless, during the 20th century, Augustine’s Confessions was taken as a case study for psychoanalytic and psychotherapeutic theories. The weaknesses and ambiguities narrated by Augustine were considered case study material to be fitted into concepts of psychological theory or psychopathology. Faced with the task of reviewing the dialogue between Augustinian studies and psychological studies, this article suggests that it is necessary to retrace a path, overcoming a methodological problem through three steps: firstly, a historical recovery of late antiquity philosophical therapy, placing the original intent of Confessions’ therapeutic vision in its cultural, historical, and theological context; secondly, a repositioning of the interdisciplinary dialogue between psychology and theology. Despite the inadequacies of Augustine's psychologizing readings, understanding Confessions in partnership with contemporary psychology, allowing cross-fertilization, is a valid and necessary task, as in the conceptual synergy with Elementary Experience in Psychology; thirdly, the establishment and conduct of new interdisciplinary initiatives that not only strengthen historical and psychological understanding of Augustine’s Confessions, but seek to understand, apply and empirically test his narrative theological approach on its mental health effects.
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Elukin, Jonathan. "Judaism: From Heresy to Pharisee in Early Medieval Christian Literature." Traditio 57 (2002): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900002695.
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During the Middle Ages, Christians largely accommodated themselves to the small number of Jews who lived amongst them. Augustine (354–430) explained that God had punished the Jews after their rejection of Jesus by destroying the Temple and sending them into exile. Their survival was divinely guaranteed, however, because the presence of the Jews, Augustine believed, testified to the authenticity of Scripture and the fulfillment of the prophecies upon which Christianity built its faith. The Jews themselves, of course, argued that God had never truly rejected his chosen people. By claiming the Jews as their witnesses, Christians inadvertently accepted the Jews' identity as the descendants of the biblical children of Israel.
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Souza, Klédson Tiago Alves de, and Maria Simone Nogueira. "Ética e mística em Nicolau de Cusa (1401-1464): uma assimilação do conceito de interioridade agostiniano." Civitas Augustiniana 8, no. 1 (2019): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/civitas/8a6.
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The present article seeks to present an ethical and mystical reflection according tothe philosophy of Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464). Moreover, it is also intended to reflect on the influence of the ideas of Augustine of Hippo (354-430) on the thought of the German philosopher. Thus, the development of this work will be focused in the interiority as an ethics and mystical process of improvement of oneself, in orderto reach happiness.
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Swoboda, Antoni. "Wskazania wychowawcze w ujęciu Lucjusza Anneusza Seneki (4 a. Chr. - 65) i w pismach apologetycznych św. Augustyna (354-430)." Verbum Vitae 21 (January 14, 2012): 205–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1536.
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The article consists of four parts. The first part presents the educational process evaluated by Seneca and Augustine. Then their opinion about the educational environment is examined. The third part explains the educational aims such as religious, moral and intellectual upbringing developed in the writings of Seneca and Augustine. At the end the educational methods of both authors are depicted.
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Bouwman, Kitty. "The Influence of Mother Wisdom on Augustine." Open Theology 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 238–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2020-0155.
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Abstract The Book of Ben Sira was popular in the early Christian church and influenced the Church Father Augustine (354–430). He adopts the person of Wisdom as a divine mother and adapts her within the context of the early Christian church. He links to Mother Wisdom a wisdom theology, in which Jesus is her envoy. Augustine describes Mother Wisdom as an eternal nourishing divine mother. She has a permanent revelatory status by continuously giving life-giving power, which she mediates through Jesus of Nazareth. He presents her grace which she has prepared for the competentes (the candidates for Baptism), who are working towards initiation into Christian Faith. Mother Wisdom serves as hostess in biblical Wisdom literature. For Augustine, Jesus Christ has taken this place. Mother Wisdom serves instead the angels and the spiritual persons as a representative of divine nourishment.
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Silva, José Filipe. "Intentionality in Medieval Augustinianism." Phänomenologische Forschungen 2018-2: Modes of Intentionality. Phenomenological and Medieval Perspectives 2018, no. 2 (2018): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000108200.
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Since Brentano, intentionality has become a key feature of debates within philosophy of mind and epistemology, expressing the directedness and the aboutness of mental acts. In recent decades, a wide range of studies has shown the historical background of this concept beyond the historical sources Brentano himself acknowledged. Augustine (354–430) has been prominently mentioned in some of these studies, the focus of which has mostly been on the aboutness aspect, that is to say on how this mental event is about a particular thing. I think there is yet another side to Augustine’s account of intentionality and this is the general undetermined directedness of the soul to the world, which results from its way of being in the body. Such an account commits Augustine to a certain account of perception, one which does not accept that we are causally acted upon by material things, but rather suggests that we are the agents, and causes, of our own cognitive acts. This is true not only of Augustine but also of many medieval authors within the tradition of Augustinian philosophy of perception. The focus of this article is how this position is elaborated in some thinkers of the Middle Ages, namely Henry of Ghent (1217–1293) and Peter John Olivi (1248–1298).
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Gramigna, Remo. "Augustine on lying: A theoretical framework for the study of types of falsehood." Sign Systems Studies 41, no. 4 (December 17, 2013): 446–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2013.41.4.05.
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This paper presents a theoretical investigation of the issue of lying from a semiotic perspective and its specific aim is the analysis of the theory of the lie as conceived by Aurelius Augustinus, bishop of Hippo (354–430 A.D.), also known as Augustine or St. Augustine. The latter devoted two short treatises to the issue of lying: De mendacio (On lying) and Contra mendacium (Against lying), written in ca. 395 DC and 420 DC, respectively. The paper will focus on duplicity and intention to deceive as fundamental and necessary features of the lie. Augustine’s chief contribution to the study of human deception was to have severed the assessment of what is a lie from factual falsity. For Augustine, at the kernel of the notion of lying lies the idea of intentionality. Following this line of thought, the paper singles out two types of intentionality, namely the intention to assert a falsehood and the intention to mislead. On the basis of this double nature of intentionality, the present paper seeks to outline a theoretical framework for the study of species of falsehoods. The outcome is a typology of untruthfulness that envisages a fourfold inventory of falsehoods based on the difference between jokes, errors, lies and pretences.
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Stoker, Wessel. "Happiness and Transcendence: Heavenly or Earthly—Augustine and Bonhoeffer." Religions 14, no. 9 (September 19, 2023): 1198. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14091198.
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This article explores two views of happiness in Christianity. According to one view, happiness is heavenly, something that is attained only in eternal life. In the other view, happiness can be experienced on earth. Augustine (354–430) advocated the first view, in which life on earth is viewed as full of misery. The conception of happiness as earthly is articulated by Dietrich Bonhoeffer (1906–1945) in his Letters and Papers from Prison. This article clarifies both views by pointing to the use of different types of content regarding transcendence. The focus is on the comparison between the two views and their impact on daily life.
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Mooney, Christopher R. "Finding Forgiveness: Augustine and Greco-Roman Thought on Interpersonal Forgiveness." Journal of Early Christian Studies 31, no. 3 (September 2023): 301–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2023.a904929.
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Abstract: Despite the great esteem for forgiveness in the modern world, recent historical studies have cast doubt on the existence of the practice or even the concept of interpersonal forgiveness in the Greco-Roman world. Classical scholars have noted the prevalence of vengeance in the popular and literary imagination, the scarcity of apology, the subordination of clemency to political power, and the philosophical opposition to forgiveness. The Latin bishop Augustine of Hippo (354–430) surprisingly agreed with this assessment. Augustine, his contemporary Roman critics, and even his congregation understood the church as advocating—even discovering—a novel, difficult practice: unconditional forgiveness. Though Augustine offers no singular treatment of forgiveness, his letters and sermons bear witness to a clearly developed and articulated position: that forgiveness must be preveniently, unconditionally offered but is still necessarily oriented toward the just reform of the offender. Augustine particularly highlights the example of Christ's forgiveness and its union with prayer. Augustine interprets the scandal of unconditional forgiveness in reference to the even greater scandal of love of enemies, which seeks the true good of offenders in accord with justice, rather than satisfaction through a belittling vengeance. Thus, Augustine's view of forgiveness can be best grasped by distinguishing between the offer of forgiveness— forgiving —and the reception of forgiveness— being forgiven . Forgiving is unconditional, but being forgiven occurs through just reform. In this way, the complete arc of forgiveness incorporates both prevenient mercy and justice. In addition to illuminating the place of late antique Christianity in the history of forgiveness, this article shows that Augustine presents a robust account of unconditional forgiveness that is not a passive resignation but rather intrinsic to true justice.
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MOUAS, Nora. "SAINT AUGUSTINE: HIS LIFE AND INTELLECTUAL SOURCES." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 08 (November 1, 2021): 251–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.8-3.19.
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In this article, we aim to introduce the most prominent thinkers who emerged from the medieval period - the Christian fathers - and he is St. Augustine (354-430 AD), the most important philosophers and thinkers representing moral thought and one of the most prominent who occupied the moral problem. St. Augustine is a central figure in Christianity and the history of thought. Western alike, his name has dominated Western thought, and has not lost its luster to this day. St. Augustine immortalized his name in world history thanks to his political, religious and intellectual ideas. He is a religious man. He has his position and is revered and appreciated throughout the Christian world, especially in the world of thought. Therefore, there is no doubt that the stations of his life, his intellectual sources, and his sayings have weight, value, and influence, and a sense from us of this. Weight and Impact We saw that we take up this great character. In this research, we want to shed light on the personality of St. Augustine, who represented the Christian thought in that era, trying to focus on his life's path, highlighting the most important major milestones in his life and his intellectual sources. Keywords: The Middle Ages, Augustine, Berber, His Life, Confessions
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Goddard, Peter A. "Augustine and the Amerindian in Seventeenth-Century New France." Church History 67, no. 4 (December 1998): 662–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169847.
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It may appear absurd to link a thinker of Christian antiquity with the peoples of early modern North America. The Bishop of Hippo (354–430) was not particularly interested in evangelization beyond the Mediterranean world. While he encouraged the proselytization of the tribes of North Africa, Augustine rejected the possibility of “New Worlds” as “on no grounds credible” for lack of scriptural warrant. His achievement, some thousand years before Columbus, was to provide the authoritative account of religious conversion as well as the intellectual foundations for Christian spirituality. This legacy was not well suited, however, to deal with problems raised by contact with “new” peoples of the Americas. It had little to say about the “nature” of these “savage” peoples as well as the prospects for their conversion. Augustinian theology emphasizes relations between God and self, in contrast to the approach identified with Thomas Aquinas, which asserts the possibility of finding God in the world and propels inquiry in that direction. Augustine's sense of the corruption of fallen humankind and the powerlessness of nature without God would appear to discourage any but the most morbid interest in New World peoples.
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Grabau, Joseph L. "Methodological approaches for comparative theological research on St. Augustine of Hippo and The Gospel of John." Cuestiones Teológicas 49, no. 112 (2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v49n112.a12.
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This review article concerns Augustine of Hippo’s (354-430 A.D.) specific and sustained reception of John’s gospel. Here, the author summarizes and evaluates a series of research methods for contextualizing core elements of the bishop of Hippo’s theological points of departure and exegetical practice. Section one identifies the twin theoretical considerations of this retrospective account, including the nature of 4th-century African Christianity and late antique emergence of Pauline commentaries in Latin. Section two then identifies the central advances in methodology of the research, further identifying and reconsidering both textual and theological elements that contribute to Augustine’s Johannine commentary. Section three explores primary results for both theological lines of approach of already completed research: in particular, the author determines aspects of an Augustinian view of Christ and the Church, the ecclesial reality of passing controversy and biblical interpretation, as well as openings for further research on human emotion and eschatology. The result exercises renewed attention toward Augustine’s reading on John and the Johannine corpus, with implications for works of his corpus to include not only the Tractatus in euangelium Iohannis (“Tractates on the Gospel of John”) but also various popular sermons, other biblical commentaries, polemical and doctrinal works.
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Contaldo, Silvia. "Agostinho: a inquietação como fonte." Civitas Augustiniana 8, no. 1 (2019): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/civitas/8a1.
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The purpose of this text is to approach Saint Augustine (354-430) and Etty Hillesum (1914-1943), with regard to the mystical experience. At first glance,it may seem that there is an abysmal distance between one author and another. Right. Augustine lived between the 4th and 5th centuries and witnessed the decline of the Roman Empire. In turn, young Etty Hillesum lived in the 20th century -a brief life -but enough to witness the horrors of Auschwitz. The link between these two authors, therefore, is supratemporaland occurs through the search for the mystical path, which both sought. Etty, a reader of Augustine, declares in herDiary, repeatedly, that what is important is the path of interiorization, the path of seeking oneself, in the depths of oneself. It is what matters in dark and obscure times, perhaps to endure them with more dignity and lucidity. Augustine, who had lived many centuries before, also saw violence and iniquity, and restlessness has always been his source. Indoor fountain to which to return. This is not self-centeredness,an upside-down narcissism, but a spiritual, mystical exercise, looking for inner territory, mystical corners whose source is restlessness and, at the same time, strengthening oneself.
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Spangenberg, IJJ. "Can a major religion change? Reading Genesis 1–3 in the twenty-first century1." Verbum et Ecclesia 28, no. 1 (November 17, 2007): 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v28i1.107.
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Ever since the fourth century Christian theologians read Genesis 1–3 as a historical account about creation and fall. Augustine (354–430), one of the Latin fathers of the Church, introduced the idea of “original sin” on account of his reading of these chapters. According to him God created a perfect world which collapsed because of the sin of Adam and Eve. This idea became a fixed doctrine in the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches. The doctrine holds that every human being, by the very fact of birth, inherits a “tainted” nature in need of regeneration. Since the paradigm shift in Biblical Studies which occurred towards the end of the nineteenth century, the doctrine has come under severe criticism by Old Testament scholars. In recent years even systematic theologians are questioning the interpretation of Augustine and proclaim: “There is no fall in Scripture.” This issue is discussed in detail and an answer is given to the question whether Christians can accept other readings and whether Christianity can change.
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Degórski, Bazyli. "Pochodzenie i upadek człowieka w "Traktatach wielkanocnych" św. Gaudentego z Brescii." Vox Patrum 60 (December 16, 2013): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3981.
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The article surveys the teaching of Gaudentius on anthropology and especially on the Creation of human being and his primordial fall. The doctrine of St. Gaudentius recalls that of the Fathers, since he was depending on them and at the same time he had an influence on their works, so he can be inserted in a theological sequence: Origen (ca. 185-254), Basil of Caesarea (329-379), Gregory of Nyssa (335-395), Ambrose (339-397), Evagrius Ponticus (345-399), Philastrius (died ca. 397), Gaudentius (died 410), Augustine of Hippo (354-430), John Cassian (360-435), Quodvultdeus (died 454). The anthropological teaching of St. Gaudentius is an essential part of the wider Patristic Tradition, from which he takes exegetical elements, while at the same time providing many original insights.
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Calabresi Voss Duarte, Juliana, and Terezinha Oliveira. "O itinerário de Agostinho de Hipona em busca da verdade e seu projeto de formação cristã." Educação e Filosofia 37, no. 81 (February 9, 2024): 1437–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v37n81a2023-67643.
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Resumo: Este estudo objetiva identificar a natureza de verdade por Agostinho de Hipona (354-430), segundo as reflexões contidas no VII Livro da obra Confissões (397) que trata da Busca da Verdade. Para isso, é necessário reconhecer quais percursos o bispo de Hipona percorreu em sua vida terrena, bem como sua vivência filosófica. Nesse itinerário em busca da verdade se envolveu com o maniqueísmo, que em certa medida apresentava uma verdade racional e material, perspectiva que se aproximava do pensamento de Agostinho na sua fase de juventude. Conforme foi amadurecendo intelectualmente e buscando compreensões das questões que permeiam a vida humana pode-se depreender o seu projeto de formação cristã, uma vez que, ao criticar o modo como conduzia sua vida pregressa (anterior à conversão) e evidenciar as mudanças em seus atos cotidianos para se adequar à forma de vida de um bom cristão, o autor explicita um projeto de educação e de sociedade que conduza aos bens eternos e imutáveis. A busca e o encontro da verdade ocorrerão mediante ações decorrentes de um ato de escolha particular, livre. Palavras-chave: Agostinho de Hipona; Verdade; Formação Cristã; Vontade. The itinerary of Augustine of Hippo in search of the truth and its Christian formation project Abstract: This study aims to identify the nature of truth by Augustine of Hippo (354-430), according to the reflections contained in the VII Book of the work Confessions (397) which deals with the Search for Truth. For this, it is necessary to recognize which paths the Bishop of Hippo took in his earthly life, as well as his philosophical experience. In this itinerary in search of the truth, he became involved with Manichaeism, which, to a certain extent, presented a rational and material truth, a perspective that was close to the thought of Augustine in his youth. As he matured intellectually and sought understanding of the issues that permeate human life, his project of Christian formation can be inferred, since, by criticizing the way he led his former life (prior to conversion) and highlighting the changes in his acts to adapt to the way of life of a good Christian, the author explains a project of education and society that leads to eternal and immutable goods. The search and finding of the truth will occur through actions resulting from an act of particular, free choice. Keywords: Augustine of Hippo; Truth; Christian Formation; Will. El itinerario de Agustín de Hipona en busca de la verdad y su proyecto de formación Cristiana Resumen: Este estudio tiene como objetivo identificar la naturaleza de la verdad de Agustín de Hipona (354-430), según las reflexiones contenidas en el Libro VII de la obra Confesiones (397) que trata de la Búsqueda de la Verdad. Para ello, es necesario reconocer qué caminos tomó el obispo de Hipona en su vida terrena, así como su experiencia filosófica. En este itinerario en busca de la verdad, se involucra con el maniqueísmo, que, en cierta medida, presenta una verdad racional y material, perspectiva cercana al pensamiento de Agustín en su juventud. De haber madurado intelectualmente y buscado la comprensión de los problemas que impregnan la vida humana, se puede inferir su proyecto de formación cristiana, ya que, al criticar la forma en que llevó su vida anterior (previa a la conversión) y destacando los cambios en sus actos para adaptarse a el modo de vida de un buen cristiano, el autor explica un proyecto de educación y sociedad que conduce a bienes eternos e inmutables. La búsqueda y el hallazgo de la verdad ocurrirán a través de acciones resultantes de un acto de libre elección particular. Palabras clave: Agustín de Hipona; Verdad; Formación Cristiana; Voluntad. Data de registro: 28/11/2022 Data de aceite: 18/10/2023
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안인섭. "A Study on the Perspective of the Reformed Theology for the Formation of Reunification Theology: Centering on Augustine(354-430)." Korea Reformed Theology 53, no. ll (February 2017): 198–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.34271/krts.2017.53..198.
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Kelson, Aaron Robert. "“A World in a Grain of Sand”: The Book of Nature and Restoration Theology." Religions 12, no. 11 (October 28, 2021): 937. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110937.
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Augustine (354–430) is considered to be the first Christian scholar to refer to the Creation’s witness of God as the Book of Nature. For centuries, in conjunction with scripture, the Book of Nature was considered in Christianity to be a second witness of God. These two witnesses were also stressed in Judaism, beginning with the Torah’s account of the Creation. The Book of Nature was prominent in Islam as the faith emerged in the 7th century. However, by the 16th century reliance on the Book of Nature began to wane for all these traditions as allegorical interpretation of the natural world gave way to scriptural literalism, partially in response to emerging scientific advances. The appearance of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints as a self-identified restoration theology in the early nineteenth century should arguably reopen and clarify the Book of Nature in the faith. However, contemporary Latter-day Saint hermeneutics have limited the Creation’s status in the faith’s ontology. The Latter-day Saint theological ideal, supported by the scriptural canon of the faith, counters contemporary neglect, inviting greater attention to and respect for the Book of Nature among the Latter-day Saint community.
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Alves, Aléssio Alonso. "Diliges proximum tuum sicut te ipsum: Nature and Love as Foundations of Human Society in the Preaching of Giordano de Pisa (14th Century)." Revista de História, no. 179 (September 16, 2020): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2020.163855.
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The purpose of this article is to analyse how nature and love were presented and employed as foundations of human society by the Dominican friar Giordano de Pisa (c. 1260- 1311) in his preaching in the early fourteenth-century Florence, Italy. It will be analysed the reportationes of three of his sermons preached on the same liturgical date (Eighteenth Sunday after Trinity Sunday), between 1303 and 1305, which adopts as thema the verse Diliges proximum tuum sicut te ipsum (Love your neighbour as yourself); a model-sermon of the same liturgical date (c. 1267-1286) by the also Dominican Iacopo de Varazze (1228-1298); and a homily of Augustine of Hippo (354-430) from the early fifth century. Thus, it is stressed that Giordano approached the subject both by the use of an Aristotelian-naturalist theory as well as by an Augustinian-voluntarist conception, and it is concluded that the greater emphasis given to the first line of thought is due to its more positive character as regards the city, which allowed a treatment more consistent with the preaching thema and with its internal composition mechanisms.
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Grążawski, Kazimierz. "The attitude of the Church to the notion of crusades in the times of Christianization of the Old Prussians." Masuro-Warmian Bulletin 293, no. 3 (November 23, 2016): 417–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.51974/kmw-135031.
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A theological-philosophical patron of crusades was St. Augustine of Hippo (354-430), one of the Fathers of Church, who in his The City of God (De Civitate Dei) assumed that the human mankind could be divided into two categories – the one constituting the civitas Dei, acting in the name of God, and civitas terrena, including disbelievers and Muslims. According to St. Augustine, the coming of Christ would put an end to the history of humanity – at that time believers would be rewarded with eternal happiness whereas disbelievers would be damned. Only when fighting in the name of God, in the defence of the Church, the knights could be useful for the society. This attitude was represented by Pope Gregory VII (1020-1085). A great propagator of the Augustinian doctrine was St. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) who reformed it for the sake of crusades. In his famous In Praise of the New Knighthood (De laude novae militae) he established the rule of the order of the Knights Templar. A motif of the martyr’s death could become a sufficient reason to undertake further actions of Christianisation, having the at the same time eschatological and practical dimension. In the context of an overall crusade movement, the martyrdom of St. Adalbert or Five Martyr Brothers as well as St. Bruno, seems to serve as a symbol and pretext for crusades being rather penitence pilgrimages of reconciliation with redemptory valor. There was nothing more convincing to undertake a military action than a penitential mission ensuring eternal salvation. It is presumed that even in the first period the missionary action might have been conducted by the Płock bishop Alexander of Malonne (1129-1156). On 3 March 1217 Pope Honorius III (1150–1227), presumably on the initiative of the then papal legate in Prussia, the Gniezno archbishop Henryk Kietlicz and bishop Chrystian (1180-1245), allowed the knights of Mazovia and Lesser Poland to organize an expedition to Prussia in return for participation in the Palestinian crusade. As the results of converting pagans by means of sword by Polish or Scandinavian expeditions were rather scarce, the orders were entrusted with a defence and development of the mission of Christianisation. They adopted a strategy to shatter the community of tribes – in Prussia by means of attracting the nobility, in Livonia by formenting discord among tribes.
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Vidanec, Dafne. "Duša u Augustinovim Ispovijestima s posebnim osvrtom na problem utvrđivanja (ne)podudarnosti s obzirom na Freudovu koncepciju psihoanalize." Obnovljeni život 71, no. 3 (November 9, 2016): 305–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.71.3.2.
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Ovaj rad metodološki je zamišljen kao interdisciplinarno (filozofsko i teološko) promišljanje o duši. Epistemološki većinom se oslanja na spoznajno–teorijske izvore dvojice vrsnih poznavatelja koncepta duše: filozofa, teologa i kršćanskog naučitelja i biskupa sv. Augustina Aurelija (354. — 430.) i austrijskog psihologa, »oca psihoanalize« i pionira sfere nesvjesnog Sigmunda Freuda (1856. — 1939.). U radu želimo propitati konvergencije i divergencije s obzirom na njihov koncept duše. U radu će se odgovoriti na sljedeće: 1) na koji način Augustin razumijeva pojam duše, odakle polazi i na čemu temelji svoje razumijevanje o duši te 2) do koje mjere i na koji se način Augustinovo učenje o duši, izraženo u njegovim Ispovijestima, reflektiralo na Freudovo tumačenju duše shvaćene kao locus primus proučavanja uzroka i posljedica neuropatoloških fenomena u okviru kliničke prakse, detaljno opisane u Uvodu u psihoanalizu. U prvom dijelu rada, s teološkog i spoznajnog aspekta, propituju se temeljne postavke Augustinova shvaćanja i tumačenja duše, u duhu one Fichteove qualis homo, talis philosophia. Drugi je dio rada usredotočen na autoričinu interpretaciju Freudove psihoanalize kao terapeutske metode pomoću koje ne samo da se proučava nego i liječi čovjekova »bolesna duša«, odnosno »ličnost« (Allport). U trećem dijelu govori se o konvergencijama i divergencijama Augustinove i Freudove »teo–psihoantropologije«, jer ono što je zajedničko i Augustinu i Freudu jest fokus njihova istraživanja, a to je čovjek: za Augustina (raz)otkrivanje duše je put (raz)otkrivanja Boga, tako da govorimo o psihologiji koja izvire iz ascendentne teologije, a s druge pak strane, (raz)otkrivanje nesvjesnoga dijela freudovski protumačene Aristotelove »razumske duše« put je otkrivanja čovjekova osobnog identiteta (sebstva): čovjek je ishodišna točka u istraživanju Boga (tj. izvora dobra), ali i sebe samoga (sv. Augustin, Charles Taylor).
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Pradier, Adrián. "Free Beauty and Functional Perspective in Medieval Aesthetics." Religions 13, no. 2 (January 27, 2022): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13020125.
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The concept of functional beauty is characterized by including an aesthetic appreciation of objects that evaluates their efficiency in terms of satisfaction of attributions. As opposed to the concept of free beauty, which includes an appreciation of perceptual qualities for their own sake, the knowledge of functions is a necessary condition for the aesthetic experience itself. The aim of this paper is to reintegrate the medieval tension between these two conceptions, which has been surprisingly neglected in contemporary aesthetic reflection. We start from the hypothesis that the modern opposition between functional beauty and free beauty is rooted in the medieval controversies concerning the role assigned to sensitive beauty. If this is true, it would open a path of interlocution for contemporary aesthetic and theological thought that, based on Patristics, runs through the whole of the Middle Ages. We focus on three tensions which constitute three turning points: (1) the categorical distinction between beauty and appropriateness through St. Augustine of Hippo (354–430) and St. Isidore of Seville (c. 560–636), who raise the question in the tradition of Latin Patristics; (2) the opposition between aesthetic judgment based on function satisfaction or one based on the free and mere appearance of the object, as can be seen in the foundational thought of St. Basil the Great (330–379), whose influence is not only extraordinary in Greek Patristics, but also in the Latin world; finally, the controversy about practical value of aesthetic attitude, through texts by Hugh of St. Victor (1096–1141), St. Bernard of Clairvaux (1090–1153) and Suger of St. Denis (1081–1151). The conclusions reveal the irreducible aesthetic value of functional beauty in medieval period and the extraordinary difficulties in accommodating a free and autonomous notion of beauty, as well as the practical benefits of its everyday treatment. In fact, the consideration of a free beauty as a good in itself persists in medieval thought, which is important not only for History of Philosophy, but also for the contemporary concern shared by Philosophy of Religion and Aesthetics about the role of sensitive beauty in the life of human being.
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Smither, Edward. "Pastoral lessons from Augustine’s theological correspondence with women." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 72, no. 4 (May 31, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v72i4.3288.
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Augustine of Hippo (354–430) was a fourth- and fifth-century monk-bishop who left a great imprint on the spiritual leaders of his day by overseeing the monastery at Hippo Regius and also authoring a significant corpus of letters that were pastoral in nature. What is often overlooked in the study of his pastoral ministry and, thus, the focus of this article, is Augustine’s theological correspondence with 15 different women. Through surveying the themes and issues in these letters, I have endeavoured to show that, though a monk, Augustine did care for women in his pastoral ministry and his letters show that he discussed with women many of the issues of his day (pastoral issues, church matters, monastic ideas, theology, and practical theology) that he also discussed with his male correspondents. In short, Augustine believed that these women were much like his mother Monica – capable of grasping biblical and theological issues – and he valued them as an important part of the church. I conclude the article by summarising Augustine’s approaches to and values for ministering to women.
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Van Oort, Johannes. "Black and slave? ‘Mestizo’ Augustine on Ham." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 79, no. 1 (September 20, 2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v79i1.8689.
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After discussing the so-called Ham myth in South Africa, my focus is on the African church father Augustine (354–430). All texts from his immense oeuvre in which he mentions biblical Ham are reviewed in chronological order. In Against Faustus, the story of Noah and his sons is mainly explained as being Christological: Ham figures as a type of the unbelieving Jews who consented to the murder of Christ, but he is also a type of the Jews because he is ‘the slave of his brothers’ carrying the books by which the Christians may be instructed. Later Augustine corrects his confusion of Ham with the slave Canaan. The story of Ham (and Canaan) is most extensively discussed in the City of God. Neither here nor in the Expositions on the Psalms, Ham is described as being black or a slave. The same goes for a number of his other writings. In Augustine’s late works Against Julian and Unfinished Work against Julian, he thoroughly goes into the question of why (although Ham sinned) ‘vengeance was brought upon Canaan’. Augustine perceives God’s prophecy: from Canaan stems the cursed seed [semen maledictum] of the Canaanites. Nowhere, however, he claims that Ham or his descendants would have been cursed to be black or that all of his offspring were condemned to slavery.Contribution: This article demonstrates that the Ham myth does not occur in Augustine. It argues that the ‘mestizo’ African Augustine might have been extra sensitive to questions of race and colour.
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Van Oort, J. "Augustinus en de Joden: een inleidend overzicht." Verbum et Ecclesia 30, no. 1 (July 17, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v30i1.78.
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The article explores how Augustine of Hippo (354-430) deals with the Jews and Judaism. First it investigates the occurrence and meaning of the word �Iudaeus� in Augustine�s works. It turns out that Augustine, unlike many a predecessor, does not make a sharp distinction between �Hebrew�, �Israelite�, and �Jew�. Mainly on the basis of The City of God the role of the Jews in history is discussed. According to Augustine, all true believers (even those living before the time of Jesus) are �Christ believers� and are considered to belong to Christ�s body, the Church. The diaspora of the Jews is evaluated both negatively and positively: negatively as a consequence of �their putting Christ to death�; positively since through the dispersion of the Jews their Scriptures have been dispersed as well and so provide �testimony to the truth taught by the Church�. The so-called �mark of Cain� can not be interpreted as a predominantly positive sign: it provides protection indeed, but this divine protection is, once again, �for the benefit of the Church�. Contrary to some current opinion, it is stressed that Augustine knew contemporary Jews in Roman North Africa quite well.
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Smith, Jenny. "“As If Augustine Had Said”: Textual Interpretation and Augustinian Ambiguity in a Medieval Debate on Predestination." Past Imperfect 19 (August 5, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.21971/p7h300.
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In ninth century Francia, a rebellious monk named Gottschalk of Orbais (808-868) ardently defended his theory of divine predestination, much to the vexation of the Frankish Church, whose leaders eventually denounced him as heretical and imprisoned him for the remainder of his life. In an effort to disprove Gottschalk, his perhaps most prominent opponent, Hincmar, Archbishop of Reims (806-882), frequently cited elements of ecclesiastical tradition in an attempt to show that western Catholic orthodoxy opposed the theory of predestination that Gottschalk espoused. While most scholars have analyzed Hincmar’s writings by focusing on his citation of the patristic church father Saint Augustine of Hippo (354-430), such an approach ignores the problematic nature of Augustine’s stance on predestination, which was largely ambiguous, hence the ability of both Gottschalk and Hincmar to reference his writings as proof of their argument. While Augustine at times limited his stance to merely suggesting that God had bestowed eternal life on some individuals, at other times he was more explicit, defining predestination in terms of a twofold decree of salvation for some and damnation for others. Such ambiguity created a nebulous definition of predestination by the time of the ninth century controversy and allowed Gottschalk to weaken Hincmar’s arguments by likewise citing Augustine to support his own assertions. This in turn forced Hincmar to extend his arsenal of ecclesiastical tradition beyond citation of Augustine in order to refute Gottschalk. This paper reevaluates a sample of Hincmar’s writings in the 840s and 850s to argue that he sought to make explicit what Augustine had left unclear regarding predestination by appealing to common standards of orthodoxy in the forms of additional patristic authors, conciliar judgments, and
liturgical practices. This analysis reveals both the prominence of ambiguity in ninth-century predestination thought as well as the role of ecclesiastical tradition in forming medieval views on orthodoxy, however fluid such a label remained.
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Smither, Edward L. "Augustine on redemption in Genesis 1�3." Verbum et Ecclesia 35, no. 1 (January 14, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v35i1.1315.
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Many theologians, including those concerned with theology of mission, frame the dramaof God�s story and mission (missio Dei) through the three major acts of creation, fall andredemption. Others add that the new creation ought to be regarded as a fourth act. Althoughthis framework describes the entire biblical narrative, creation, fall and the hope of redemptionare, of course, quite present in the first three chapters of Genesis. In this article, I endeavouredto engage with the commentaries of the African church father Augustine of Hippo (354�430 CE) to grasp his thoughts on redemption in Genesis 1�3. In his Genesis works, Augustinewas primarily concerned with clarifying the doctrine of creation and, relatively speaking, hadfar less to say about redemption. That said, Augustine was, quite interested with Scripture�sstory of redemption in his magnum opus De Civitate Dei [City of God]. Thus, in this article, Iexplored two major questions: firstly, why did Augustine pay so little attention to redemptionin Genesis 1�3? Secondly, how did he articulate and relate redemption in these chapters? Itwas shown that whilst his primary focus was to articulate creation, his thoughts on redemptionwere probably limited some because of the insufficiency of his Old Latin Bible translation andperhaps because of other distractions in ministry. Furthermore, it was argued that Augustine�sdoctrine of redemption was a subset of his discussion on creation � specifically, that the secondAdam (Christ) brought new life to God�s image bearers affected by the fall of the first Adam.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: My aim was to establish Augustine�sthoughts on redemption as a point of dialogue for theologians of mission endeavouring toclarify a theology of mission. As most mission theologians do not consult Augustine in theirwork and as most early Christian scholars do not read Augustine missionally, this studyoffered fresh insights for both groups of scholars.
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Spangenberg, Izak J. J. "On the origin of death: Paul and Augustine meet Charles Darwin." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 69, no. 1 (January 14, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v69i1.1992.
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Ever since the 4th century, Christian theologians have linked Romans 5:12–21 with Genesis 2–3. Augustine (354–430), one of the Latin fathers of the Church, propagated the idea of ‘original sin’ according to his reading of these chapters. This idea eventually became a fixed doctrine in Western Christianity and a large number of Christians still believe and proclaim that humans would have lived for ever but for the misconduct of Adam and Eve. They also proclaim that Jesus, through his obedience, death and resurrection, re-established God’s original creation plan. Death was conquered and eternal life can be inherited by all who believe in Jesus as saviour and second Adam. However, since both the introduction of the theory of evolution into biology and the paradigm shift in biblical studies (at the end of the 19th century), the view that death was to be linked to ‘original sin’ came under severe criticism. This article argues that Romans 5:12–21 and Genesis 2–3 do not support the idea of ‘original sin’ and that death is a normal part of life on earth, as argued by evolutionary biologists and proclaimed by many Old Testament texts.
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Wood, Hannelie. "Feminists and their perspectives on the church fathers' beliefs regarding women: An inquiry." Verbum et Ecclesia 38, no. 1 (January 31, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v38i1.1692.
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The church fathers and their views on women were influenced substantially and significantly by philosophical voices, such as that of Aristotle and Plato, amongst others. A brief account on Aristotle�s and Plato�s ideas about women, from feminist perspectives, will be touched upon. The article furthermore explores feminist voices, regarding the church fathers� thinking about women, and how these views contributed to women�s subordination and domination. The research will focus on the many varied views on women held by Latin church fathers, such as Tertullian (c. 155�255), Cyprian (c. 200�258 AD), Jerome (c. 347�419), Ambrose (c. 339�397) and Augustine (354�430), and the Greek church fathers, such as Clement of Alexander (c. 150�215), Origen (c. 185�254) and Chrysostom (c. 347�407), from the perspective of feminists. It will be contended that an insensitive and too early denunciation of the early church fathers as misogynists often occurs in women�s history without taking into consideration the church fathers� philosophical and social contexts and, hence, the opinions that formed their views. One such theory that helped to shape the church fathers� views about women is the classic medical theory, and this therefore merits a brief discussion. Another important point one has to take into account is the church fathers� perceptions of the carnal (sexual) and the spiritual world that shaped their views about women.Intradisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: History teaches us what people before us did, what their intentions were and where they failed or went wrong. If historical viewpoints about women reflect women�s subordination and oppression, they force women to discover their roots and their past. The church fathers, however, inherited a long tradition of debates, beliefs, and arguments regarding women�s moral, intellectual, and natural capacities. Therefore, generalised, simplified, and unsympathetic views about the ancient philosophers and the church fathers� views on women often leads to the ineffective understanding of these men and their context.
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"Calcidius on Demons: Fragments of the Commentarius on Plato’s Timaeus (A Translation and Notes)." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 17, no. 2 (2023): 1109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2023-17-2-1109-1121.
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The publication presents a commented Russian translation of chapters 120 and 127–136 from Calcidius’ Commentarius on Plato’s Timaeus dealing with demonology, a most important part of philosophical knowledge in the eyes of Neoplatonic thinkers. We know virtually nothing about Calcidius, neither the dates of his lifespan, nor the place where he lived and worked. Even his name has become debatable recently: Chalcidius or Calcidius. Meanwhile, his principal (and only) work, a Latin translation of Plato’s Timaeus accompanied by a detailed commentary, has become the most important link in the transmission of Plato’s legacy from Antiquity to the medieval Latin West. Up to the twelfth-century turning point and the rise of the School of Chartres, the reception of Plato in the West was channeled almost exclusively through Calcidius’s work. His translation of the Timaeus, which occupies pages 17a–92c in the Corpus Platonicum, carries on only up to page 57c; another translation of the Timaeus, which has been accessible in the Latin West, belonged to Cicero, and was even more abridged (pages 27d–47b with omissions); nevertheless, it was Cicero’s translation that St. Augustine (354–430) used, unaware, it would seem, of Calcidius’ work. The most probable dating of our author seems to be the 4th – the beginning of the 5th century AD. Calcidius reveals himself as an author in his own right, who had not only accomplished the serious job of translating philosophical terminology from Greek into Latin, but also contributed to the development of the genre of commentary, and so deserves to be studied not only as a transmitter of knowledge from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. The Russian translation is based on the standard Jan Hendrik Waszink’s edition (1975), taking into account more recent editions by C. Moreschini (2003), B. Bakhouche (2011), and J. Magee (2016), which are accompanied by translations into modern European languages; the chronological density of these publications testifies to the undoubtable surge of interest in Calcidius’ work in the last few decades.
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Boveto, Lais, and Terezinha Oliveira. "potencialidade na filosofia da educação antiga e medieval." EDUCAÇÃO E FILOSOFIA 35, no. 74 (October 30, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v35n74a2021-60609.
Full textAbstract:
A potencialidade na filosofia da educação antiga e medieval 1
Resumo: O texto aborda a potencialidade, na filosofia da educação antiga e medieval, como a capacidade de aperfeiçoamento da razão. A noção de paideia conduz essa reflexão, uma vez que perpassa o pensamento educacional desde a antiguidade clássica até a baixa Idade Média. Essa continuidade explicita a tradição da formação integral do homem que considerava os aspectos morais e políticos como uma totalidade indissociável. O encaminhamento teórico segue a concepção de História Social de Braudel (1902-1985), já que o foco é a compreensão da herança teológica e filosófica, que exprime os fundamentos da educação. Para refletir sobre esse legado do conhecimento, três momentos foram estudados: a paideia grega na perspectiva aristotélica e platônica; a patrística, por meio do entendimento de Clemente de Alexandria (150-215 d.C.) e de Agostinho de Hipona (354-430 d.C.); e a escolástica, analisada nas concepções de Hugo de São Vítor (1096-1141) e Tomás de Aquino (1225-1274). Assim, nos autores apresentados, há a permanência da compreensão de que o aperfeiçoamento da razão significava a transformação em ato da potência essencial do homem: a razão. A principal finalidade da educação, portanto, era a formação da consciência de cada pessoa, pois entendia-se que esse era o principal meio para o êxito da vida em comum.
Palavras-chave: Filosofia da Educação; Potencialidade; Paideia; Patrística; Escolástica.
Potentiality in the philosophy of ancient and medieval education
Abstract: The text addresses the potentiality, in the philosophy of ancient and medieval education, as the ability to improve reason. The notion of paideia guides this reflection since it pervades educational thought from classical antiquity to the low Middle Ages. This continuity explains the tradition of the integral formation of man which considered the moral and political aspects as an inseparable totality. The theoretical approach follows Braudel’s conception of Social History since the focus is on understanding the theological and philosophical heritage, which expresses the fundamentals of education. To reflect on this legacy of knowledge, three periods were studied: the Greek paideia in the Aristotelian and Platonic perspective; patristic, through the understanding of Clement of Alexandria and Augustine of Hippo; and scholasticism, analysed in the conceptions of Hugh of Saint Victor and Thomas Aquinas. Thus, there is a continuing understanding in the authors presented that the improvement of reason meant the actualization of man's essential potency: reason. The main purpose of education was the formation of the conscience of each person, as it was understood that this was the main means for the success of life in common.
Key words: Philosophy of education; Potentiality; Paideia; Patristic; Scholastic.
Potencialidad en la filosofía de la educación antigua y medieval
Resumen: El texto aborda la potencialidad en la filosofía de la educación antigua y medieval, como capacidad para mejorar la razón. La noción de paideia orienta esta reflexión ya que impregna el pensamiento educativo desde la antigüedad hasta la baja Edad Media. Esta continuidad explica la tradición de la formación integral del hombre que consideraba los aspectos morales y políticos como una totalidad. El enfoque teórico sigue la concepción de Braudel de Historia Social, ya que el enfoque está en la comprensión de la herencia teológica y filosófica, que expresa los fundamentos de la educación. Por tanto, se estudiaron tres períodos: la paideia griega en la perspectiva aristotélica y platónica; la patrística, a través del entendimiento de Clemente de Alejandría y Agustín de Hipona; y escolasticismo, analizado en las concepciones de Hugo de San Víctor y Tomás de Aquino. Por lo tanto, existe un entendimiento continuo en los autores presentados de que la mejora de la razón significó la actualización de lo potencial del hombre: la razón. El propósito principal de la educación era la formación de la conciencia de cada persona, pues se entendía que este era el principal medio para el éxito de la vida comunitaria.
Palabras-clave: Filosofía de la educación; Potencialidad; Paideia; Patrística; Escolástica.
Data de registro: 22/04/2021
Data de aceite: 22/09/2021
1 Artigo desenvolvido com base na tese Hábito e subjetividade na educação: aproximações entre Aristóteles, Tomás de Aquino e a neurociência, defendida por Lais Boveto, orientada por Terezinha Oliveira. Pesquisa com bolsa doutorado CAPES.