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1
Hopkins, Michael. "The Atlantic Charter." International Affairs 71, no. 2 (April 1995): 393. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623486.
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Ambrosius, Lloyd E. "The Atlantic Charter." History: Reviews of New Books 23, no. 2 (January 1995): 95–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1995.9951059.
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Hendrickson, David C., Douglas Brinkley, and David R. Facey-Crowther. "The Atlantic Charter." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 4 (1995): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047244.
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Svalastog, J. M. "Challenging Porous Frontiers: Atlantic merchants and the potential of the Indian Ocean, 1640–1650." Journal of Early American History 9, no. 2-3 (December 10, 2019): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00902011.
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An imagined divide existed between the Atlantic and Indian Ocean since the earliest days of European transoceanic discovery. The separation was reflected in the charters granted to England’s major trading companies which limited access for private merchants to eastern markets. The Indian Ocean was covered by the charter held by the East India Company and centered on bilateral luxury trade. The trade and activity in Atlantic, by contrast, quickly focused around colonization, agricultural production and trade. However, certain Atlantic merchants saw the potential of applying methods of economic expansion from the Atlantic, more specifically the early American colonies, to new colonization projects in the Indian Ocean. This article considers one such prominent Atlantic merchant, Maurice Thomson. Though his plans did not reach fruition he left a tangible impact on the eic in his attempts to introduce Atlantic methods to the East- thus underlining the porous frontier that separated them.
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Aadil Ahmad, Shairgojri. "Is the United Nations Redundant or Still Relevant?" BOHR International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 1, no. 1 (2022): 40–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54646/bijsshr.007.
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States were given equality and the ability to opt for any type of governance under the Atlantic Charter of 1941. The United Nations (UN) Declaration, which was built after the Atlantic Charter, was signed by 26 nations in 1942. Based on ideas put forth by China, Russia, the United States, and England at Dumbarton Oaks in 1944, the United Nations Charter was negotiated by 50 nations in San Francisco in June 1945. The UN was found on October 24, 1945. With the aid of its different agencies, the UN has increased its efforts in order to maintain international peace, foster social and economic growth, protect the environment, aid in humanitarian relief, and uphold the rights of women and children. The UN, in my opinion, will be the most significant international organization in the new millennium. Since the Charter, there have been both triumphs and failures, such as the inability to stop military wars that have resulted in the deaths, injuries, and displacement of millions of people. It cannot be disputed that the UN Security Council appears to have failed in Syria. The study’s purpose is to clarify whether or not the UN is still necessary.
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Ahmad Shairgojri, Aadil. "Is the United Nations redundant or still relevant?" BOHR International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 1, no. 1 (2022): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54646/bijsshr.2022.07.
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States were given equality and the ability to opt for any type of governance under the Atlantic Charter of 1941.The United Nations (UN) Declaration, which was built after the Atlantic Charter, was signed by 26 nations in 1942.Based on ideas put forth by China, Russia, the United States, and England at Dumbarton Oaks in 1944, the United Nations Charter was negotiated by 50 nations in San Francisco in June 1945. The UN was found on October 24,1945. With the aid of its different agencies, the UN has increased its efforts in order to maintain international peace, foster social and economic growth, protect the environment, aid in humanitarian relief, and uphold the rights of women and children. The UN, in my opinion, will be the most significant international organization in the new millennium. Since the Charter, there have been both triumphs and failures, such as the inability to stop military wars that have resulted in the deaths, injuries, and displacement of millions of people. It cannot be disputed that the UN Security Council appears to have failed in Syria. The study’s purpose is to clarify whether or not the UN is still necessary.
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Pressnell, L. S., and Sheila V. Hopkins. "A canard out of time? Churchill, the War Cabinet and The Atlantic Charter, August 1941." Review of International Studies 14, no. 3 (July 1988): 223–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113282.
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1. The charges against ChurchillDid Mr Churchill, Britain's wartime Prime Minister, display ‘cavalier behaviour5 towards his Cabinet over The Atlantic Charter9 of 1941? Having decided ‘to ignore’ their views, did he somehow seek to ensure, ‘rather ineptly’, that crucial telegrams should conceal his deviousness?Dr A. P. Dobson makes these accusations in this Review in April 1984,] They relate to ‘RIVIERA’, Churchill’s first wartime meeting with President Roosevelt, between 9 and 12 August 1941 in Placentia Bay, Newfoundland. Concerned primarily with wartime collaboration, though the United States was not yet formally a belligerent, the two leaders outlined peace aims in a hastily drafted joint declaration, promptly named ‘The Atlantic Charter’. Their fierce debate over its fourth economic ‘Point’ reflected American pressure to secure advantage from assistance, under the Lend-Lease Act of March 1941, to Britain's war effort.
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Sherwood, Marika. "‘Diplomatic platitudes’: The Atlantic charter, The United Nations and colonial independence." Immigrants & Minorities 15, no. 2 (July 1996): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02619288.1996.9974885.
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YELLEN, JEREMY A. "Wartime Wilsonianism and the Crisis of Empire, 1941–43." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 04 (November 20, 2018): 1278–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000397.
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AbstractOne striking feature of the Pacific War was the extent to which Wilsonian ideals informed the war aims of both sides. By 1943, the Atlantic Charter and Japan's Pacific Charter (Greater East Asia Joint Declaration) outlined remarkably similar visions for the postwar order. This comparative study of the histories surrounding both charters highlights parallels between the foreign policies of Great Britain and Imperial Japan. Both empires engaged with Wilsonianism in similar ways, to similar ends. Driven by geopolitical desperation, both reluctantly enshrined Wilsonian values into their war aims to survive a gruelling war with empire intact. But the endorsement of national self-determination, in particular, gave elites in dependent states a means to protest the realities of both British and Japanese rule and to demand that both empires practise what they preach. This comparative analysis of Britain and Japan thus sheds light on the part Wilsonian ideology played in the global crisis of empire during the Second World War.
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Thornton, John K., and Linda M. Heywood. "“Canniball Negroes,” Atlantic Creoles, and the Identity of New England’s Charter Generation." African Diaspora 4, no. 1 (2011): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254611x566279.
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Abstract In the early seventeenth century, New England merchants were heavily involved in privateering raids on Spanish and Portuguese shipping in the Caribbean and in capturing slave ships, almost entirely sent from Angola. Knowing the specific background and historical events in Angola allows us to solve a number of mysterious appearances, such as Imbangala (“canniball negroes”) raiders, and a “queen” who was probably a member of the Kongo-Ndongo nobility whose enslaved members also appear in Brazilian records of the same epoch. Careful use of contemporary and dense documentation of Angola and shipping allow this greater nuance and opens the way for other research.
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Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Testing the Atlantic Charter: linking anticolonialism, self-determination and universal human rights." International Journal of Human Rights 18, no. 7-8 (September 26, 2014): 842–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2014.951340.
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Willis, Mark W. "Undermining self-determination: Robert Murphy and the Atlantic Charter in Tunisia, 1943." Journal of North African Studies 17, no. 4 (September 2012): 595–630. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2012.685249.
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Nottage, Hunter. "Trade in War's Darkest Hour: Churchill and Roosevelt's Daring 1941 Atlantic Meeting that Linked Global Economic Cooperation to Lasting Peace and Security." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 49, no. 4 (November 15, 2018): 595. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v49i4.5342.
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A single page of text from the 1941 Atlantic Charter is a powerful reminder that the desire for peace and security drove the creation of today's global economic system. The global rules that underpin our multilateral economic system were a direct reaction to the Second World War and desire for it never to repeat.
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Muldoon, James. "Colonial Charters: Possessory or Regulatory?" Law and History Review 36, no. 2 (May 2018): 355–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248018000020.
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Historians have argued that sixteenth and seventeenth century English colonial charters claimed the lands of indigenous people on the basis of their discovery by Europeans. Examination of these charters, however, demonstrates that a charter authorized acquiring land from the indigenous population in a specific region, not seizing indigenous it, and regulating the entry of other potential settlers. Charters also regulated overseas relations among the European nations to reduce or prevent international conflict by recognizing similar claims to monopoly of access to lands claimed by other developing empires. Charters were rooted in a medieval legal tradition that included canon law commentaries that recognized the legitimacy of infidel dominium and papal bulls that sought to regulate fifteenth-century Iberian expansion in the Atlantic. English charters built on this legal tradition and were a stage in the creation of a European legal order for overseas expansion. The fundamental issue was regulation of the sea and sea routes to Asia and to the New World, not the acquisition and possession of indigenous land. The English charters should be understood as elements of the long-running debate about whether access to the sea was open to all or could be closed to outsiders.
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Finbow, Robert. "Dependents or Dissidents? The Atlantic Provinces in Canada's Constitutional Reform Process, 1967–1992." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 465–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390001787x.
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AbstractThis article reviews the positions taken by the Atlantic provinces in Canadian constitutional reform negotiations over the past 25 years. It is based on public statements and documents and interviews with advisors to Atlantic governments. The stereotypes of regional dependence on federal transfers and conservative political culture are challenged as explanations for Atlantic constitutional positions. Atlantic leaders have not acted as dependents of Ottawa. While seeking to preserve federal authority in fiscal and regional policy, these provinces have sought to make it more responsive through guarantees for equalization and regional development, and through more regionally sensitive intrastate institutions. In some fields, preserved or enhanced provincial authority has been sought. And at key junctures, regional leaders and populations have opposed and blocked federal government preferences. Conservative values are not evident in regional support for rights under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms or aboriginal self-government, among other relatively progressive positions. Differences among these provinces and between individual leaders, plus a shortage of bureaucratic resources in intergovernmental affairs, have limited the coherence and effectiveness of Atlantic interventions at times. While no common regional position has emerged, certain key goals are reasserted frequently. Selected reforms to intrastate institutions and the interstate division of powers have been sought to facilitate the use of both federal and provincial authority to end these provinces’ “have-not” status.
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McIssac, Ian A. "Reference Re Supreme Court Act: Atlantic Canada and Regional Considerations in Supreme Court of Canada Appointments." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 26, no. 1 (March 3, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c90t1m.
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...This paper therefore advances the theory that each non-Quebec “region”, as they are currently recognized, might need at least one appointee each in order to ensure the Court has functioning and legitimacy as a federal and bijural institution. This theory has the added benefit of providing the Governor-in-Council with flexibility in making appointments that meet other roles of the Court, such as adjudicating on Charter rights and aboriginal law.
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Ben, Ya. "EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION OF UKRAINE: FROM CHARTER OF SPECIAL PARTNERSHIP TO THE BASIC LAW OF THE STATE." Investytsiyi: praktyka ta dosvid, no. 8 (April 26, 2019): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.32702/2306-6814.2019.8.141.
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Reeves, Mark. "‘Free and Equal Partners in Your Commonwealth’: The Atlantic Charter and Anticolonial Delegations to London, 1941–3." Twentieth Century British History 29, no. 2 (August 10, 2017): 259–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwx043.
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AZHNIUK, B. M. "LANGUAGE POLICY IN UKRAINE AND THE PROSPECTS OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION." Movoznavstvo 327, no. 6 (December 28, 2022): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33190/0027-2833-327-2022-6-002.
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The paper discusses the current state and the prospects of language planning and language policy in Ukraine from the perspective of their conformity with the European language ideologies, sociolinguistic principles and practical approaches. Since late 20th century language policy in Ukraine has been determined by the battle of two antagonistic language ideologies: 1) advocating the spread of Ukrainian into public spheres from which it was ousted or denied access to by the centuries of imperial domination and 2) conservation of colonial legacy accompanied by appeals to western-type liberal values of human rights and individual freedom. Under the pretext of implementing the principles of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages pro-Russian political forces tried to impede the spread of Ukrainian into public life and to conserve the language situation caused by Russian assimilation policy. As a result, the reputation of the Charter in Ukraine was seriously damaged. Sociological surveys show that Ukrainian speakers prevail among those striving for the country’s membership in the EU and NATO, while those rejecting the prospects of the country’s Euro-Atlantic integration are mostly Russophones. Since the start of the full-scale military aggression of Russia against Ukraine the number of Ukrainian citizens shifting from Russian to Ukrainian in their daily intercourse is ever growing. Symbolically they distance themselves from the ideology of the so called Russian World and join the ranks of the supporters of either Ukrainian monolingualism or of bilingualism with the sufficient knowledge of the state language. There are indications that the feasibility of implementation of the Charter towards Russian and some other languages in Ukraine could be questioned. Yet taking into account that the Charter recognizes that protection of regional or minority languages should not be to the detriment of the official language or threaten territorial integrity of the country, there is no sound reason for its denunciation.
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POPKO, Serhii. "STATE PROGRAM FOR NATO-UKRAINE COOPERATION 2001-2004: PRIORITIES AND TASKS IN THE CONTEXT OF EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 137–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-137-144.
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The State Program for NATO – Ukraine Cooperation 2001-2004 is analyzed, its priorities and features in the context of the development of bilateral relations are determined. It has been established that the content of the program has become a logical continuation of the previous one and should, in the short term, ensure the fullest / best possible implementation of terms of the Charter on a Distinctive Partnership (1997). It is shown that the President of Ukraine, as well as the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine (NSDC) and on its behalf, the State Interagency Commission for NATO – Ukraine Cooperation, have overseen the implementation of the program. The author notes that its adoption took place during the intensification of Ukraine's foreign policy activities aimed at deepening constructive cooperation with the European Union (EU), the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council (EAPC), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe. The program played an important role in the path to the state's declared accession to the North Atlantic Alliance. During this period, it became one of the main directions of the state policy on national security in the context of the formation of the new architectonics of European security of the 21st century. It is claimed that in the political area the program was meant to ensure the implementation of national policy on European and Euro-Atlantic integration, to increase the level of independence guarantees, territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukrainian borders, its national security, as well as to promote the principles of democracy, respect for the rights and freedoms of man and citizen, the rule of law in Ukraine. Keywords Ukraine, NATO, Euro-Atlantic Integration, national security, Armed Forces of Ukraine (ZSU).
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Erskine, Angus B., and Kjell-G. Kjaer. "The Arctic ship Fox." Polar Record 33, no. 185 (April 1997): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400014443.
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AbstractThe ship Fox, built in Aberdeen in 1855 as a yacht, was used by Francis Leopold McClintock on his successful search for relics of Sir John Franklin's lost expedition. She was then chartered for one summer for Allen Young and John Rae to survey a route for a trans-Atlantic cable via the Faeroes, Iceland, and Greenland, after which she was in the services of the Kryolith Mine og Handelsselskabet, based at Ivigtut, southwest Greenland, for many years. In 1905, under charter, she made a historically significant voyage to Thule in northwest Greenland. After this she was owned by the Kongelige Grønlanske Handel and used for coastal freighting, until in 1912 she was condemned and abandoned in Qeqertarsuaq (Godhavn) Harbour, where remnants may be seen today.
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Luckhurst, Brian E. "Historical development of recreational billfishing in Bermuda and the significance of catches of large blue marlin (Makaira nigricans)." Marine and Freshwater Research 54, no. 4 (2003): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/mf01274.
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Directed fishing effort for blue marlin (Makaira nigricans) and white marlin (Tetrapterus albidus) in Bermuda commenced in the early 1970s. The first annual billfish tournament was held in 1974. This 4-day tournament has been held every year since its inception and, with improvements in charter fishing vessels and fishing gear, local captains have become increasingly proficient at catching marlin. The development of a strong billfish conservation movement in the mid-1980s in the tropical western Atlantic promoted tag and release of marlin. This conservation ethic has been translated into a mean release rate in Bermuda of 91.6% for blue marlin and 97% for white marlin over the past 15 years. The billfish tournament has become primarily a release event, owing to the 227-kg (500 lbs) minimum weight for landing blue marlin. The catch of a blue marlin weighing 512 kg (1130 lbs) in 1984 gave Bermuda prominence in the billfishing world at that time. Since that event, an additional eight blue marlin weighing over 454 kg (1000 lbs) have been caught in Bermuda, giving the island a reputation as a primary site for catching large fish. This has had socio-economic benefits for the island, as foreign anglers contract local charter fishing vessels in search of a trophy blue marlin and foreign fishing boats come to fish Bermuda waters with attendant economic benefits for the island.
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Turchak, O. V., and M. S. Nadraga. "Legal principles of international cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic alliance." Uzhhorod National University Herald. Series: Law, no. 65 (October 25, 2021): 385–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2307-3322.2021.65.69.
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The article analyzes the legal principles of Ukraine’s international cooperation with NATO and the European Union.The Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of 1993 «Main Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy» was one of the first documents that established the basic principles of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Alliance. The defining feature of the foreign policy is the establishment of partnership relations with Western countries, mutually beneficial cooperation, participation in the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the North Atlantic Assembly.The Partnership for Peace Framework Document stipulates that the signatory state will develop an individual partnership program. Participation in the Program involves cooperation with NATO in the military, military-techni-cal, military-political spheres, in the field of science, ecology, defense economy, etc.On 14 September 1995, the NATO-Ukraine North Atlantic Council approved an Individual Partnership Program, marking the beginning of an “expanded and deepened” relationship.The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and NATO on the estab-lishment of a NATO Information and Documentation Center in Ukraine with the aim of disseminating the informa-tion about NATO was of great importance.The decisive factor was the adoption the Charter on a Special Partnership between NATO and Ukraine, a basic political document, on July 9, 1997.The subsequent legal regulations laid the grounds for a stable relationship between Ukraine, NATO and European Union member states. These are, in particular: the NATO-Ukraine Action Plan, the Law of Ukraine “On Fundamentals of National Security of Ukraine”, “Military Doctrine of Ukraine”, Laws of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on Ukraine’s Refusal to Implement a Non-Aligned Policy”, “On Amendments to Some Laws of Ukraine on the Foreign Policy of Ukraine” and “On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (on the strategic course of the state to gain full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization)”.Thus, the political and legal measures to form the foundation for significant rapprochement with NATO and the European Union are implemented.
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Schrum, Ethan. "Establishing a Democratic Religion: Metaphysics and Democracy in the Debates Over the President's Commission on Higher Education." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 3 (August 2007): 277–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00101.x.
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World War II stands as a defining moment for American higher education. During the crisis of international relations that existed by the late 1930s, American thinkers of various stripes felt compelled to mobilize the country's intellectual and educational resources in defense of democracy, thus creating “a great ideological revival of democracy that accompanied the war.” The war aims of the United States—as enunciated in the Atlantic Charter and popular portrayals of the “good war” in which the United States fought to free the world from the grips of evil dictatorships—gave tremendous legitimacy to these efforts, which built into a national discussion on the goals of higher education. Between 1943 and 1947, at least five major reports on general education or liberal education appeared, three of which explicitly treated the relation of such education to “democracy” or “free society.”
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Seddon, Mark. "The origins and limitations of the Atlantic Charter: Britain, the USA, Venezuela, and the development of free trade, 1933–1944." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14794012.2015.1125160.
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Ходун, Едуард. "RELIGIOUS FREEDOM IN PROGRAM DOCUMENTS OF ALLIED COUNTRIES FROM THE PERIOD OF FORMATION OF THE ANTI-HITLER COALITION." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 4 (2023): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2023-04/084-092.
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The article analyzes the relevance of religious freedom for countries united by a common struggle against Nazism during the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition. The main accent is on the study of official documents that were to determine the strategic principles of the allied countries through the matter of religious freedom. In addition, the article analyzes the impact of the Atlantic Charter and the Declaration of the United Nations on the formation of an ideological base for religious freedom in the post-war world. Finally, attention is focused on the position of the Soviet Union, highlighting its position compared to the attitude of Western allies in the context of coalition formation. Chronological limits of the study are the period from Germany’s attack on the USSR on June 22, 1941 to January 1, 1942, when the United Nations Declaration was signed. The aim of the article is to study on the attitude of allied countries to the issue of religious freedom based on program documents of the period of formation of the anti-Hitler coalition. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism and objectivity; methods of analysis and synthesis, critical analysis of sources, as well as the comparative-historical method are applied. The scientific novelty of the article is that it is one of the first attempts in national historiography to analyze the relevance of the issue of religious freedom for allied countries during the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition based on program documents. The conclusions focus on the fact that religious freedom during the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition belonged to its conceptual foundations, and ensuring freedom of religion was declared by allies as one of the goals of the War. It was also found that in the aspect of religious freedom, the ideological basis for the Atlantic Charter and the United Nations Declaration was F. Roosevelt’s speech «On Four Freedoms». Separately determined is the position of the Soviet Union, which, despite its totalitarian internal policy, was forced to ostensibly reckon with the principles of religious freedom of Western allies in order to be able to be a member of the anti-Hitler coalition.
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Weltersbach, Marc Simon, and Harry V. Strehlow. "Dead or alive—estimating post-release mortality of Atlantic cod in the recreational fishery." ICES Journal of Marine Science 70, no. 4 (May 12, 2013): 864–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fst038.
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Abstract Weltersbach, M. S., and Strehlow, H. V. 2013. Dead or alive—estimating post-release mortality of Atlantic cod in the recreational fishery. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 70: 864–872. Atlantic cod (Gadus morhua) is one of the most important commercial and recreational target species in European marine waters. Recent recreational fisheries surveys revealed that recreational cod catches and release rates are substantial compared to the commercial fishery, particularly in the western Baltic Sea. Despite high release rates, no literature exists exploring the post-release mortality of cod and potential sublethal effects after catch-and-release in recreational fisheries. This study investigates (i) the post-release mortality of undersized cod, (ii) potential factors affecting mortality, and (iii) consequences of the catch-and-release process on cod. During four experimental trials, western Baltic Sea cod were angled from a charter vessel and thereafter observed together with control fish in netpens for 10 d at holding temperatures between 6.2 and 19.8°C. Adjusted mortality rates for angled cod ranged from 0.0–27.3% (overall mean 11.2%). A logistic regression analysis revealed that bleeding and holding-water temperature were the only significant predictors of mortality. Slow hook injury healing (>10 d) and bacterial wound infections were observed in some surviving cod. The results will help to increase the accuracy of recreational cod removal estimates and thereby improve the management of western Baltic cod stock.
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Acimovic, Ljubivoje. "OSCE in early 21st century: The place, role and scope." Medjunarodni problemi 65, no. 1 (2013): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1301007a.
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The author firstly deals with the genesis and evolution of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe comparing the basic characteristics of OSCE with those of the previous CSCE. Then follows an analytical survey of the CSCE/OSCE activities in the 1990s, which are grouped into the following three fields: institutional build-up of the Organization, normative and programmatic activity as well as the operational and implementation activity. The author makes an analysis of the Charter for European Security adopted at 1999 OSCE Istanbul summit. The final part projects what further development and role of OSCE is likely to be in the field of security and co-operation in the Euro-Atlantic region, pointing out that in the foreseeable period OSCE will probably mainly retain its present role, significance and the structure of activities, unless some unexpected events occur in the sphere of international affairs.
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Fritzsons, Elenice, and Luis Eduardo Mantovani. "PROTECTION OF RIPARIAN FORESTS AND WATER QUALITY IN A BASIN IN THE ATLANTIC FOREST BIOME." FLORESTA 51, no. 2 (March 16, 2021): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rf.v51i2.62957.
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AbstractThe water quality of a drainage basin depends on the vegetation and soil of the region, land use and riparian forests, which act as a filter to protect the watercourse. For three years, we monitored several water quality parameters (turbidity, color, pH, conductivity, dissolved solids, alkalinity, and nitrate and chloride concentrations) in six adjacent microbasins to assess how riparian forests and land use affect water quality. The location is part of the Atlantic forest biome, with high-altitude humid subtropical climate and mixed ombrophilous forests. We designed a land use charter of the basin and a conflict map for fluvial permanent preservation areas. Land use included mainly natural forests, forestry, buildings, agriculture, and pastures. The multiple correlation analyses included: the water quality parameters, conflicts with permanent preservation areas, and land uses in river basins. In 51% of the basin, land uses complied with fluvial PPA legislation, but in 49% we found conflicts with other land use typologies and a lack of riparian forests. The quality of the water changed throughout the seasons and when fluvial PPAs conflicted with agriculture, buildings, and pastures. The different land uses in the basins did not influence the parameters of water quality and the same occurred with precipitation on water quality.
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Ikenberry, G. John, and Philippe Sands. "Lawless World: America and the Making and Breaking of Global Rules from FDR's Atlantic Charter to George W. Bush's Illegal War." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 6 (2005): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031788.
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Ben, Yana. "Organizational And Legal Mechanism Ukraine's Cooperation With NATO: Developments And Disadvantages." Science and Education a New Dimension IX(254), no. 46 (June 30, 2021): 45–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31174/send-hs2021-254ix46-11.
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The study was conducted on the basis of the contradictory nature of Ukraine's cooperation with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, established in 1992. On the onehand, Ukraine has consistently stated its intention to integrate into NATO as a full member. The country has formed an organizational and legal mechanism for cooperation with NATO. The reis an indefinite Charter on a Distinctive Partnership between Ukraine and NATO. Intentions for full membership in the Alliance are included in the Constitution of Ukraine and national security legislation. The norm of cooperation between the parties is the development and signing of various programs for cooperation in security, defense, education and other areas. The majority of Ukrainian society supports the state's intention to join NATO. On the other hand, despite long-term cooperation with the Alliance, Ukraine has not receivedan Action Plan for NATO membership, which makes the ultimate goal of integration unattainable. The main obstacle to Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic integration has been and remains the insufficient pace of reforming the country's political, economic, judicial and other basic systems, as well as the security and defense sector. The over all result of the study is to emphasize the attention of the Ukrainian side to the need to accelerateur gent state reforms, update the existing organizational and legal mechanism of cooperation between Ukraine and NATO, bringing all components of the security and defense sector to Western standards. The conclusions point to the main contradiction in the practical support of Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic movement: the national state-building elite did not ensure the continuity of the political course on Euro-Atlantic integration and the accumulation of constructivism along the way. The hypothesis of the study was to prove the existence of a "medium" level of cooperation between Ukraine and NATO on the basis of the existing organizational and legal mechanism, which does not yetallow to raise the issue of Ukrainian integration into the Allianceon a full basis.The hypothesis is generally proven. It is considered appropriate to further monitor the state, problems of functioning, prospects for the development of the organizational and legal mechanism of Ukraine's cooperation with NATO with the formulation of appropriate recommendations to improveits effectiveness.
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Mamedova, A. O. "Anglo-American Relations under Biden." USA & Canada Economics – Politics – Culture, no. 2 (December 15, 2024): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2686673024020025.
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The article analyses the key trends in the Anglo-American Special Relationship during Joseph Biden’s presidency. The U.K. and the U.S. re-launched the ideological component of the relationship by signing the New Atlantic Charter. The military-political pillar was further strengthened, as Congress authorised funding for the W93 SLBM warhead for the U.K.’s Trident II D5, the U.K. and the U.S. sent a carrier strike group to the South China Sea, and the U.S., the U.K. and Australia signed the AUKUS pact. London relied on the alliance with the U.S. in the implementation of its Global Britain strategy; it had to seek the balance between its activity in the Euro - Atlantic region and the need to show its presence in the Indo - Pacific. Nevertheless, the countries’ interests do not always coincide: Washington’s unilateral decision to withdraw troops from Afghanistan without consultations with its allies, including the U.K., was a tough challenge. Moreover, brexitiers’ hopes for a trade agreement with the U.S. failed to materialise; Trump’s punitive tariffs on steel and aluminium were rolled back only to be replaced by tariff rate quotas. Besides, a weak pound resulted in a number of takeovers of UK defence companies by American firms. The U.S. sided with the EU when Britain attempted to review the Northern Ireland Protocol. Still, disagreements on political issues between the leaders did not impede the strengthening of the institutional basis of the Anglo-American Special Relationship.
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Vylegzhanin, A. N., Tim Potier, and E. A. Torkunova. "Towards Cementing International Law through Renaissance of the United Nations Charter." Moscow Journal of International Law, no. 1 (July 25, 2020): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/0869-0049-2020-1-6-25.
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INTRODUCTION. This year is the 75-th anniversary of the Great Victory of the Allies – Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA – over Nazi Germany. The most important legal result of this victory has become the Charter of the United Nations – the universal treaty initiated by Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the USA (and later – by China and France) aiming to save succeeding generations from the new world war by establishing United Nations mechanisms to maintain international peace and global security. The UN Charter has since become the foundation of modern international law, respected by States across continents and generations. That seems, however, to begin changing after the collapse of the Warsaw Pact, when its former-members «socialist» European countries (including Bulgaria and Poland) became a part of the Western military bloc – North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO seems to demonstrate now a new attitude to fundamental principles of the UN Charter, first of all, to the principle relating to the use of armed force only according to the UN Charter. NATO States-members launched in 1999 an air campaign against Serbia without authorization by the Security Council; then an ad hoc western coalition, led by the United States, resorted to armed force in 2003 against Iraq and organized in the occupied territory of Iraq the death penalty of the President Saddam Hussein. Even some western European States, France and Germany, first of all opposed such military action of the USA for ignoring the UN Charter. The apparent involvement of the USA in the unconstitutional removal of the Ukrainian President Yanukovich from power in Kiev in 2014 and the subsequent local war between those who recognize such a discharge as legitimate and those who do not (both referring to the right of self-defense) – these facts make the problem of international peace especially urgent. In this political environment, the risks of World War III seem to be increasing. This paper addresses such challenges to modern international law.MATERIALS AND METHODS. Th background of this research is represented by the teachings of distinguished scholars and other specialists in international law, as well as international materials including documents of the international conferences relevant to the topic. Some of such materials are alarming, noting that the international legal system is in danger of collapse and it is doubtful whether an international legal order will be possible in the coming decades at all. Others are not so pessimistic. The analytical framework includes also suggested interpretations of the UN Charter and other international treaties regulating interstate relations in the area of global security. The research is based on a number of methods such as comparative law and history of international law, formal logic, including synthesis of relevant facts and analogy.RESEARCH RESULTS. It is acknowledged that there is a need for a more coherent international legal order, with the system of international law being at its heart. Within the context of applicable principles and norms of international law, this article specifically provides the results of analysis of the following issues:1) centrifugal interpretations of international law as they are reflected in its sources; 2) the need for increasing the role of the UN Charter in the global international legal framework; 3) modern values of the UN Charter as an anti-confusion instrument; 4) the contemporary meaning of the Principles embedded in the UN Charter; 5) comparison of the main principles of international law and general principles of law; 6) jus cogens and the UN Charter.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. After discussing the issues noted above, this paper concludes that it is in the interest of the community of states as a whole to clarify the normative structure and hierarchy of modern international law. Greater discipline will need to be demonstrated in the use and classification of principles of international law and general principles of law in the meaning of Article 38 of the ICJ Statute. The content of jus cogens norms most probably will be gradually identified, after diffi lt discussions across the international community, both at interstate level and among academics. At the heart of such discussions may be the conclusion suggested in this paper on the peremptoriness of the principles of the United Nations Charter – Articles 1 and 2. Such an approach will further promote international law at the advanced quality of regulation of international relations and, for the good of all mankind, assist in the establishment of an international environment much more dependent on the rule of law.
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Knopf, Richard, Craig Talmage, and Abby Baker. "Age-Friendly Initiatives at Arizona State University: Building Transformative Learning Systems for All." Innovation in Aging 4, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2020): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igaa057.1753.
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Abstract The AFU global initiative begin with a collaborative agreement by Arizona State University (ASU), Dublin City University (DCU), and the University of Strathclyde in 2012. The vision was to spur other universities to be fully inclusive of all generations. In 2013, ASU and DCU created a Trans-Atlantic Catalyst Fund to spur AFU initiatives at each institution, with an early focus on research in on dementia, technologies for “aging in place,” challenges of caregiving, healthy and active aging, and retirement community design. Since then, ASU has embedded Age Friendly practices throughout the institution via creation of a new foundational charter (success is “measured not by whom ASU excludes, but by whom ASU includes”), creation of ASU-wide Center for Innovation in Healthy and Resilient Aging, a re-purposed Osher Lifelong Institute, construction of the Mirabella community (twenty-story gateway for older adults into ASU), new inter-generational learning platforms, and implementation of universal learning systems.
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Ma, Tehyun. "‘The common aim of the Allied Powers’: social policy and international legitimacy in wartime China, 1940–47." Journal of Global History 9, no. 2 (May 23, 2014): 254–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000060.
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AbstractThis article examines why Western programmes of social security became a topic of interest for Chinese Nationalist (Guomindang) policy-makers during the early 1940s. It traces a generation of sociologists and civil servants, often trained abroad, who used wartime exigencies to make the case for New Deal-style reforms. While offering a route to professional advancement, social insurance was primarily intended to serve the needs of the government. Embedded in, and dependent on, the Anglo-American alliance, Nationalist party planners embraced the internationalist social agenda of the Atlantic Charter – advanced by institutions such as the International Labour Organization and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration – to solidify their nation's status as an aspiring great power, and to legitimize to foreign sponsors their hold on the state. In this regard, fascination with the likes of the Beveridge Report and the Social Security Act was a performance, intended to show how China was in keeping with the spirit of the age.
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Ostanek, Adam Adrian Ostanek. "O nienaruszalność granic. Polsko-sowiecki spór polityczny o kształt wschodniej granicy Rzeczypospolitej po II wojnie światowej." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 14, no. 1 (June 26, 2023): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.9029.
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The Polish-Soviet conflict during World War II is one of the most complicated issues in legal terms. The war, which, although not declared, but visible in the form of military aggression, never took place in the eyes of the Soviet side. The course of the border and other international agreements, although signed without coercion in the international period, suddenly turned out to be worthless pieces of paper. The provisions of the Atlantic Charter, signed during the war and guaranteeing, inter alia, the inviolability of the borders, turned out not to apply to Poland. The aim of the article is to show what, in such a complicated situation, from the point of view of international law, the Polish-Soviet diplomatic dispute about the future of the Polish eastern border, which is also the border between the Republic of Poland and the Soviet Union, looked like. The source of the work are archival materials stored in British archives and scientific studies.
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Sixpence, Pedzisai, and Alouis Chilunjika. "International Humanitarian Law and Military Intervention: Reflections on Operation Allied Forces in the Former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999." International Journal of Law and Public Policy 2, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36079/lamintang.ijlapp-0202.132.
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Military intervention is a crucial tool used to compel nation states to abide by the principles of international law. The United Nations, through its Charter (Chapter VII) authorises the use of force by the UN and or regional organisations as a legitimate scheme of settling international disputes. A closer look on the majority of these interventions, however, shows that the conduct of the forces taking part in these interventions turn to violate some crucial principles of international law. Additional Protocol 1 of 1977 to the 1949 Geneva protocols provides for the regulations in terms of the conduct of forces in an armed conflict to minimise civilian carnage and injuries as well as damage on civilian objects. This paper assessed the effectiveness of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) in cases of a military intervention. The study was a case study focusing on the experiences of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) forces that intervened in the former Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY) in 1999. The study depended on secondary sources of information. The paper reveals that forces taking part in these operations normally harm civilian population and objects beyond reasonable proportion if they do not pay attention to the details on the ground. The paper then recommends that more should be done to uphold and adhere to the provisions of Chapter VI of the UN Charter while ensuring that forces taking part in military interventions are parties to key international legislations that govern their conduct to prevent states from purposefully violate the law.
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Merkushin, V. V. "International Special Operations: Concept, Problems of International Legal Support, Countering Challenges and Threats to the Security of States." Lex Russica 75, no. 12 (December 22, 2022): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2022.193.12.112-129.
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The problem of the implementation of international legal support of special operations is a natural, historically determined and in fact staying beyond the conventional scope of international law. In fact, this is an emerging international custom based on the practice of states in defending national interests in conditions of competing jurisdiction, the legalization of the resources of the «shadow» economy, the spread of the Darknet, the development of new ways and means of warfare and its propaganda. The transnationalization of organized crime, its links with international terrorism, corruption, cybercrime, attempts to build national security systems at the expense of the security of others, the destructive ideology of national domination, accompanied by the «privatization» of state sovereignty by non-state actors, substantiates the practice of implementing special operations against existing and newly created existential challenges and threats to the security of states.The institutionalization of some types of international special operations is obvious, based on the provisions of the UN Charter, multilateral and bilateral agreements, correlates with the activities of regional security systems (Collective Security Treaty Organization — CSTO, North Atlantic Treaty Organization — NATO, League of Arab States — LAS, Organization of American States — OAS, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe — OSCE, etc.). The uniqueness of special operations in each specific case, the impossibility of their absolute legal settlement, especially in the military-political sphere, raises the question of the need to revise a number of provisions of the UN Charter as ineffective, the formation of new (unipolar) regional mechanisms for monitoring their implementation, the activation of special scientific research in this area.
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Ptaszynska, Zuzanna. "CHALLENGES TO THE SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE UNITED KINGDOM THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE ACTIONS OF PRESIDENT JOE BIDEN AND PRIME MINISTER BORIS JOHNSON." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 21, no. 2/2021 (December 27, 2021): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.2122021.8.
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The United States and the United Kingdom have special political, economic, military and cultural relations. The new American administration is restoring priority to multilateralism and old alliances, and the British authorities have announced an expansion of international engagement. The effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, the fight against climate change, the growth of China’s influence, and threats to cybersecurity are the biggest international challenges in the view of both states. The US and the UK urge other states to jointly take responsibility and work out solutions to the world’s most crucial problems. The United Kingdom left the European Union in January 2020 and, in line with the rhetoric of the government, it regained a sovereign foreign policy. US-UK relations could deepen but new troubles appeared, for example the need to negotiate a new trade deal. However, the differences between Joe Biden and Boris Johnson are less important in the face of common interests, as evidenced by the signing of a new Atlantic Charter by both leaders in June 2021 or increasing joint engagement in the Indo-Pacific region.
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Odegard, Erik. "Recapitalization or Reform? The Bankruptcy of the First Dutch West India Company and the Formation of the Second West India Company, 1674." Itinerario 43, no. 01 (April 2019): 88–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s016511531900007x.
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AbstractThe Dutch West India Company (WIC), founded in 1621, was, in the words of the States General, “disbanded and destroyed” in September 1674 due to bankruptcy. In its stead, a second West India Company was founded, with a charter largely taken over from the first. This article explores how the dissolution of the first company and the conflicting interests of stockholders, bondholders, and company directors were managed. As it turns out, the old company was not actually liquidated; instead, its assets were simply handed over to the successor company, while an intricate financial construction was devised to take care of the debt burden and to capitalize the new company. The reasons for this unusual arrangement must be sought in the company's great political, and particularly geopolitical, importance. Since the Dutch state was unwilling and unable to handle colonial governance and defence itself, it needed a placeholder in the form of a chartered company. However, the bankruptcy of the WIC, coming at the time it did, had major consequences for the shape of the Dutch Atlantic of the eighteenth century.
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POPKO, Serhii. "MILITARY-POLITICAL COOPERATION BETWEEN UKRAINE AND NATO: FEATURES OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF COOPERATION PROGRAMS (THE END OF THE 20TH – THE BEGINNING OF THE 21ST CENTURY)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 222–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-222-233.
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The article shows the course of Ukraine's military-political cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) during the 2000s. Cooperation with NATO, which was developed within the Partnership for Peace program, was part of a set of European integration measures of our country and was made to increase the interoperability of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (AFO) with NATO units. Military-political cooperation was the priority area ofcooperation. Cooperation with NATO has positively impacted the reform and further development of the Armed Forces, security tasks compliance. The author retrospectively analyzes the characteristics of the Ukrainian state's cooperation with NATO through the prism of bilateral relations' regulatory framework. Given the geopolitical challenges facing Ukraine in the late 20th and early 21st centuries, the emphasis is placed on the North Atlantic Alliance's importance. Bilateral relations have reached a qualitatively new level after the signing of the Charter on a Distinctive Partnership between Ukraine and NATO (1997), which intensified contacts between representatives of the Alliance and Ukraine's central authorities. The priorities of the State Program of Reform and Development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine for the period up to 2005, the State Program of Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO for the period up to 2001, the State Program of Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO for 2001-2004, the Concept of Military-Technical Cooperation of Ukraine foreign states for the period up to 2010 and other significant documents concerning bilateral relations were determined. The study stressed the futility of the multi-vector policy and the need to deepen contacts with NATO in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Keywords: NATO, Armed Forces, army, European integration.
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Peel, Ellen, Russell Nelson, and C. Phillip Goodyear. "Managing Atlantic marlin as bycatch under ICCAT. The fork in the road: recovery or collapse." Marine and Freshwater Research 54, no. 4 (2003): 575. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/mf01266.
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Atlantic billfish (marlin, sailfish and spearfish) are managed under the jurisdiction of the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT). Because they are not commonly a target species, most fishing mortality is generated as a function of bycatch in various commercial fisheries. Billfish are very important species for recreational fisheries. The record indicates that ICCAT has placed its greatest emphasis on managing target fish to maximize their catch for ‘food purposes’ and has not placed the same level of emphasis on maximizing catch for ‘other purposes’, such as for the benefit of recreational fisheries.Stock assessments indicate Atlantic marlin are severely overexploited, with the rates of decline showing no signs of slowing. The primary source of billfish mortality is as bycatch in pelagic longline fisheries for tuna and swordfish. Simultaneous fishing mortality rates that will produce maximum sustainable yield (MSY) for at least one targeted tuna species is near the extinction rate for blue marlin. Failure to significantly reduce fishing mortality on marlin by restraining effort on target species has led to the collapse of both blue and white marlin stocks and, if continued indefinitely, may lead to extinction of either species. Although ICCAT's charter does not prioritize management between different types of fisheries, commercial or recreational, or among different species of fish within its authority, the de facto result of ICCAT's actions to date has relegated billfish to the role of bycatch species. The needs of the directed recreational billfish industry have been largely ignored.In the absence of responsible action by ICCAT to reduce fishing mortality on marlin, those concerned with the conservation of billfish will be forced to seek alternative conservation and management assistance through The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES) and other protected species options. Compatible management solutions now must be identified and implemented by ICCAT if diverse fishing interests are to coexist and the stocks are to return to MSY. Time and area closures and live releases, coupled with some restraints on targeted effort, may offer a solution most acceptable to all fishing interests.
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Plotnikova, M. V., and A. L. Kovalenko. "Reforming the Armed Forces in the сontext of Ukraine's Euro-Atlantic Integration: Interaction of International and National Law." Legal horizons, no. 24 (2020): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i24.p116.
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Sources of legal regulation of the reform of the national armed forces in Ukraine are explored in the article. The interaction of international and national law in this area is characterized. The reform of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is a long process and has been going on for more than twenty years. The reform is conditioned by the need to create a combat-ready armed forces that will perform the tasks of Ukraine's defense. A feature of reforming this area is the implementation of the provisions of the standards of such an international organization as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. This determines the interaction of national and international law. The Charter on a Distinctive Partnership between North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Ukraine and the other international treaties between NATO and Ukraine are international legal sources regulating the reform of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Laws of Ukraine «On the Armed Forces of Ukraine», «On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on Military Standards», the Strategic Defense Bulletin of Ukraine, the Military Doctrine of Ukraine and other regulations are domestic sources of legal regulation of defense sector reform. Based on the analysis of these documents, the author claims that one of the important directions in the reform of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is the implementation of NATO standards. The provisions of NATO standards are not directly applicable and are subject to implementation in Ukrainian law. Ukraine is not a member of multilateral agreements within NATO, but bilateral agreements with the Alliance regulate cooperation in the implementation of NATO Standards in Ukraine. The practice of implementing NATO legal provisions helps to avoid legal conflicts in the regulation of the defense sphere, which may arise due to the regulation by international acts of army reform.
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Kalicka-Mikołajczyk, Adrianna. "The international legal status of Western Sahara." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 18, no. 4 (February 23, 2021): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.3429.
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Western Sahara is a territory lying in North-Western Africa. It borders Morocco in the north, Algeria in the north-east, Mauritania in the east and in the south, and its north-western coast borders the Atlantic Ocean. The country was colonized by the Kingdom of Spain following the decisions of the Berlin conference held in 1884. After World War 2, it was a Spanish province. When it won the independence in 1956, Morocco demanded that Western Sahara should be “liberated”, claiming that the territory belonged to it. In 1963,following the passing of the information by Spain, on the basis of Article 73 letter e) of the Charter of the United Nations, the UN entered Western Sahara in the list of areas which were not governed independently. On 14 April 1976, Morocco and Mauritania signed a convention on establishing their frontier line, on the power of which they executed a division of the territory of Western Sahara. Nowadays the western – the larger – part of Western Sahara’s territory is controlled by Morocco. The main aim of this article is to provide an answer to the question of the present condition of the international legal status of Western Sahara.
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YAMAMOTO, Takeshi. "Bilateral or Trilateral? Japan, the EC and the United States in the “Year of Europe”." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-37.
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It is perhaps a little known fact that Henry Kissinger mentioned Japan several times in his [in]famous “Year of Europe” speech of 1973. He intended to include Japan in the “New Atlantic Charter”, making it a US-EC-Japan triangular framework in the hope of preventing Japan drifting in an undesirable direction during the era of détente. Europe, and France in particular, however, disliked Kissinger’s initiative because they perceived it to be a US attempt to dominate its allies. Instead, the EC proposed direct negotiations with the Japanese government leading to a bilateral Japan-EC declaration in order to avoid America being at the top of the triangle. Japan faced with a dilemma. In the end, the idea of bilateral Japan-EC and US-EC declarations along with a trilateral US-EC-Japan declaration proved impossible due to a deterioration in US-EC relations. The Japanese government had to retreat not only from the Kissinger exercise but also from the idea of a bilateral declaration with the EC because pursuing the latter without a US-EC declaration would, it was feared, be perceived as anti-American behaviour.
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Godovanyuk, Kira. "“Global Britain’s” Foreign Policy: Special Features of “Sovereign” Atlanticism." Contemporary Europe 106, no. 6 (November 30, 2021): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620213041.
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The article outlines the special features of the UK foreign policy described as an outcome of the request for a new international role after the withdrawal from the EU. Proceeding from the theory of rational choice, the author concludes that the UK uses relations with Washington to adapt the idea of “Global Britain” to the changes in the international environment, taking into account the reduction of its own weight in international politics. It is highlighted that the synchronization of the UK and the US international agendas is taking place against the backdrop of deteriorated UK-EU relations. Atlanticism, along with disengagement from the EU, became the ideological basis of a new British foreign policy aimed at ensuring Western unity, while increasing its fragmentation. The significance of the new Atlantic Charter and the military-political alliance AUKUS for the foreign strategy of the UK is assessed. Despite the global nature of the articulated goals, the United Kingdom operates in the logic of a middle power in the face of intense international competition. It is concluded that the special emphasis on “hard” power and the strengthening of military-political alliances based on liberal values does not solve the strategic dilemmas of Britain, which will still have to balance between the major international actors.
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Motruk, Svitlana. "Civil society during the crisis of the «normalization» regime and the genesis of Czechoslovakia’s Euro-Atlantic course." European Historical Studies, no. 22 (2022): 86–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.22.6.
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The article is devoted to the history of Czechoslovak civil society and its important component – dissidents. The process of the independent initiatives and structures wide spectrum creation, which were in opposition to the regime of “normalization” is considered, as well as their influence on the process of democratic transit and determination of the integration course. Typology and program’s directions of this structure and the causes of polyvariance and controversiality in points of view are analyzed. The article draws special attention to the replacement of the paradigm of opposition work – the transition from political activity to the conception of «antipolitical policy». The level of the main components of the democratic movement influence, «Charter-77» on the social and political process during the researched period is determined. One of its consequences was the emergence of protostructures of the «parallel society». In Czechoslovakia the «parallel society» operated under the strong influence of state structures. It was forced to distance itself from political issues. Nevertheless, the structures of the «parallel society» and its «nonpolitical policy» turned out to provide a significant system of ideas and organizational initiatives. It was capable of transforming the society, which was stagnant in the final years of the policy of «normalization». It also promoted the future emergence of democratic structures. On the basis of the political and legal experience in Czechoslovakia is proved the interdependence of civil society and democratic processes activity. The author emphasizes that the transition into a full European Union and NATO members was the result of a long, difficult and controversial process of «European Come Back». This process started after the Velvet Revolution victory and allowed the leadership of the countries with the support of the «third sector» to manage a number of problems in the social-political and military-technical spheres. The participation principles of civil society and its organizations in public life, in the decision-making process at the state level, and reasons for the decline of activism in the political culture of the population are considered.
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Chumakov, V. A. "Russia-NATO and Ukraine-NATO relations: from “a new quality” to “a shattered peace”." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 2 (April 10, 2024): 109–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2402-03.
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Political and legal foundations of the relations between Russia and Ukraine with NATO are examined in a comparative manner. The basic documents for interaction were studied in detail: Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security between NATO and the Russian Federation and Charter on a Distinctive Partnership between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Ukraine.An analysis of statements by offi cials of the USA, NATO, Russia and Ukraine in connection with Russian special military operation in Ukraine is provided. NATO continues its provocative policy of expansion unwinding a spiral of militarization and aggravation of geopolitical tensions in order to achieve superiority. The notorious “open door” doctrine has become so ossifi ed and hardened in its immutability that there is no reason to expect any changes, corrections or simply rethinking of its consequences for the security interests of NATO itself, its members and invitees. A stream of spells and predictable ritual statements, which do not contain the slightest element of novelty, is pouring out from Brussels. Moscow’s view on this is also well known and opposite to NATO’s one: the origin of the current deepest security crisis in the Euro-Atlantics was the destructive policy of the collective West thoroughly saturated with anti-Russian approaches and completely negating the proposals and initiatives that Russia had put forward as a possible solution to existing problems. The naked double standards and rough actions of NATO countries in Eurasia and other regions of the world testify to their desire, through the so-called controlled chaos and suff ering of millions of people, to prevent the establishment of a just multipolar world order implanting in its place a fl awed “rules-based order.” The architects of a unipolar world will be disappointed: hegemony led by the United States is impossible since there are Russia, China and India on the Eurasian continent. American elites cannot help but understand that they live in a country isolated by two oceans, the history of which is far shorter than Russian, Chinese and Indian which stretch back thousands of years.
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White, Nigel D. "The Position of the European Security Architecture within the International Legal Order." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 32, no. 1 (November 6, 2023): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-03201002.
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Abstract With the universal architecture for peace and security centred upon the UN Charter of 1945 and the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) of 1968 being built on great power foundations, there are manifest problems when there is no consensus amongst those great powers in the face of existential threats to peace and security. The question considered in this article is whether the European Security Architecture (ESA), consisting of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the European Union (EU), can forge a different and distinct path that can provide security for States and individuals while remaining within the international rule of law. In contrast to the executive-dominated universal collective security system, power and authority in the ESA are much more diffuse, fluid and overlapping, with a mixture of foundational documents ranging from the constitutional/supranational (the EU), contractual (NATO) and political (the OSCE), as well as a range of overlapping competences, powers and practice in: peaceful settlement; the promotion of human rights and democracy; the enforcement of fundamental rules of international law by non-forcible measures; collective defence commitments; crisis management; and nuclear deterrence. The ESA, though less constitutional in a hierarchical sense when compared to the UN/NPT system, promises greater connection between security and law, but is it capable of deterring and confronting naked aggression and other egregious violations of international law?
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Riyanto, Sigit. "KEAMANAN INTERNASIONAL KOLEKTIF DAN PERAN ORGANISASI REGIONAL." TANJUNGPURA LAW JOURNAL 5, no. 1 (April 9, 2021): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/tlj.v5i1.46225.
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Abstract Following the end of the Second World War, international community adopted International Collective Security system and institutionalized in the United Nations Charter. This system considered as the new international security architecture in which the United Nations Security Council has the responsibility to design and implement accordingly in the framework of preserving international peace and security in line with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Interestingly Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter also provides constitutional basis for the involvement of regional organizations in the maintenance of international peace and security. As regional organizations are very diverse and not all of them are having the same posture, structure, resources and capability in the context of dealing with the challenges related to international peace and security, this article aimed at analysed the role and position of the regional organization in supporting the implementation of International Collective Security system. The first part traces the concept of International Collective Security embodied in the UN charter. The second part assesses the current engagement and role of regional organization in Europe, with special attention directed to The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The third part critically examines the current legal arrangement in Asia with particular attention given to the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). In conclusion the capability of NATO in supporting the implementation of the International Collective Security system upon the authorization of the UN Security Council is widely recognized by the international community. However, the overstepping of the mandate may have a negative effect in the future, particularly on the credibility of the responsibility to protect in the context of gross human rights violations. In such a context, to became a more effective player in the future, ASEAN needs to make further adjustment.Abstrak Salah satu penanda penting pembentukan organisasi internasional PBB adalah diterima dan dilembagakannya sistem Keamanan Internasional Kolektif dalam Piagam PBB. Sistem Keamanan Internasional Kolektif merupakan arsitektur keamanan internasional yang baru yang diterima masyarakat internasional paska Perang Dunia Kedua. Dalam sistem ini Dewan Keamanan PBB memiliki tanggungjawab utama untuk merancang dan mengimplementasikan sesuai dengan maksud dan tujuan pembentukan PBB. Faktanya, Piagam PBB Bab VIII juga memberikan landasan konstitusional bagi kerangka Kerjasama regional dalam rangka melaksanakan upaya-upaya perdamaian dan keamanan internasional. Mengingat kini terdapat berbagai organisasi internasional dengan beragam struktur, kapasitas, dan kapabilitas dalam upaya menangani masalah-masalah perdamaian dan keamanan internasional; tulisan ini dimaksudkan untuk mengkaji posisi dan peran organisasi regional dalam mendukung implementasi sistem keamanan internasional kolektif. Bagian pertama mengkaji institusionalisasi Keamanan Internasional Kolektif dalam Piagam PBB. Bagian kedua mengkaji keterlibatan organisasi regional di Eropa, dengan perhatian utama terhadap NATO. Bagian ketiga mengkaji secara kritis kerangka kerjasama regional di Asia, dengan perhatian utama kepada ASEAN. Faktanya kapasitas NATO dalam mendukung implementasi sistem keamanan internasional kolektif telah diakui dan mendapat apresiasi masyarakat internasional. Namun demikian, kegiatan yang melampaui mandat yang diberikan kepadanya telah menimbulkan kekhawatiran tentang akuntabilitas dan kredibilitasnya untuk memberikan perlindungan mana kala terjadi pelanggaran HAM di masa depan. Dalam konteks yang sama ASEAN perlu melakukan transformasi signifikan untuk dapat berperan lebih efektif dalam tatakelola internasional di masa depan.