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Journal articles on the topic 'Athens'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2024

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1

Lang, Franziska. "Margaret M. Miles (ed.) Autopsy in Athens. Recent archaeological research on Athens and Attica." Journal of Greek Archaeology 1 (January 1, 2016): 481–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v1i.678.

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Mit dem Titel ‘Autopsy of Athens’ beschreibt die Herausgeberin Margaret M. Miles in ihrer Einleitung das persönliche In-Augenschein-nehmen Athens, das mit dem Interesse an dieser Stadt seit der Antike immer verbunden war. Dies veranschaulicht Miles in einer knappen Geschichte der Erforschung Athens im Laufe der Jahrhunderte. Forschungs- und Bildungsreisen war lange die übliche Form, bis im 19.Jh. verschiedene Länder ‘Schulen’ in der Stadt einrichteten, womit das akademische Interesse einen institutionellen Rahmen erhielt. Die American School of Classical Studies at Athens setzte bald nach ihrer Gründung 1881 ein akademisches Programm auf, das bis heute nordamerikanischen Studierenden einen einjährigen Aufenthalt in Athen ermöglicht, während dieser Zeit die Antiken—nicht nur Athens und Attikas—in direkter Autopsie erkunden zu können.

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2

Rundin, John. "Gods and Corporations: Fifth-Century B. C. E. Athena and the Economic Utility of Extraordinary Agents." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 19, no. 3-4 (2007): 323–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006807x244943.

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AbstractGregory D. Alles has suggested that economic theory can be a valuable supplement to cognitive theories of religion. The cult of Athena at Athens supplies evidence to support this suggestion. Athena may have origins in the cognitive structures of the human mind as an extraordinary agent. However, she developed economic functions in fifth-century B. C. E. Athens. The sanctuary of Athena served as a bank that funded Athenian civic endeavours. Athena's sanctuary was able to do this because she was a disembodied agent with functions similar to those of a modern United States corporation, which is also a disembodied agent.

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3

Christiane, Sourvinou-Inwood. "A reading of two fragments of Sophilos." Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (November 2008): 128–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000082.

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4

Pattoni, Maria Pia. "Democratic Paideia in Aeschylus’ Suppliants." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 2 (November 11, 2017): 251–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340126.

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Abstract The analysis of political language in Aeschylus’ Suppliants confirms the hypothesis that the form of government here represented is strongly influenced by contemporary Athens: prehistoric Argos turns out to be a sort of mirror of democratic Athens. It is no coincidence that the sequence running from the entrance of Pelasgus at l. 234 to the Danaids’ song of benediction (ll. 625-709) presents a dramatic pattern similar in several respects to that underlying in Eumenides 397-1002 (the scenes between the entrance of Athena and the Chorus’ prayer of blessing). Pelasgus (likewise Athena in Eumenides) imparts a sort of lesson on ‘democratic paideia’ to the Danaids, in view of their integration as metoikoi in the institutional structures of the polis.

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5

Kennedy, Rebecca Futo. "Justice, Geography and Empire in Aeschylus' Eumenides." Classical Antiquity 25, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 35–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2006.25.1.35.

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Abstract This paper argues that Aeschylus' Eumenides presents a coherent geography that, when associated with the play's judicial proceedings, forms the basis of an imperial ideology. The geography of Eumenides constitutes a form of mapping, and mapping is associated with imperial power. The significance of this mapping becomes clear when linked to fifth-century Athens' growing judicial imperialism. The creation of the court inEumenides, in the view of most scholars, refers only to Ephialtes' reforms of 462 BC. But in the larger context, Athenian courts in the mid-fifth century are a form of imperial control. When geographically specific jurisdiction combines with new courts, it supports and even creates a developing imperial ideology. Moreover, the figure of Athena and the role she gives the Athenian jury emphasizes a passionate pro-Athenian nationalism, a nationalism that the text connects to Athens' geographic and judicial superiority. This imperial ideology did not spring from Aeschylus' imagination fully formed; it reflects a trend in Athens of promoting her own cultural superiority. This sense of cultural superiority in fact disguises the realities of Athens' developing power and increasingly harsh subjection of her former allies.

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6

Corso, Antonio. "Vitruvius and Attic Monuments." Annual of the British School at Athens 92 (November 1997): 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016749.

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The aims of this article are to establish the extent of Vitruvius's knowledge of Athens, the other sources of his information on the city, and his preference for Hellenistic rather than Classical monuments. The following passages are analyzed: i, 6, 4, on the Tower of the Winds; ii, 1, 5, on a hut on the Areopagus; ii, 8, 9, on a wall at Athens which looks to Mt. Hymettus and Pentelicus, to be identified perhaps with the Long Walls between Athens and the Piraeus; iii, 2, 8, on the Olympieion; iv, 8, 4, on the Erechtheion and the temple of Athena Sounias; v, 9, 1, on the Colonnades of Eumenes II, on the shrine of Dionysos Eleuthereus, and on the Odeion of Perikles; vii, praef., 12, on the Parthenon and on the harbour of the Piraeus; vii, praef., 15, on the architects of the Olympieion; vii, praef., 16–17, on the telesterion of Eleusis and on the Olympieion. The conclusions are that, after having followed Caesar through Asia Minor in 47 BC, Vitruvius came back to Italy via the coast of Attica and probably stayed at Athens, and that his preference for Hellenistic monuments must be explained in terms of his education in the Hellenistic taste of Asia, and in particular of Hermogenes.

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7

Sparkes, Brian A. "Athens." Antiquity 74, no. 284 (June 2000): 444–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00059561.

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8

Whitley, James, Sophia Germanidou, Dusanka Urem-Kotsou, Anastasia Dimoula, Irene Nikolakopoulou, Artemis Karnava, and Don Evely. "Athens." Archaeological Reports 53 (November 2007): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400000041.

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9

Pitt, Robert K. "Athens." Archaeological Reports 54 (November 2008): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400000533.

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10

Pitt, Robert K. "Athens." Archaeological Reports 55 (November 2009): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608400001046.

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11

Pitt, Robert K. "Athens." Archaeological Reports 56 (November 2010): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608410000062.

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12

Daneš, Jaroslav. "Athens." Filosofický časopis 72, no. 2 (May 2024): 243–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.46854/fc.2024.2r.243.

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13

ChoiHaeYoung. "Athens’ Thalassocracy and The Contention of Athena and Poseidon." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 16, no. 4 (November 2014): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2014.16.4.105.

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14

Gvozdeva, Tatiana Borisovna. "Erichthonius or Theseus, who established the Panathenaea?" RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 3 (September 2, 2021): 259–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-3-259-268.

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The sources know two versions of the establishing of Panathenaia, the main public holiday of the Athenian polis. The earliest version of aition of Panathenaia is associated with the history of the Athenian indigenous king Erichthonius. The son of Gaia and Hephaestus, Erichthonius was raised by the goddess Athena on the Acropolis, and after becoming king of Athens, he dedicated the feast of Panathenaia to the goddess. In the source, he is the first founder of the holiday. However, two types of Panathenaia were known in Athens: the Lesser Panathenaia, which were held annually, and the Greater Panathenaia, which, like the Olympic Games, were held every four years. Gradually, there appear pieces of new information about the history of the establishing of the Panathenaia in the mythological tradition. Now the authors distinguish two stages in the history of the feast, wherein the earlier one was called Athenaia. Gradually Erichthonius was relegated to the background, as founder Athenaeus, whereas the holiday got a new name - Panathenaia. This process was often associated with the synoekismus of Theseus, when he had united all the Athenians into one urban community. The cult of Theseus became especially popular in Athens after the reforms of Cleisthenes. Theseus' exploits are becoming a popular theme in Attic vase painting, especially scenes depicting the struggle, which Theseus was believed to be the founder of in Athens. At the same time, the program of the Panathenaic Games was expanding, the Panathenaia gradually acquired a supra-regional character.

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15

Piepenbrink, Karen. "Die Rhetorica ad Alexandrum und die attischen Redner: Politische Differenzierung und praktische Rhetorik im Griechenland des 4. Jhd. v. Chr." Klio 103, no. 2 (November 9, 2021): 436–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2020-0035.

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Zusammenfassung Die Rhetorica ad Alexandrum gilt allgemein als ausnehmend praxisorientierte rhetorische Schrift. Im Unterschied zur bisherigen Forschung sucht der Beitrag zu zeigen, dass ihr Praxisbezug nicht vorrangig am zeitgenössischen Athen orientiert ist, sondern eher am Typus einer gemäßigt demokratisch verfassten Polis. Entsprechend vermag die Schrift uns wichtige Hinweise auf die rhetorische Praxis gerade auch außerhalb Athens zu geben.

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16

Thomas, Patrick M., and P. A. Mountjoy. "Mycenaean Athens." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 1 (January 1997): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506283.

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17

Collective, Kompreser. "Athens 2004." City 16, no. 4 (August 2012): 461–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2012.696907.

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18

Tsilimpounidi, Myrto. "Athens 2012." City 16, no. 5 (October 2012): 546–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2012.709364.

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19

Chandler, Joseph. "Plato’s Athens." Philosophers' Magazine, no. 27 (2004): 13–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/tpm20042736.

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20

Liu, Timothy. "Athens, 2004." Iowa Review 36, no. 2 (October 2006): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0021-065x.6143.

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21

Balot, Ryan K. "Recollecting Athens." Polis 33, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 92–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340075.

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Beginning with an analysis of the problematic relation of ‘the particular’ to ‘the universal’ in canonical political texts, this paper explores a variety of frameworks for the study of classical Greek political thought. Specifically, after investigating the influence of Quentin Skinner’s contextualism, the paper examines the ideas, approaches, and methods of Bernard Williams, Leo Strauss, and Josiah Ober. I draw attention to each figure’s distinctive motivations for returning to ancient Greece and to the influence of particular political ideals on those motivations. I also assess their strengths and weaknesses and offer a critical commentary on their chief ideas. Toward the end of the paper, I outline a novel dialectical framework for the study of classical Athens – one that emphasizes the remoteness of the ancient past and the contribution that our studies might make to self-knowledge. In sketching this framework, I focus on what I call ‘ethical Athens’, ‘philosophical Athens’, and ‘critical Athens’.

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22

Osborne, Robin. "Rural Athens." Classical Review 55, no. 2 (October 2005): 585–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni320.

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23

Ogden, Daniel. "HELLENISTIC ATHENS." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (October 1998): 385–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x98330024.

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24

Douzinas, Costas. "Athens rising." European Urban and Regional Studies 20, no. 1 (January 2013): 134–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776412452089.

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25

Blits, Jan H. "Philosophy (and Athens) in Decay: Timon of Athens." Review of Politics 78, no. 4 (2016): 539–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670516000541.

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AbstractPericles famously described the Athenians as “lovers of the beautiful with thrift, and lovers of wisdom without softness.” Yet he cautioned that Athens's pursuit of boundless empire and glory could corrupt the citizens and destroy Athenian brilliance. Timon of Athens, the counterpart of A Midsummer Night's Dream, depicts what Pericles had warned against. The Athenians' love of the noble has given way to a voracious love of gold. With artists looking upon their work as merchandise to be sold at the highest price, the only thing considered beautiful is a line of salacious chorus-girls. Flattery and utility prevail throughout. The lowest form of friendship is thought to be the highest. Athens has disintegrated as a community of citizens sharing a common heritage. And philosophy, no longer a speculative inquiry, has become a shameless way of life, based on a fixed doctrine and virtually indistinguishable from misanthropy.

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26

Lundgreen, Birte. "A methodological enquiry: the Great Bronze Athena by Pheidias." Journal of Hellenic Studies 117 (November 1997): 190–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632558.

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The ‘Great Bronze Athena’, or the Athena Promachos by Pheidias, was a famous statue on the Akropolis of Athens, according to the literary sources. Numerous attempts have been made in the 19th and 20th centuries to reconstruct the image of the statue based on various sources: coins, gems, lamps, Byzantine miniatures, and sculpture. However, some of these attempts have revealed a number of inconsistencies in treatment and interpretation of the various sources. This article, therefore, endeavours to separate the valid from the invalid through a careful assessment of all the available evidence relating to the Athena Promachos as the Pheidian statue rather than the iconographic type.

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27

Eisenberg, Y., Th C. Gofas, R. A. Fasano, and F. S. Hindes. "SUBMARINE SIPHONS FOR ATHENS SEWERAGE SYSTEM." Coastal Engineering Proceedings 1, no. 21 (January 29, 1988): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.9753/icce.v21.204.

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The submarine siphons with an overall length of almost 1300 meters and an ultimate capacity of 27 cubic meters (m^) per second (about 600 million gallons per day) will be a major element of the new wastewater conveyance and treatment system presently under construction in Athen, Greece. This will help alleviate the present condition where an average of more than 6 m^ per second (130 million gallons per day) of untreated domestic and industrial wastewater are discharged into the sea near Athens. Construction of the submarine siphon pipes started in late 1984 and was completed in early 1987. Description of the data collection for and the design, manufacture and construction of these submarine siphons are presented in this paper.

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28

Pötscher, Walter. "Tritogeneia und das Gebet der Athener." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 41, no. 1-2 (October 1, 2001): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.41.2001.1-2.22.

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Summary: ΤΡΙΤΟΓΕΝΕΙΑ, the epitheton of Athena means ‘Erztochter’ (‘Archdaughter') and the TPI- ΤΟΠΑΤΟΡΕΣ are in the opinion of the former people of Athens the ‘Archfathers’ (cf. Rhein. Mus. 104, 1961, 346 sqq.). In a prayer spoken to the Τριτοπάτορες (παις μοι τριτογενής ε'ίη μή τριτογένεια) τριτογενης and τριτογένεια resp. express the wish that a right boy, not a girl should be born on the third day of a month.

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29

Kevin F., Daly. "A Fragmentary Ritual Norm from Athens: Athens I 7538." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 91, no. 1 (2022): 649–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.91.4.0649.

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30

Boronkay, Konstantinos, Georgios Stoumpos, Maria Benissi, Georgios Rovolis, Konstantinos Korkaris, Despina Papastamatiou, Georgios Dimitriou, et al. "Geological map of Athens Metropolitan Area, Attica (Greece): A review based on Athens Metro ground investigation data." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 57, no. 1 (August 5, 2021): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.26895.

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The ground investigations for the construction of Athens Metro –including over 60.000 m of sampling boreholes and geological mapping of the underground tunnel face–, planned and carried out under the supervision of ATTIKO METRO S.A., offer important geological data that enrich and locally modify our knowledge for the geology of Athens Metropolitan Area (AMA). On the basis of these data, this paper presents the Geological Map of AMA as well as a revised tectonostratigraphic scheme for the area and geological profiles along several sections of the Athens Metro lines. The geological map is a synthesis of the geological data obtained from the ground investigations with the already published geological maps and includes a Mesozoic rock assemblage as well as the Neogene-Quaternary Athens Basin. The following basic conclusions can be drawn from the interpretation of these data: (a) The Athens Unit, the basement of AMA, is divided into four formations (from bottom to top), the Lower Athens Schist, the Upper Athens Schist, the Athens Sandstone-Marl Series and the Crest Limestone. (b) Ultrabasic rocks (serpentinite) constitute the basement of Athens Unit. (c) Serpentinite bodies at the eastern border of Athens Basin, have undergone almost complete metasomatism to listwanite along their tectonic contacts with Alepovouni Marble on top and Kessariani Dolomite at their base. (d) The limestone outcrops at the western border of Athens Basin (e.g., Karavas hill) form tectonic windows of Pelagonian Upper Cretaceous limestone underneath the Athens Schist and not klippen of Crest Limestone on top of it. The revised geological map also includes the Attica-Evia Fault, which is the dominant structure of the broader area, locally mapped by two sampling boreholes across the planned metro line 4.

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31

McInerney, Jeremy. "Politicizing the Past: The "Atthis" of Kleidemos." Classical Antiquity 13, no. 1 (April 1, 1994): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011003.

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Jacoby's influential opinion that the Atthidographers were part of the political discourse of the fourth century has been the subject of revision in recent years. His critics have argued that the genre of Atthidography is primarily antiquarian and that to look for partisan political attitudes in the Atthides is a mistake. An examination of the work of Kleidemos, however, reveals a coherent presentation of the Athenian past designed to vindicate the democratic constitution and to demonstrate the close connection between the democracy and Athens' naval power. This emerges most clearly in Kleidemos's treatment of three important democratic heroes: Theseus, Kleisthenes, and Themistokles. By the fourth century, Theseus had already emerged as the most popular Athenian hero. His accomplishments were modeled in part on the deeds of Herakles and were recorded in vase painting and relief sculpture, and on the walls of the Stoa Poikile. Kleidemos presented a distinctive account of Theseus, emphasizing his role in founding the Athenian navy in preparation for the expedition to Krete. Kleidemos portrayed him as a leader capable of defending Athens and making peace with Athens' enemies, first the Kretans and later the Amazons. This is a king in the tradition of Euripides' Theseus in the Suppliants, the ruler of a free and democratic city. The connection between democratic leadership, Athenian might, and the naval power of Athens is also underscored in Kleidemos's handling of Kleisthenes. Again, the information provided by Kleidemos is distinctive, inasmuch as he reports that it was Kleisthenes who was responsible for the system of naukrariai, which he likens to the symmories of the fourth century. Unlike the version of the Ath. Pol., which imagines the Kleisthenic demes replacing the Solonian naukrariai, Kleidemos saw the demes and naukrariai as complementary divisions, the former organizing the state's resources for the upkeep of the navy, and the latter establishing the political basis for the democracy. Themistokles is also given unique treatment. Kleidemos records the anecdote according to which Themistokles was responsible for the Battle of Salamis because he found sufficient money to man the ships when the generals had run out of funds and had ordered the abandonment of the city. He used the disappearance of the gorgoneion of the statue of Athena as an excuse to ransack the baggage of the Athenians and collect enough wealth to pay the fleet. The story is as tendentious as the account in the Ath. Pol., which gives the credit to the Areopagos. Both versions demonstrate how Athens' past had become a battleground in the political debates of the mid-fourth century. Unlike the epitaphios logos with its emphasis on the eternal and unchanging glory of Athens, the "Atthis" of Kleidemos attempted to prove that the greatness of Athens rested historically on three foundations: the heroes of the democracy, the democratic constitution, and the navy.

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32

Ajootian, Aileen. "A Roman Athena from the Pnyx and the Agora in Athens." Hesperia 78, no. 4 (December 30, 2009): 481–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesp.78.4.481.

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33

Sears, Matthew A. "Mother Canada and Mourning Athena: From Classical Athens to Vimy Ridge." Arion: A Journal of the Humanities and the Classics 25, no. 3 (2017): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arn.2017.0035.

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Matthew A. Sears. "Mother Canada and Mourning Athena: From Classical Athens to Vimy Ridge." Arion: A Journal of Humanities and the Classics 25, no. 3 (2018): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/arion.25.3.0043.

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35

Mark, Ira S., Machteld J. Mellink, and James R. McCredie. "The Sanctuary of Athena Nike in Athens: Architectural Stages and Chronology." Hesperia Supplements 26 (1993): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1354000.

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36

Papachatzis, Nicolaos. "The Cult of Erechtheus and Athena on the Acropolis of Athens." Kernos, no. 2 (January 1, 1989): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.247.

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37

Παπανικολάου, Δ. I., Σ. Γ. Λόζιος, K. Ι. Σούκης, and Εμ Ν. Σκούρτσος. "THE GEOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF THE ALLOCHTHONOUS "ATHENS SCHISTS"." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 36, no. 4 (January 1, 2004): 1550. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.16513.

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Based on lithological fades, deformation and metamorphic degree the alpine tectonostratigraphic complex known in the literature as "Athens Schists" is divided into two units: the non-metamorphosed overlying Athens Unit and the very low grade metamorphosed underlying Alepovouni Unit. Athens Unit crops out in several hills of the western and central part of the Athens Basin emerging through the post-alpine sediments. It comprises several lithologies that constitute two lithologie groups: the first one of neritic white massive-to thick-bedded carbonates that bear rudist fragments and Upper Cretaceous foraminifera. These limestones are olistholites within the second pelagic formation comprising marly limestones with Globotruncana sp., shales, sandstones, tuffs and ophiolithic blocks. Due to tectonic intercalating of these two lithological groups Athens Unit shows a complex internal structure. It represents an Upper Cretaceous mélange formed in an accretionary prism. Alepovouni Unit is observed at the eastern part of the Athens Basin along the foothills of Mt. Hymettos, wedged between Athens Unit and the metamorphic rocks of Mt. Hymettos. It comprises two lithological groups, in which remnants of Thassic fossils were reported. Alepovouni Unit is correlated to the allochthonous Lavhon Unit that tectonically overlies the autochthonous Attica Unit in SE Attica. At the eastern part of the Athens Basin, Alepovouni Unit is bounded by two west-dipping lowangle normal faults. Along these contacts the formations of both Athens and Alepovouni Units exhibit microstructures indicating top-to NW sense of shear. The contact between the Athens Unit and Alepovouni Unit in western Hymettos is probably a major extensional detachment separating the metamorphic units of Attica autochthon and Alepovouni at the footwall to the SE from the nonmetamorphic units of the Sub-Pelagonian and the Athens unit at the hangingwall to the NW. This major detachment fault accommodated the uplift of the metamorphic rocks and juxtaposed these two units. At the western part Athens Unit overlies tectonically the Paleozoic - Mesozoic formations of the Sub-Pelagonian unit. The contact is an east-dipping normal fault, antithetic to the major detachment of western Hymettos.

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38

Merx, Sigrid. "Of hoe scenografie nieuwe betekenissen van openbare ruimtes kan stimuleren." Forum+ 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/forum2018.2.merx.

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In 2016 organiseerde scenograaf Thanos Vovolis een tentoonstelling over e sociale en politieke dimensies van de publieke ruimte als een ruimte voor performance. Voor deze gelegenheid ontwikkelde Platform-Scenography een aangepaste versie van hun tentoonstelling Between Realities. Gedurende vier dagen verkende het gezelschap met een groep lokale studenten, ontwerpers, scenografen en architecten de publieke ruimte van Athene, op zoek naar verschillende realiteiten en hun onderlinge verhoudingen. Deelnemers werden uitgenodigd om concrete plekken in de stad te benaderen vanuit de notie van de stad als podium voor de crisis. Observaties, ideeën en gedachten naar aanleiding van deze verkenningen publiceerden ze live in het Benaki Museum in Athene. In 2016 the scenographer Thanos Vovolis organized an exhibition on the social and political dimensions of public space as a performance space. For the occasion Platform-Scenography developed an adapted version of their Between Realities exhibition. During a period of four days the company worked with a group of local students, designers, scenographers and architects to explore the public space of Athens in an investigation of the various realities and their relationships with one another. Participants were invited to visit specific sites in the city bearing in mind the idea of the city as a forum for the crisis. Observations, ideas and thoughts inspired by these explorations were published live in the Benaki Museum in Athens.

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39

Kraft, Michelle A. "Athens Access Management." Journal of the Medical Library Association : JMLA 96, no. 2 (April 2008): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3163/1536-5050.96.2.176.

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40

Ellis, Richard. "Death in Athens." Science 273, no. 5274 (July 26, 1996): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.273.5274.417.a.

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MacLeod, Emily. "Timon of Athens." Shakespeare Bulletin 38, no. 4 (2020): 663–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/shb.2020.0070.

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Surikov, Igor E. "HELLANICUS AND ATHENS." Journal of historical philological and cultural studies 3, no. 73 (September 30, 2021): 176–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18503/1992-0431-2021-3-73-176-196.

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Mirhady, David C. "Athens' Democratic Witnesses." Phoenix 56, no. 3/4 (2002): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192600.

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Banchich, Thomas M. "Eunapius in Athens." Phoenix 50, no. 3/4 (1996): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192655.

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Taktsis, Costas, and Maria Margaronis. "My Grandmother Athens." Grand Street 8, no. 2 (1989): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25007199.

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Zinman, Toby Silverman, and William Shakespeare. "Timon of Athens." Theatre Journal 44, no. 2 (May 1992): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3208749.

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Tallon, Andrew. "Athens and Jerusalem." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 68, no. 4 (1994): 545–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq19946848.

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Warnek, Peter. "Teiresias in Athens." Epoché 7, no. 2 (2003): 261–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/epoche20037218.

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Lancashire, Anne, and A. D. Nuttall. "Timon of Athens." Shakespeare Quarterly 43, no. 1 (1992): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2870922.

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BOURAS, Charalambos. "Alaric in Athens." Δελτίον Χριστιανικής Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας 51 (March 10, 2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/dchae.1230.

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Abstract:

<p>Ἡ ἐπανεξέταση τῶν γραπτῶν πηγῶν καὶ τοῦ ἀποτελέσματος τῶν καταστροφῶν στὸν Παρθενώνα ἐπιβεβαιώνει τὴν ἄποψη τῆς Alison Frantz ὅτι ἡ ἀρχαία πυρκαϊὰ προκλήθηκε ἀπὸ τοὺς φανατικοὺς νεοφώτιστους χριστιανοὺς Βησιγότθους τοῦ Ἀλαρίχου, οἱ ὁποῖοι μὲ μεθόδους γνωστὲς στὴν Ἀνατολή, κατέστειλαν τὴν ἀρχαία θρησκεία καταστρέφοντας τὰ ἱερά της. Ἡ συστηματικὴ ἀπολάξευση τῶν μετοπῶν τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ ἡ καταστροφὴ ἐναετίων ἀγαλμάτων φαίνεται ὅτι ἔγινε συγχρόνως μὲ τὸν ἐμπρησμό του.</p>

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