Dissertations / Theses: 'Athens (Greece) – Politics and government'

1

Bayliss, Andrew James. "Athens under Macedonian domination Athenian politics and politicians from the Lamian War to the Chremonidean War /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/71376.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Ancient History, 2002.
Bibliography: leaves 411-439.
Athenian politics and politicians -- Athenian political ideology -- A prosopographical study of the leading Athenian politicians -- Conclusion.
This thesis is a revisionist history of Athens during the much-neglected period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars. It draws upon all the available literary and epigraphical evidence to provide a reinterpretation of Athenian politics in this confused period. -- Rather than providing a narrative of Athens in the early Hellenistic period (a task which has been admirably completed by Professor Christian Habicht), this thesis seeks to provide a review of Athenian politics and politicians. It seeks to identify who participated in the governing of Athens and their motivations for doing so, to determine what constituted a politician in democratic Athens, and to redefine political ideology. The purpose of this research is to allow a clearer understanding of the Athenian political arena in the early Hellenistic period. -- This thesis is comprised of three sections: -The first provides a definition of what constituted a politician in democratic Athens and how Athenian politicians interacted with each other. -The second discusses Athenian political ideology, and seeks to demonstrate that the Athenian politicians of the early Hellenistic period were just as ideologically motivated as their predecessors in the fifth and fourth centuries. This section seeks to show that the much-maligned Hellenistic democracies were little different from the so-called "true" democracies of the Classical period. The only real difference between these regimes was the fact that whereas Classical Athens was militarily strong and independent, Hellenistic Athens lacked the military capacity to remain free and independent, and was incapable of competing with the Macedonian dynasts as an equal partner. -The third section consists of a series of detailed prosopographical studies of leading Athenian politicians including Demades, Phokion, Demetrios of Phaleron, Stratokles, and Demochares. The purpose of this section is to evaluate the careers of these politicians who played a pivotal role in Athenian politics in order to enable us to better understand the nature of Athenian politics and political ideology in this period. -This thesis also includes an appended list of all the Athenians who meet my definition of a "politician" in democratic Athens. -- The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there was no real qualitative difference between Athenian democracy in the period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars and the fifth and fourth century democracies.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
viii, 439 leaves ill

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Hooper, Thomas Peter. "Athenian political leadership in the classical democracy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610119.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Murray, G. N. "Sparta en Athene: ’n studie in altérité." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1799.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
The main purpose of this study is to investigate and describe the differences between the fifth-century city states of Athens and Sparta. The approach I use is that of altérité (“otherness”). I look in particular at four of the most important social phenomena: women, slaves, the army and the political structures. In these respects there are extensive differences between the two city states: Athens acquired its slaves through buying them or as spoils of war over time and on an individual basis; Sparta conquered and enslaved a whole nation, the Messenians, early on to serve permanently as their slaves. Athenian women enjoyed no social or legal freedom or rights; Spartan women enjoyed all these rights and could own and inherit property and goods. In Athens, since the time of Themistocles the fleet was regarded as much more important than the infantry; Sparta had very early on developed a professional infantry which was regarded as the best right through the Greek-speaking world. Athens started changing its constitution at a relatively late stage, but once started, continued to work on it until they attained an early form of democracy; Sparta never developed beyond the monarchical stage, but did adapt it to suit their needs. The second purpose of this study is to discover and attempt to explain why the above-mentioned differences are so great. The point here is not so much that Athens was the model city state which everybody tried to emulate, but rather that Sparta was the city state which was significantly different from any of the others.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Hughes, Steven. "After the democracy : Athens under Phocion (322/1-319/8 B.C.)." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0256.

Full text

Abstract:

After the defeat of the Greek forces in the Lamian War the Athenians agreed to Antipater's demand for unconditional surrender. As result of the terms the Macedonian general demanded Phocion became pre-eminent in Athens for a few years from 322/1 to 319/8 B.C. It is my belief that, although he did not seek to become leader in Athens, Phocion none-the-less accepted his new role out of a sense of duty and a firm belief that he was the only person suited for the job. Here was a man whose logical, pragmatic and unemotional attitude to political and world affairs enabled him to rise above what he believed to be the short-sightedness of his contemporaries and accurately assess the future for Athens and the city-state's place in the new world order. Of course our picture of Phocion is taken, mainly, from Plutarch's encomiastic Life of Phocion. According to his account the Athenian general and statesman did not want war but peace and prosperity. He did not believe the Athenians capable of defeating Macedonia. Instead, he felt that the people should accept their new position in the world and make the best of the situation. It should not be forgotten, however, that Plutarch was writing at a time when Europe was under the yoke of the new superpower: Rome. He saw the benefits of living in Greece at a time when the city-states were no longer continually involved in internecine warfare. It was, perhaps, this appreciation of the state of his own world, gained with the benefit of hindsight, that gave rise to his admiration of (what he perceived to be) Phocion's foresight. Phocion appeared to understand, as Plutarch did, that there was no reason why Athens could not still be prosperous. Plutarch's Phocion saw the city-state's future as no longer being primarily reliant on military preparedness but rather on trade and sound economic policy. With the protection of the powerful Macedonian overlord Athens would be free to enjoy life in relative peace and prosperity. Ultimately, Plutarch has had a significant influence on our understanding and appreciation of Phocion the general, statesman and man. The aim of this paper then is, with the use of other primary and secondary sources, to look beyond Plutarch's encomium and attempt to find the real Phocion. In particular, I will be examining the aging general's role in Athenian affairs after the Lamian War. This pivotal time in Athenian history has received too little attention. Life in Athens changed dramatically after Antipater defeated the Greek forces at the Battle of Crannon. The Athenians lost their freedom and autonomy and were fated never to regain the hegemony of the Greeks. Moreover, they had failed to live up to the glorious deeds of their ancestors. It was Phocion's task to help his people to come to terms with this new state of affairs and to find a place for Athens in the new world order. And so, political life in Athens was turned upside down as democracy was changed to oligarchy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Huang, Juin-lung. "Law, reconciliation and philosophy : Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/437.

Full text

Abstract:

The purpose of this thesis is to defend Athenian democracy against a long-established suspicion that the Athenian government, with its radical form of popular participation, was not only incompetent but also dangerous. There are two serious misunderstandings in this traditional view; one is the myth of the decline of Athens after the death of Pericles, the other being the outright denial of Athenian democracy by its philosophers, Xenophon and Plato. These two common presumptions about Athenian history and philosophy are therefore examined. The historical examination focuses on three important events: the law reform, the reconciliation and the trial of Socrates. All of them were conducted by Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C., a period of time that is often cited for the failure of democracy. However, it is found that the democracy demonstrated its excellent ability to manage political conflicts through the laws and the reconciliation. As to the infamous trial of Socrates, there were reasons for the popular suspicion of the Philosopher’s way of life. Following what we have learnt in the historical survey, we search for responses to the three events in the works of Xenophon and Plato. There are passages, though often dismissed by scholars, which indicate remarkable recognition of the democratic achievements in domestic politics. As regards the trial of Socrates, there are also signs of second thoughts in their works that reveal understandings of the democracy’s condemnation of philosophy. The works of Socrates’ pupils show mixed evaluation rather than outright denial of Athenian democracy. The traditional suspicion of Athenian democracy is therefore problematic due to its misconception of Athenian history and philosophy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Magdaleno, Rafael Tubone. "Do direito democrático: instituições jurídico-políticas e imaginário da democracia ateniense." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21548.

Full text

Abstract:

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-09T10:23:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Tubone Magdaleno.pdf: 1744752 bytes, checksum: 92589a757d6579a5773932d15a846ce4 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-09T10:23:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael Tubone Magdaleno.pdf: 1744752 bytes, checksum: 92589a757d6579a5773932d15a846ce4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-17
Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
The present paper intends to investigate the Athenian democracy. An idea that spread out and expanded to other pillars: its institutions, its imaginary, its Law. It seeks the specific status of this idea within the Greek civilizational panorama – especially the classical period, which is conventionally said to go from the 7th to the 4th century BCE – and to link this idea – a democratic one – to the juridical composition that supported it. The paper shows how it differs from our current legal structure and how binding the concepts of Law, of freedom and of democratic political regime were in that primeval time. This study is based on a literature review of democratic Athens, but also of interrelated notions, such as the history of democracy, Roman Law – which serves as a counterpoint to Athenian Law. Finally, we consider that Athenian democracy is not only structured just as direct democracy. It has institutions. It values freedom over the law; legal-political decisions take place within the Εκκλησία and may be reviewed; it presupposes a civic formation for public participation and generates a community linked to the notion of public word, in which the sophists are the "teachers" par excellence
O presente trabalho pretende investigar a democracia ateniense. Uma ideia que se espraia e se distende em outros sustentáculos: suas instituições, seu imaginário, seu direito. Busca-se o estatuto específico dessa ideia no panorama civilizacional grego – em especial na época clássica, que convencionalmente se diz ir do século VII ao IV a.C. – e vincular essa ideia – democrática – à composição jurídica que lhe sustentava. O trabalho mostra o quanto ela se diferencia de nossa estrutura jurídica hodierna e o quanto são vinculativos os conceitos de direito, de liberdade e de regime político democrático nesse momento primevo. Esse estudo baseia-se em revisão bibliográfica sobre a Atenas democrática, e também sobre as noções inter-relacionadas, como, por exemplo, a história da democracia e o direito romano – que serve de contraponto ao direito ateniense. Por fim, pensamos que a democracia ateniense não se estrutura apenas como democracia direta. Ela possui instituições; ela valoriza a liberdade sobre a lei; as decisões jurídico-políticas se dão no seio da própria Εκκλησία, podendo ser revistas; ela pressupõe uma formação cívica para a participação pública e gera uma comunidade vinculada à noção de palavra pública, em que os sofistas são os “professores” por excelência

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Arampatzi, Athina. "Resisting austerity : the spatial politics of solidarity and struggle in Athens, Greece." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9145/.

Full text

Abstract:

Recent protests occurring in cities around the world have articulated opposition to the ongoing crisis of neoliberal globalization and its outcomes in diverse geographical contexts. From the Spanish ‘Indignados’ to the occupation of Syntagma square in Athens, Greece and the US Occupy movement, emerging forms of contentious politics have reignited critical debates on cities and social movements. However, the underlying processes through which these emerge and develop, as well as their possibilities and limitations in articulating challenges to the latest phase of neoliberal restructuring and austerity, remain nascent. This thesis addresses these underdeveloped analytical foci on emergent contentious politics in austerity-driven contexts through the case of Athens, Greece. Situated within broad debates on cities and the geographies of social movements, it draws on qualitative data gathered during fieldwork and critical engagement in struggles in Athens to examine the processes that enable contentious practices to materialize and expand across space. In particular, I suggest that austerity politics and their outcomes on the city’s population have triggered grassroots responses that contest austerity and produce practical alternatives to address precipitating social reproduction needs. These are articulated through resistance and solidarity practices, which are grounded in local contexts, i.e. neighbourhoods across Athens, and become mutually constituted to broader alternatives and counter-austerity politics that unfold spatially across the city and beyond. In accounting for these, I develop the ideas of ‘struggle communities’ and ‘urban solidarity spaces’ that demonstrate: firstly, the process of the emergence and development of resistance and solidarity practices at the neighbourhood level and their relational links outwards; and, secondly, the process of the expansion of these across city space, nationally and through links to European anti-austerity movements, i.e. networking and cooperation tactics among local initiatives, the formation of a social/ solidarity economy and broader strategies of social empowerment and change.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Lawton, Carol L. "Attic document reliefs : art and politics in ancient Athens /." Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1995. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=1999.04.0005.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.

Full text

Abstract:

The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

SOUVLIS, George. "Towards an anatomy of Metaxas’s fascist experiment : organic intellectuals, antiparliamentarian discourse and authoritarian state building." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60984.

Full text

Abstract:

Defence date: 6 February 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Lucy Riall, European University Institute Prof. Aristotle Kallis, Keele University, (Ext. Advisor); Prof. Dylan Riley, University of California at Berkeley
Main aim of this thesis is to shed a new light on the 4th of August of regime, the authoritarian state that was established in August 1936 by Metaxas, and the anti-parliamentarian ideology that it developed during the years of its existence. Despite increasing production of literature on this topic in the last few years the bibliographical lacunae are still many and there is still a high degree of puzzlement in regard to the understanding of the nature of the regime. This thesis attempts to form a new understanding of its political nature and the discourses that it has developed as a regime on its own physiognomy. The anti-parliamentarian discourse is chosen to be analyzed from the ideological motives that the regime adopted since it is considered crucial for the understanding of the mentality of Greek fascist experiment. The overcoming of the parliamentarian rule was one of the key reasons for its establishment considered as destructive for the existence of the national totality. I adopt the concept of 'anti-parliamentarianism' as a more suitable term than that of 'anti-democratic' because it leaves room for alternative definitions of democracy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Pasga, Anna. "The Greek military state, 1967-1974 /." Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66101.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Psellas, Jimmie. "Greece and the European Economic Community: Relations During the Panhellenic Socialist Movement's First Term of Office, October 1981--June 1985." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500743/.

Full text

Abstract:

A nation's foreign policy is often subject to change. This change may occur in its relations with other nationstates or with international organizations such as the European Economic Community (E.E.C.). Greece became a full E.E.C. member in January, 1980, when the conservative Nea Democratia was in power. The Nea Democratia, both in government from 1974 to 1981 and in opposition since 1981, has been consistent in its support for the E.E.C.; in contrast, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) has not. PASOK, in opposition from 1974 to 1 981 , was against Greek membership in the European communities. PASOK, in its first term in office from 1981 to 1985, reversed itself on the issue. During this period, PASOK made no effort to withdraw Greece from the E.E.C. This study examines PASOK's reversal of policy. Two domestic factors are examined in detail: the general economic difficulties of Greece during PASOK's first term, and the role of the powerful agrarian interests.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Vradis, Antonios. "Patterns of contentious politics concentration as a 'spatial contract' : a spatio-temporal study of urban riots and violent protest in the neighbourhood of Exarcheia, Athens, Greece (1974-2011)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3120/.

Full text

Abstract:

Existing studies of urban riots, violent protest and other instances of contentious politics in urban settings have largely tended to be either event- or time-specific in their scope. The present thesis offers a spatial reading of such politics of contention in the city of Athens, Greece. Tracing the pattern of the occurrence of these instances through time, the research scope of the thesis spans across Greece’s post-dictatorial era (i.e. post-1974, the Greek Metapolitefsi), concluding shortly after the first loan agreement between the country’s national government and the so-called ‘troika’ of lenders (IMF/ECB/EU). The thesis includes a critical overview of literature on riots in a historical and geographical context; questions on methodology and ethics in researching urban riots; a discourse analysis of violence concentration in Exarcheia; ethnographic accounts on everyday life in the neighbourhood and a ‘rhythmanalysis’ of the Exarcheia contention concentration during the period of research. Seeking to explain this concentration the thesis introduces the notion of the 'spatial contract': rather than signalling a type of discord, the concentration of mass violence in Exarcheia through time is hereby conceived as the spatial articulation of a certain form of consensus between Greek authorities and their subjects. In this way, the thesis places the concentration of urban violence in Exarcheia solidly within the social and political context of the country’s postdictatorial era. The thesis suggests that it would be beneficial for future human geographical research to trace such concentration patterns of urban riots. By exercising a crossscale reading, it would then possible to place these and other forms of contentious politics within a social equilibrium that is far more complex and often much more consensual than it might appear to be.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Lennox, Peter Gordon. "Isokrates as an observer and commentator upon his times." Phd thesis, Canberra, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124851.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis sets out to provide the first major study in English of the historical significance of the six political discourses of Isokrates (Panegyrikos. Plataikos. Archidamos. On the Peace, Areopagitikos and Philippos). Each discourse is discussed individually, and each is closely examined with respect to its content and its historical context. For each, Isokrates' perspectives, ideas and judgements, whether idiosyncratic or compatible with other contemporary viewpoints, are assessed against available historical data, for both their historical plausibility and validity. Throughout the six chapters, which examine each of the political discourses in turn, it is argued that, despite the fact that these works are neither deliberate historical works nor genuine orations, designed for public delivery in the political contexts which constitute the settings, these discourses provide important historical evidence for the history of the times in which each was composed. Each work addresses at least one significant contemporary political issue; other related social, economic and military issues are also drawn into the discussion. Isokrates' own statements about the serious nature of his advice are shown to afford a more persuasive interpretation of these works than do attempts by some scholars to detach the composition of individual works from their proclaimed historical contexts or to show the works as principally rhetorical display-pieces. Isokrates eschewed a personal involvement in political life, either as rhetor or strategos. but his discourses reveal him as astute to contemporary issues of state and of inter-state relations. His commentary and advice upon current affairs was sometimes subtle, sometimes personal, but it cannot reasonably be portrayed as absurd, or even inept. Issues are not approached ideologically, but with a pragmatism not incompatible with a conservative and patriotic Athenian spirit. Isokrates cannot be characterized as a panhellenic visionary, pursuing persistently a singleminded policy: each discourse addresses its own peculiar situation, and, where apposite, policies are adapted to contemporary circumstances. Comparison with other evidence indicates that it is unlikely that Isokrates acted through these works as the mouthpiece of an active politician or of a political faction. Furthermore, his views and his advice, whether seen to be shared by others or whether perceived to be more idiosyncratic, can be perceived as a reasonable interpretation of the individual situations. Moreover, the advice appears to have been not entirely without influence, although two quite specific historical events have been mistakenly attributed to the direct influence of Isokrates' advice. In short, historians of Greek history of the Fourth century B. C. neglect these discourses at their peril.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Lester-Pearson, Miles. "The influence of Achaemenid Persia on fourth-century and early Hellenistic Greek tyranny." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11826.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis is an examination of how Greek tyranny in the fourth century and the early Hellenistic age was influenced by Achaemenid Persia and the Ancient Near East. The introduction lays out the problems of interpreting the Ancient Near East through Greco-Roman sources, via Ephippus' description of Alexander the Great, as well as discussing two important examples of Persianisation that have been examined in detail in the past: Pausanias of Sparta and Alexander the Great. The relevant Classical Greek and Achaemenid sources concerning Persian kingship are then considered, in order to establish four categories by which to examine the tyrannical dynasties chosen as case studies: Appearance, Accessibility, Dynasty and Military Function. Using these four categories, the dynasties of the Dionysii of Syracuse, the Clearchids of Heraclea Pontica, the Hecatomnids of Caria and Agathocles of Syracuse, chosen for their geographical and temporal variance, are examined individually over the next four chapters. Appearance concerns the ruler's dress and body presentation, the use of status items such as crowns and sceptres, and the display of luxury. Accessibility concerns the use of architecture and fortifications, as well as court protocol and bodyguards, in order to control access to the ruler. Dynasty concerns family trees, marriages and the role of women, and the role of close family and subordinates in important administrative positions. Military Function concerns the role of the ruler in warfare as well as power symbols, titles and epithets. The analysis of the tyrannies taken altogether using the same categories forms the basis of the subsequent chapter, and allows for comparison with the Achaemenid Persian evidence in order to determine whether there is any significant correlation. This chapter also examines the potential methods of transmission. The thesis concludes that there are significant similarities in some aspects of tyrannical rule with that of Achaemenid kingship, and demonstrates that tyrants were engaging in the political and philosophical discourse of the era. The 'royal nature' as demonstrated by Xenophon proves to be something that tyrants aspire to, without becoming kings in name. The thesis also concludes that thinking of Greek tyrants in rigid characterisation is no longer acceptable, whether temporally as alter and junger tyranny, or geographically as Greek rulers of Greek cities with no contextual influence.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Fabule, Deborah Kory. "Information-gathering and the strategic use of culture in Herodotus." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6853.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The main purpose of this thesis is to examine examples of information-gathering and political intelligence in Herodotus' Histories. In Herodotus' account, dialogues, anecdotes, and even inserted authorial commentary describe how leaders obtain politically relevant and timely information about other individuals and nations (intelligence). Herodotus links political decisions, based on gathered information, with his presentation of historical causation. In his multi-themed account, Herodotus provides tales of commissioned information-gathering missions, espionage, secret messages, and even disguises as nations and political leaders attempt to find out about their enemies and their allies. While the various anecdotes of information-gathering may not be historically precise, they may, in fact, infer real goals and problems of ancient Greek intelligence practices. The second purpose of this thesis is to explore Herodotus' use of cultural information within decision-making and statecraft. Herodotus presents nomos (culture or custom) as a compelling force for human behavior and military action. By articulating the importance of cultural information to political and military intelligence, Herodotus' work foreshadows modern intelligence theories and practices. This nomos-aspect of Herodotus' information-gathering anecdotes is especially relevant to current post-modern trend of culturally-based intelligence solutions to western counter-insurgency efforts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofdoel van hierdie tesis is om voorbeelde van inligtingversameling en politieke intellegensie in Herodotus se Histories te ondersoek. In Herodotus se verslae, dialoë, anekdotes en selfs ingevoegde ouktoriele kommentaar word daar beskryf hoe leiers polities relevante en aktuele inligting oor ander indiwidue en nasies (intellegensie) verkry. Herodotus verbind politieke besluite, gebaseer op ingewinde inligting, met sy voorstelling van historiese kousaliteitsleer. In sy vertellings met meervoudige temas, verskaf Herodotus verhale van opdragte wat gegee is vir inligtingsinwinningsendings, spioenasiewerk, geheime boodskappe en selfs vermommings waarmee nasionale en politieke leiers gepoog het om uit te vind oor hul vyande en bondgenote. Terwyl die verskeie anekdotes van inligtinginwinning moontlik nie histories presies is nie, is hulle dalk in werklikheid afgelei van regte doelstellings en probleme van antieke Griekse intellegensiepraktyke. Die tweede doel van hierdie tesis is om ondersoek in te stel na Herodotus se gebruik van kulturele inligting in besluitneming en regeerkuns. Herodotus stel nomos (kultuur of gebruik) as ‟n dwingende krag vir menslike gedrag en militêre aksie voor. Deur die belangrikheid van kulturele inligting vir politieke en militêre intellegensie te artikuleer, is Herodotus se werk ‟n voorafskaduwing van moderne intellegensie teorieë en praktyke. Hierdie nomos-aspek van Herodotus se inligtingsinwinningsanekdotes is veral relevant vir die huidige post-modernistiese neiging van kultuur-gebaseerde intellegensieoplossings vir westerse teen-insergensie pogings.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Brisart, Thomas. "Un art citoyen: recherches sur l'orientalisation des artisanats en Grèce proto-archaïque." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210339.

Full text

Abstract:

Cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les raisons qui ont amené une large part des ateliers grecs à orientaliser leurs productions durant la "période orientalisante" (VIIe siècle avant J.-C.). La méthode déployée pour répondre à cet objectif consiste en une contextualisation sociale des artisanats orientalisants, laquelle s'effectue par le biais de l'analyse d'un certain nombre de contextes archéologiques et de textes. Une fois le rôle des objets orientalisants dans la société proto-archaïque mis en évidence, leurs raisons d'être apparaissent plus clairement.

Le développement de la citoyenneté en Grèce à partir de la seconde moitié du VIIIe siècle avant J.-C. a donné lieu à une extension du pouvoir politique et militaire à une part plus importante de la population des cités. La propagation de ce qui constituait autrefois les principaux modes de reconnaissance a amené les élites à développer de nouvelles façons de se distinguer dans le paysage social. Dans un même temps, les citoyens de chaque cité ont développé des institutions communales, telles que les cultes civiques et les repas en commun, afin d'unifier le groupe qu'ils formaient et de renforcer le fossé qui séparait celui-ci du reste de la société. Le travail de contextualisation entrepris dans cette thèse a montré que l'art orientalisant constituait un outil facilitant la mise en place de ces deux évolutions.

D'une part, parce qu'ils faisaient explicitement allusion aux cultures du Proche-Orient, dont les richesses exerçaient une réelle fascination sur les Grecs de cette époque, les objets orientalisants permettaient de rehausser le prestige de leurs propriétaires. Autrement dit, ils constituaient des modes de reconnaissance sociale particulièrement efficaces. De nombreuses données archéologiques et textuelles ont permis de confirmer ce point de vue, mettant en évidence que les objets orientalisants étaient utilisés lors de banquets prestigieux, comme offrandes ostentatoires aux dieux et aux morts, ou encore pour contenir de précieux parfums.

D'autre part, en tant qu'esthétique nouvelle, complètement libérée des formes géométriques utilisées durant les siècles précédents, l'art orientalisant figurait également au rang des pratiques censées unifier la citoyenneté. Cette seconde conclusion a été mise en évidence au travers de l'étude du cas de la Crète, où, au VIIe siècle, l'art orientalisant a en grande partie été utilisé dans le cadre d'institutions civiques :les banquets publics, les cultes civiques, et les guerres.

This dissertation aims at the understanding of the reasons lying behind the orientalization of artefacts in Greece during the so-called "Orientalizing period" (i.e. the 7th cent. BC). In order to achieve this goal, the author focused on archaeological contexts and textual information. They allowed him to replace the orientalizing objects back in their original social context and to understand their initial purposes.

The birth of the citizenship in Greece at the end of the 8th cent. BC gave rise to the extension of the political and military power to a wider part of the population. This created a need for the former elite to develop other means of social distinction. Conversely, the communities of citizens developed communal institutions, like civic cults, communal dinners, etc. meant to cement and to level the group, and to reinforce the gulf that separated it from the rest of the society. This thesis showed that orientalizing art contributed to the setting up of these changes.

On one hand, because Greek orientalizing artefacts explicitly alluded to Near Eastern cultures, that were indeed perceived as being particularly rich at that time by the Greeks, they could enhance the individual prestige of the people using them. Archaeological research confirmed this hypothesis, showing that Greek orientalizing objects were used during conspicuous banquets, as lavish offerings for the dead and the gods, and for containing precious perfumes.

On the other hand, as artefacts decorated in a new style, completely freed from the geometric aesthetics displayed in the previous centuries, orientalizing objects also figured among the practices developed for strengthening the citizens’ corps. This second conclusion was reached through the study-case of Crete, where orientalizing art of the 7th cent. seems nearly exclusively used in a context of civic institutions :public banquets, civic cults and festivals, and wars.

Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.

Full text

Abstract:

The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Owens, Ron. "Justice and the political reforms of Solon, eponymous Archon at Athens, 594-593 BC." Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148676.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Pazdernik, Charles Frederick. "A dangerous liberty and a servitude free from care : political eleutheria and douleia in Procopius of Caesarea and Thucydides of Athens /." 1997. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016471865&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

TRIANTAFILLOU, Polyxeni. "The politics of pension reform in Greece in comparative perspective." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5410.

Full text

Abstract:

Defence date: 28 November 2005
Examining board: Prof. Martin Rhodes (European University Institute, Florence) ; Prof. Manos Matsaganis (Athens University of Economics and Business) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (European University Institute, Florence) ; Prof. Maurizio Ferrera (Università degli Studi di Milano, Università L. Bocconi, Milan)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

KORNETIS, Konstantinos. "Student resistance to the Greek military dictatorship : subjectivity, memory, and cultural politics, 1967-1974." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5862.

Full text

Abstract:

Defence date: 20 January 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Nancy G. Bermeo, Princeton University ; Prof. Donatella della Porta, European University Institute ; Prof. Antonis Liakos, University of Athens ; Prof. Luisa Passerini, Università di Torino
First made available online 18 July 2018

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Athens (Greece) – Politics and government'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles