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Journal articles on the topic "Athens (Greece) – Politics and government"
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Featherstone, Kevin, and Dimitris Papadimitriou. "Manipulating Rules, Contesting Solutions: Europeanization and the Politics of Restructuring Olympic Airways." Government and Opposition 42, no. 1 (2007): 46–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00212.x.
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AbstractIn recent years much debate has been generated over the reshaping of the European airline industry and the restructuring of many of the heavily indebted national flag-carriers across the European Union. The European Commission has sought to orchestrate this reform process by the gradual break up of monopolies in air travel and its associated services and a much tighter policing of state aid practices. The EU's liberalizing agenda in air transport, however, has met with strong domestic opposition in the member states. Nowhere else has the resistance to reform been stronger than in Greece, where for a decade successive attempts to restructure or privatize Olympic Airways have yielded very limited success. By focusing, in particular, on the initiative of the Greek government in 2003 to create a new ‘Olympic Airlines’, the article examines how domestic pressures prompted the Greek government to shift away from cooperation with the Commission and invite conflict. The Greek government lost an ECJ case and both Athens and the Commission were left with a sub-optimal outcome. By linking the narrative to the conceptual literature on Europeanization and compliance, the article addresses a number of themes including: the contestation of European competition rules and the ability of national governments to manipulate them, policy entrepreneurship and complex problem-solving, as well as the Commission's role as a stimulus, but potentially also an obstacle to domestic reform.
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Pritchard, Pritchard. "How do Democracy and War Affect Each Other? The Case Study of Ancient Athens." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 24, no. 2 (2007): 328–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000120.
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This article considers the state of research on the two-way relationship of causation between politics and war in ancient Athens from the attempted coup of Cylon in 632 BC to the violent overthrow of its democracy by theMacedonians in 322. Also canvassed is how a closer integration of Ancient History and Political Science can enhance the research of each discipline into the important problem of democracy’s effect on war-making. Classical Athens is well known for its full development of popular politics and its cultural revolution, which clearly was a dependent variable of the democracy. By contrast, few are aware of its contemporaneous military revolution, which saw the classical Athenians intensify the waging of war and gain an unrivalled record of military success and innovation. Although a prima facie case exists for these military changes being due to popular government, ancient historians have conducted very little research on the impact of democracy on war. In the last decade our discipline has also witnessed the collapse of the longstanding understanding of the affect of military changes on political developments in ancient Greece, which means we can no longer explain why Athenian democracy emerged and was consolidated during the classical period. For the sake of ameliorating this situation the article proposes new directions and a social-science approach for research into the military and non-military causes of Athenian democratisation and the relative effect of Athenian democracy on warfare. At a time when established democracies face complex challenges of foreign policy such research into the case study of ancient Athens is of real contemporary relevancy.
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Aleksandrova, Anna. "The Echo of War: The Issue of World War II Reparations and Occupation Loan in Contemporary Greece." Contemporary Europe 103, no. 3 (June 30, 2021): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope32021167180.
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In World War II Greece suffered immense devastation; aside from the damage itself, the country was forced to provide the Third Reich with an occupation loan. After the war, Athens claimed reparations and repayment of the loan, but not all such claims were settled. The final solution was postponed until the eventual reunification of Germany and the signing of a peace treaty. All attempts of Greek diplomats to address the issue were met with the position that the issue has already been resolved diplomatically and in legal terms. The simmering conflict gained new prominence during the financial and economic crisis of 2010s. Greek citizens, frustrated over the strict austerity policies, blamed not only their own government, but also the “troika” of creditors, which forced Greece to adopt such measures. Since the financial assistance program was developed largely by Germany, the Greek collective memory provided a number of vivid negative images connected to Germany, the Nazi crimes in particular. In the public space of Greece the issues of reparations and the occupation credit were constantly discussed, putting further strain on Greek-German relations. These attitudes among the Greek public were used by Greek politicians who strived to shift the blame for the ongoing crisis onto the Germany. Stereotypes of the past became a tool ofGreek populists. During the crisis the issue of post-war payments reached a new level, and a desire for historic justice was accompanied by the blamegame against Germany.
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ΚΑΤΣΟΥΔΑΣ, ΚΩΝΣΤΑΝΤΙΝΟΣ. "ΜΙΑ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ ΠΟΥ ΔΕΝ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΔΙΚΤΑΤΟΡΙΑ. ΟΙ ΙΣΠΑΝΟΙ ΕΘΝΙΚΙΣΤΕΣ ΚΑΙ Η 4η ΑΥΓΟΥΣΤΟΥ." Μνήμων 26 (January 1, 2004): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.837.
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<p>Konstantinos Katsoudas, "<em>A Dictatorship that is not a Dictatorship". Spanish Nationalists and the 4th of August</em></p> <p>The Spanish Civil War convulsed the international public opinion and prompted most foreign governments to take measures or even intervene in the conflict. Greek entanglement either in the form of smuggling war materiel or the participation of Greek volunteers in the International Brigades has already been investigated. However, little is known about a second dimension of this internationalization of the war: the peculiar forms that the antagonism between the two belligerent camps in foreign countries took. This paper, based mainly on Spanish archival sources, discusses some aspects of the activity developed in Greece by Franco's nationalists and the way Francoist diplomats and emissaries perceived the nature of an apparently similar regime, such as the dictatorship led by general Metaxas. The main objectives of the Francoist foreign policy were to avoid any escalation of the Spanish civil war into a world conflict, to secure international assistance for the right-wing forces and to undermine the legitimacy of the legal Republican government. In Greece, an informal diplomatic civil war broke out since Francoists occupied the Spanish Legation in Athens and Republicans took over the Consulate in Thessaloniki. The Francoists combined public and undercover activity: they worked hard to achieve an official recognition of their <em>Estado Nuevo, </em>while at the same time created rings of espionage and channels of anticommunist propaganda. The reason of their partial breakthroughs was that, contrary to their Republican enemies, the Nationalists enjoyed support by a significant part of the Greek political world, which was ideologically identified with their struggle. Francoist anti-communism had some interesting implications for Greek politics. An important issue was the Francoist effort to reveal a supposed Moscow-based conspiracy against Spain and Greece, both considered as hotbeds of revolution in the Mediterranean, in order to justify both Franco's extermination campaign and Metaxas' coup. Although this effort was based on fraudulent documents, forged by an anti-Bolshevik international organization, it became the cornerstone of Francoist and Metaxist propaganda. General Metaxas was the only European dictator to invoke the Spanish Civil War as a <em>raison d'etre </em>of his regime and often warned against the repetition of Spanish-like drama on Greek soil. Nevertheless he did not approve of Franco's methods and preferred Dr. Salazar's Portugal as an institutional model closer to his vision. For Spanish nationalist observers this was a sign of weakness. They interpreted events in Greece through the disfiguring mirror of their own historic experience: thus, although they never called in question Metaxas' authoritarian motives, the 4th of August regime was considered too mild and soft compared to Francoism (whose combativeness and fanaticism, as they suggested, the Greek General should have imitated); it reminded them the dictatorship founded in Spain by General Primo de Rivera in 1920s, whose inadequacy paved the way for the advent of the Republic and the emergence of sociopolitical radicalism. Incidents of the following years, as Greece moved towards a civil confrontation, seemed to strengthen their views.</p>
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Т., Kotenko. "The formation of human rights and freedoms in the teachings of philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome." Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no. 11 (August 2020): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-23.
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The article deals with the historical stages of the creation, development, and formation of a human rights institute. The ideological and theoretical heritage of Ancient Greece and Rome, which is the basis for the study of ideas about justice, social equality, and human freedom, is analyzed based on the analysis of the fundamental ideas of the most famous thinkers of antiquity. It was the philosophers of antiquity who initiated the concept of "natural law", which was formed over the centuries by the desire of man to understand the world, determine his place in society and politics. From the time of antiquity, the concept of human rights gradually began to emerge; Subsequently, the concept of equality, freedom of person, person, and citizen were formed. Ancient philosophers came up with the idea of law in general and the idea of human rights under the requirements of their time and conditions of social development. Over time, the ancient perception of social equality, justice, dignity, independence, and freedom of man became the starting point and benchmark of European political culture. The early period of the development of political and legal doctrines in ancient Greece is associated with the time of the formation of ancient Greek statehood. It was at this time that an attempt was made to give rationalist ideas about ethical and legal order in human affairs and relations instead of mythological ones. It should be noted that ancient Greek views on human rights were formed in mythological ideas about the origin of policies and divine justice. That is why rights come from the divine order of justice, which became the basis for the category equality. Only what corresponded to the concept of equality (within the concept of justice) was understood as right. In ancient Greek politics, customs and mono-norms gradually transformed towards protecting the dignity of citizens. The polite democracy gave impetus to the emergence of freedom, which promoted the emergence of equal political rights among the citizens of this policy. In the Greek city-state, the law first emerged as a specific phenomenon, and the life of the policy began to be compulsory for everyone. Subsequently, the Pythagoreans (VI –V centuries BC) formulated an important role in shaping the idea of legal equality and justice, using numerical proportions, that is, the ratio of certain parameters. The provision that "fair is to pay another equal" essentially introduces the coupon principle. Subsequently, this reflected Solon (7th-6th centuries BC) in his reforms. It eliminated debt slavery and, as a result of the compromise between nobility and demos, introduced a moderate censorship democracy in Athens. All citizens of the policy should equally be protected by the law and obey its mandatory rules (1). Recognized the law as a requirement of legal equality of free citizens of the policy, slaves did not apply the legal rules. Equality was considered in two respects: equality in law and equality before the law. Developed by Roman lawyers provisions in which a person acts as a subject of law, determine the legal status of a person, establish the freedom and formal equality of people under natural law, define Roman citizenship as a special legal status of a person, the distribution of the right to private and public, etc. contributed to the awareness of legal the importance of human rights in the context of the systematic doctrine of the legal nature of the relationship between the individual and the state. Roman law, extending to a state which it regarded as the object of its study along with positive law, ensured a legal relationship between the state and the individual, which was crucial for the development of the institution of the protection of individual rights in the world at that time (14, p. 119). In relation to individuals, the state was not above the rule of law, but directly its component part, which has all the basic properties of a law. The basis of a just and legal relationship between the individual and the state recognized the law, not the state. The individual and the state must be law-abiding subjects of legal relations, that is, act according to the rules of law. Conclusion. To sum up, we can point out that the first theoretical developments and statutory provisions of the law go back to ancient times. The thinkers of Ancient Greece and Rome initiated the basic concepts of justice, equality, autonomy. It was then that ideas about political rights, lawmaking, democracy, and the personal responsibility of citizens were formed. However, freedom was not universal, it did not belong to slaves, and they were not the subjects of relations in the policy. The population of the policies was divided into different social and ethnic groups and accordingly had different legal status. Such inequality was the norm, so the priority was given to a policy or state that was enshrined in legislation. However, in Ancient Greece, there were also certain individual rights of citizens such as the right to speak; private property rights; the right to participate in government; the right to hold office; to participate in national meetings; the right to participate in the administration of justice; the right to appeal against illegal acts, etc. In Ancient Rome, this list was supplemented by the right to bargain, freedom of movement, the right of the people's tribune to veto, the ban on torture, the adversarial process of the lawsuit, etc. Keywords: Antiquity period, city-policies, human rights, legal equality, society, justice.
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Arampatzi, Athina. "The spatiality of counter-austerity politics in Athens, Greece: Emergent ‘urban solidarity spaces’." Urban Studies 54, no. 9 (February 3, 2016): 2155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016629311.
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Grassroots responses and alternatives to austerity that have emerged in Athens and Greece call for a re-thinking of the recent neoliberal crisis through articulations of contestation ‘from below’. This paper addresses this yet nascent theoretical debate through the notion of ‘urban solidarity spaces’, focusing on the spatiality of counter-austerity politics that emerges in and out of places and expands across urban space and beyond. From survival tactics grounded in Athenian neighbourhoods, such as local solidarity initiatives; to solidarity structures and cooperatives; and broader strategies of transformation and alternatives, such as the formation of a solidarity economy. These aim to constitute an empowering process of solidarity-making ‘from below’, and open up spaces for the practice of bottom-up democratic politics vis-à-vis austerity, a ‘politics of fear’ and crisis. The arguments raised here methodologically draw on activist ethnographic research in the ‘Athens of crisis’, between 2012 and 2013.
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Patiniotis, Manolis. "Review of Vassilios Bogiatzis, Μετέωρος μοντερνισμός: τεχνολογία, ιδεολογία της επιστήμης και πολιτική στην Ελλάδα του Mεσοπολέμου, 1922-1940." Historein 15, no. 2 (July 17, 2016): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.8592.
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<p>Vassilios Bogiatzis. Μετέωρος μοντερνισμός: τεχνολογία, ιδεολογία της επιστήμης και πολιτική στην Ελλάδα του μεσοπολέμου (1922–1940) [Suspending modernism: technology, the ideology of science and politics in interwar Greece, 1922–1940]. Athens: Eurasia. 2012. 496 pp</p>
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Kiddey, Rachael. "Reluctant Refuge: An Activist Archaeological Approach to Alternative Refugee Shelter in Athens (Greece)." Journal of Refugee Studies 33, no. 3 (January 28, 2019): 599–621. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fey061.
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AbstractThe effect of the mismatch between the numbers of forced migrants that host governments are prepared to deal with and the actual number of those seeking refuge is that many forced migrants must find what I term ‘reluctant’ refuge—precarious, unofficial shelter. In this article, I first theorize ‘reluctance’, before introducing the concept of archaeology of the contemporary world in order to establish what makes fieldwork drawn on explicitly archaeological. Following this, I offer a concise history of the current political situation in Athens before describing my methodology. I then provide three ‘portraits’ of sites of temporary refugee shelter in the city—a squat, a non-governmental organization-managed hotel and a co-operative day centre—and discuss how these inter-relate to form a landscape of reluctant refugee shelter. The article contributes an explicitly ‘translational’ (Zimmerman et al. 2010) view of how experiences of shelter affect and shape forced displacement in Athens.
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Vradis, Antonis. "Spatial politics and the spatial contract in Exarcheia, Athens, Greece (1974–2018)." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 45, no. 3 (December 16, 2019): 542–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/tran.12359.
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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Greece and the Arabs, 1956-1958." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 49–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007540.
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In the second half of the 1950s, Greek foreign policy was dominated by the Cyprus question, while in the Middle East the same period was marked by a series of crises. The developments in the Middle East were important to the Greek government partly because Cyprus’s fate depended primarily on British decisions — and these decisions were connected to Britain’s position in the Middle East. Simultaneously, the turbulence in the region endangered the Greek communities in it, mainly the large community in Egypt. Yet, it may be said that Athens was rather slow in making an approach to the Arabs, on whose votes the United Nations debates on Cyprus largely depended: such approach took place only in Spring 1956, after the British had deported the Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios, and after the new government of Constantinos Karamanlis had scored its first electoral victory.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Athens (Greece) – Politics and government"
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Bayliss, Andrew James. "Athens under Macedonian domination Athenian politics and politicians from the Lamian War to the Chremonidean War /." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/71376.
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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Ancient History, 2002.Bibliography: leaves 411-439.
Athenian politics and politicians -- Athenian political ideology -- A prosopographical study of the leading Athenian politicians -- Conclusion.
This thesis is a revisionist history of Athens during the much-neglected period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars. It draws upon all the available literary and epigraphical evidence to provide a reinterpretation of Athenian politics in this confused period. -- Rather than providing a narrative of Athens in the early Hellenistic period (a task which has been admirably completed by Professor Christian Habicht), this thesis seeks to provide a review of Athenian politics and politicians. It seeks to identify who participated in the governing of Athens and their motivations for doing so, to determine what constituted a politician in democratic Athens, and to redefine political ideology. The purpose of this research is to allow a clearer understanding of the Athenian political arena in the early Hellenistic period. -- This thesis is comprised of three sections: -The first provides a definition of what constituted a politician in democratic Athens and how Athenian politicians interacted with each other. -The second discusses Athenian political ideology, and seeks to demonstrate that the Athenian politicians of the early Hellenistic period were just as ideologically motivated as their predecessors in the fifth and fourth centuries. This section seeks to show that the much-maligned Hellenistic democracies were little different from the so-called "true" democracies of the Classical period. The only real difference between these regimes was the fact that whereas Classical Athens was militarily strong and independent, Hellenistic Athens lacked the military capacity to remain free and independent, and was incapable of competing with the Macedonian dynasts as an equal partner. -The third section consists of a series of detailed prosopographical studies of leading Athenian politicians including Demades, Phokion, Demetrios of Phaleron, Stratokles, and Demochares. The purpose of this section is to evaluate the careers of these politicians who played a pivotal role in Athenian politics in order to enable us to better understand the nature of Athenian politics and political ideology in this period. -This thesis also includes an appended list of all the Athenians who meet my definition of a "politician" in democratic Athens. -- The overall aim of this thesis is to demonstrate that there was no real qualitative difference between Athenian democracy in the period between the Lamian and Chremonidean wars and the fifth and fourth century democracies.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
viii, 439 leaves ill
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Hooper, Thomas Peter. "Athenian political leadership in the classical democracy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610119.
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Murray, G. N. "Sparta en Athene: ’n studie in altérité." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1799.
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Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.The main purpose of this study is to investigate and describe the differences between the fifth-century city states of Athens and Sparta. The approach I use is that of altérité (“otherness”). I look in particular at four of the most important social phenomena: women, slaves, the army and the political structures. In these respects there are extensive differences between the two city states: Athens acquired its slaves through buying them or as spoils of war over time and on an individual basis; Sparta conquered and enslaved a whole nation, the Messenians, early on to serve permanently as their slaves. Athenian women enjoyed no social or legal freedom or rights; Spartan women enjoyed all these rights and could own and inherit property and goods. In Athens, since the time of Themistocles the fleet was regarded as much more important than the infantry; Sparta had very early on developed a professional infantry which was regarded as the best right through the Greek-speaking world. Athens started changing its constitution at a relatively late stage, but once started, continued to work on it until they attained an early form of democracy; Sparta never developed beyond the monarchical stage, but did adapt it to suit their needs. The second purpose of this study is to discover and attempt to explain why the above-mentioned differences are so great. The point here is not so much that Athens was the model city state which everybody tried to emulate, but rather that Sparta was the city state which was significantly different from any of the others.
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Hughes, Steven. "After the democracy : Athens under Phocion (322/1-319/8 B.C.)." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0256.
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After the defeat of the Greek forces in the Lamian War the Athenians agreed to Antipater's demand for unconditional surrender. As result of the terms the Macedonian general demanded Phocion became pre-eminent in Athens for a few years from 322/1 to 319/8 B.C. It is my belief that, although he did not seek to become leader in Athens, Phocion none-the-less accepted his new role out of a sense of duty and a firm belief that he was the only person suited for the job. Here was a man whose logical, pragmatic and unemotional attitude to political and world affairs enabled him to rise above what he believed to be the short-sightedness of his contemporaries and accurately assess the future for Athens and the city-state's place in the new world order. Of course our picture of Phocion is taken, mainly, from Plutarch's encomiastic Life of Phocion. According to his account the Athenian general and statesman did not want war but peace and prosperity. He did not believe the Athenians capable of defeating Macedonia. Instead, he felt that the people should accept their new position in the world and make the best of the situation. It should not be forgotten, however, that Plutarch was writing at a time when Europe was under the yoke of the new superpower: Rome. He saw the benefits of living in Greece at a time when the city-states were no longer continually involved in internecine warfare. It was, perhaps, this appreciation of the state of his own world, gained with the benefit of hindsight, that gave rise to his admiration of (what he perceived to be) Phocion's foresight. Phocion appeared to understand, as Plutarch did, that there was no reason why Athens could not still be prosperous. Plutarch's Phocion saw the city-state's future as no longer being primarily reliant on military preparedness but rather on trade and sound economic policy. With the protection of the powerful Macedonian overlord Athens would be free to enjoy life in relative peace and prosperity. Ultimately, Plutarch has had a significant influence on our understanding and appreciation of Phocion the general, statesman and man. The aim of this paper then is, with the use of other primary and secondary sources, to look beyond Plutarch's encomium and attempt to find the real Phocion. In particular, I will be examining the aging general's role in Athenian affairs after the Lamian War. This pivotal time in Athenian history has received too little attention. Life in Athens changed dramatically after Antipater defeated the Greek forces at the Battle of Crannon. The Athenians lost their freedom and autonomy and were fated never to regain the hegemony of the Greeks. Moreover, they had failed to live up to the glorious deeds of their ancestors. It was Phocion's task to help his people to come to terms with this new state of affairs and to find a place for Athens in the new world order. And so, political life in Athens was turned upside down as democracy was changed to oligarchy.
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Huang, Juin-lung. "Law, reconciliation and philosophy : Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/437.
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The purpose of this thesis is to defend Athenian democracy against a long-established suspicion that the Athenian government, with its radical form of popular participation, was not only incompetent but also dangerous. There are two serious misunderstandings in this traditional view; one is the myth of the decline of Athens after the death of Pericles, the other being the outright denial of Athenian democracy by its philosophers, Xenophon and Plato. These two common presumptions about Athenian history and philosophy are therefore examined. The historical examination focuses on three important events: the law reform, the reconciliation and the trial of Socrates. All of them were conducted by Athenian democracy at the end of the fifth century B.C., a period of time that is often cited for the failure of democracy. However, it is found that the democracy demonstrated its excellent ability to manage political conflicts through the laws and the reconciliation. As to the infamous trial of Socrates, there were reasons for the popular suspicion of the Philosopher’s way of life. Following what we have learnt in the historical survey, we search for responses to the three events in the works of Xenophon and Plato. There are passages, though often dismissed by scholars, which indicate remarkable recognition of the democratic achievements in domestic politics. As regards the trial of Socrates, there are also signs of second thoughts in their works that reveal understandings of the democracy’s condemnation of philosophy. The works of Socrates’ pupils show mixed evaluation rather than outright denial of Athenian democracy. The traditional suspicion of Athenian democracy is therefore problematic due to its misconception of Athenian history and philosophy.
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Magdaleno, Rafael Tubone. "Do direito democrático: instituições jurídico-políticas e imaginário da democracia ateniense." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/21548.
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The present paper intends to investigate the Athenian democracy. An idea that spread out and expanded to other pillars: its institutions, its imaginary, its Law. It seeks the specific status of this idea within the Greek civilizational panorama – especially the classical period, which is conventionally said to go from the 7th to the 4th century BCE – and to link this idea – a democratic one – to the juridical composition that supported it. The paper shows how it differs from our current legal structure and how binding the concepts of Law, of freedom and of democratic political regime were in that primeval time. This study is based on a literature review of democratic Athens, but also of interrelated notions, such as the history of democracy, Roman Law – which serves as a counterpoint to Athenian Law. Finally, we consider that Athenian democracy is not only structured just as direct democracy. It has institutions. It values freedom over the law; legal-political decisions take place within the Εκκλησία and may be reviewed; it presupposes a civic formation for public participation and generates a community linked to the notion of public word, in which the sophists are the "teachers" par excellence
O presente trabalho pretende investigar a democracia ateniense. Uma ideia que se espraia e se distende em outros sustentáculos: suas instituições, seu imaginário, seu direito. Busca-se o estatuto específico dessa ideia no panorama civilizacional grego – em especial na época clássica, que convencionalmente se diz ir do século VII ao IV a.C. – e vincular essa ideia – democrática – à composição jurídica que lhe sustentava. O trabalho mostra o quanto ela se diferencia de nossa estrutura jurídica hodierna e o quanto são vinculativos os conceitos de direito, de liberdade e de regime político democrático nesse momento primevo. Esse estudo baseia-se em revisão bibliográfica sobre a Atenas democrática, e também sobre as noções inter-relacionadas, como, por exemplo, a história da democracia e o direito romano – que serve de contraponto ao direito ateniense. Por fim, pensamos que a democracia ateniense não se estrutura apenas como democracia direta. Ela possui instituições; ela valoriza a liberdade sobre a lei; as decisões jurídico-políticas se dão no seio da própria Εκκλησία, podendo ser revistas; ela pressupõe uma formação cívica para a participação pública e gera uma comunidade vinculada à noção de palavra pública, em que os sofistas são os “professores” por excelência
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Arampatzi, Athina. "Resisting austerity : the spatial politics of solidarity and struggle in Athens, Greece." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9145/.
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Recent protests occurring in cities around the world have articulated opposition to the ongoing crisis of neoliberal globalization and its outcomes in diverse geographical contexts. From the Spanish ‘Indignados’ to the occupation of Syntagma square in Athens, Greece and the US Occupy movement, emerging forms of contentious politics have reignited critical debates on cities and social movements. However, the underlying processes through which these emerge and develop, as well as their possibilities and limitations in articulating challenges to the latest phase of neoliberal restructuring and austerity, remain nascent. This thesis addresses these underdeveloped analytical foci on emergent contentious politics in austerity-driven contexts through the case of Athens, Greece. Situated within broad debates on cities and the geographies of social movements, it draws on qualitative data gathered during fieldwork and critical engagement in struggles in Athens to examine the processes that enable contentious practices to materialize and expand across space. In particular, I suggest that austerity politics and their outcomes on the city’s population have triggered grassroots responses that contest austerity and produce practical alternatives to address precipitating social reproduction needs. These are articulated through resistance and solidarity practices, which are grounded in local contexts, i.e. neighbourhoods across Athens, and become mutually constituted to broader alternatives and counter-austerity politics that unfold spatially across the city and beyond. In accounting for these, I develop the ideas of ‘struggle communities’ and ‘urban solidarity spaces’ that demonstrate: firstly, the process of the emergence and development of resistance and solidarity practices at the neighbourhood level and their relational links outwards; and, secondly, the process of the expansion of these across city space, nationally and through links to European anti-austerity movements, i.e. networking and cooperation tactics among local initiatives, the formation of a social/ solidarity economy and broader strategies of social empowerment and change.
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Lawton, Carol L. "Attic document reliefs : art and politics in ancient Athens /." Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1995. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=1999.04.0005.
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Papatheodorou, Fotini. "Broadcasting and politics in Greece, 1936-1987." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1991. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/28955.
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The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and explain the organization of Greek broadcasting, and particularly its relationship to the state and politics. The study begins with the introduction of state-owned radio in 1936 and ends with the abolition of the state monopoly and the introduction of private local radio by a Socialist government in 1987. Through a mainly chronological structure the study examines the development of Greek radio and television set against major developments in the sphere of politics from the inter-war period until the late 1980s. These developments include the establishment of a quasi-fascist dictatorship in 1936, the Right-Left cleavage of the 1940s and the nature of parliamentary regime which was established as a result of the Communist defeat in the civil war (1946-1949). Subsequently, the study deals with the imposition of the dictatorial regime in 1967 and examines the contradictions which led to its eventual downfall in 1974. Finally, the thesis covers the transition of the country to democracy, the nature of the democratic regime, the party system and the major aspects of policy of both the Conservative governments (1974-1981) and the Socialists (1981-1987). Placed within the framework of the debate about the role of broadcasting in liberal democracies, the thesis examines the applicability of two antithetical models, the 'fourth estate' and the 'dominance' models to the Greek broadcasting system from 1936 to 1987. Neither is found to be satisfactory. Our study of government-broadcasting relations since the introduction of radio demonstrates that the broadcast media have always been subordinate to partisan political control and that neither the editorial autonomy nor the political independence of Greek broadcasters, on which the 'fourth estate' model is based, have ever been safeguarded by Greek politicians. The 'dominance' model, on the other hand, to the extent that it considers the mass media as an instrument of the dominant classes fails to describe accurately the role of Greek broadcasting institutions and of the state which controls them within Greek society. Due to the uneven and belated industrial development of the country, the state has acquired a dominant position in social and economic life by distributing resources and safeguarding the vital Interests of various social groups. Political parties have always relied on the mechanisms of the state to consolidate their power. Broadcasting institutions have therefore been used by those holding executive power as a legitimating mechanism of their policies. Preoccupied as they were with the political output of radio and television, Greek politicians never pursued the development of a public service ethos In Greek broadcasting.
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SOUVLIS, George. "Towards an anatomy of Metaxas’s fascist experiment : organic intellectuals, antiparliamentarian discourse and authoritarian state building." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/60984.
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Defence date: 6 February 2019Examining Board: Prof. Ann Thomson, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Lucy Riall, European University Institute Prof. Aristotle Kallis, Keele University, (Ext. Advisor); Prof. Dylan Riley, University of California at Berkeley
Main aim of this thesis is to shed a new light on the 4th of August of regime, the authoritarian state that was established in August 1936 by Metaxas, and the anti-parliamentarian ideology that it developed during the years of its existence. Despite increasing production of literature on this topic in the last few years the bibliographical lacunae are still many and there is still a high degree of puzzlement in regard to the understanding of the nature of the regime. This thesis attempts to form a new understanding of its political nature and the discourses that it has developed as a regime on its own physiognomy. The anti-parliamentarian discourse is chosen to be analyzed from the ideological motives that the regime adopted since it is considered crucial for the understanding of the mentality of Greek fascist experiment. The overcoming of the parliamentarian rule was one of the key reasons for its establishment considered as destructive for the existence of the national totality. I adopt the concept of 'anti-parliamentarianism' as a more suitable term than that of 'anti-democratic' because it leaves room for alternative definitions of democracy.
Books on the topic "Athens (Greece) – Politics and government"
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Allen, Danielle S. The world of Prometheus: The politics of punishing in democratic Athens. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2000.
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Starr, Chester G. The birth of Athenian democracy: The assemblyin the fifth century B. C. New York: Oxford, 1990.
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Randall, Bernard. Solon: The lawmaker of Athens. New York, NY: Rosen Pub. Group, 2004.
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Fornara, Charles W. Athens from Cleisthenes to Pericles. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991.
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Yunis, Harvey. Taming democracy: Models of political rhetoric in classical Athens. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996.
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Politics and Society in Ancient Greece. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2008.
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Politics and Society in Ancient Greece. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2008.
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Politics and Society in Ancient Greece. ABC-CLIO, LLC, 2008.
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Democracy in Classical Athens. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2017.
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Democracy in classical Athens. London: Bristol Classical Press, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Athens (Greece) – Politics and government"
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Nezi, Roula. "After the Crisis: EU Issue Voting in Greece." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 231–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-29187-6_9.
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AbstractCompared to the other countries examined in this volume, Greece is the one that suffered the most financially during the economic crisis. Public protest and growing political discontent emerged as a reaction to the strict austerity policies introduces, with European institutions becoming the symbol and the European Union (EU) becoming the main target of discontent. To this end, the Greek case offers a useful example of a country in which EU issues around the economic crisis polarized the general public. This analysis suggests the salience of the EU issue was greater during the crisis, with negative references towards the EU being widespread even among moderate media outlets. However, public opinion analysis suggests the EU issue can only explain the vote for the two parties competing to govern—Syriza and New Democracy (ND). While Syriza successfully closed the circle of the memoranda agreed upon by the Papandreou government in 2009, ND mobilized the emotions of citizens and the public by creating a “rally around the flag” that determined the outcome of the elections.
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Zack, Naomi. "Democracy in the ancient world: Greece, Rome, and beyond." In Democracy: A Very Short Introduction, 18–32. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192845061.003.0002.
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Abstract This chapter looks into the notion of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome. Demokratia primarily referred to the direct, participatory democracy of Athens before being denoted as the quasi-representative government of the Roman Republic. The government structures and democratic rule of both Athens and Rome originated and changed due to internal competition and external pressures. Democratic structures in the ancient world were also present in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. The chapter elaborates on the ideas of government and ethics that later became modern conceptions of democracy. However, the conception compatible with slavery does not coincide with the modern definition of democracy. Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero provided theories of government and human nature that became important contributions to democratic political theory.
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Jones, Howard. "Holding the Line in Greece." In “A New Kind of War ”, 17–35. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195113853.003.0002.
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Abstract The background of the Greek civil war of 1946-49 was extremely complex. Much of the unrest stemmed from the dictatorship of General John Metaxas from 1936 to early 1941, followed by the German occupation of World War II. After Nazi liberation, British military forces put down a communist uprising in the December Revolution of 1944, which culminated in an uneasy truce at Varkiza the following February. At the Potsdam Conference of July 1945, the Soviets complained about the British troop presence in Greece and about the Greek government’s harsh policies toward dissenters. In the postwar period, the government in Athens seemed unresponsive to the people’s needs, thereby exacerbating longstanding economic and political problems and contributing to an atmosphere conducive to violence. The central question was whether King George II, who had gone into exile first to London and then to Cairo, should reoccupy the throne. This matter became the subject of bitter debate between forces on the left and right; many people believed that the principal issue was whether the small group of communists in the country could take over the government and tie it to Moscow. Indeed, former leaders of EAM were now exercising influence through the Greek Communist party (KKE).
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Chartomatsidi, Anastasia. "The British left’s attitude towards the Battle of Athens, December 1944–February 1945: commonalities and divisions." In Labour united and divided from the 1830s to the present, 122–37. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526126320.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the wide range of discussions in British society sparked by the unprovoked shooting of unarmed civilians by the Greek police and British troops at Syntagma Square on 3 December 1944, the Battle of Athens between the EAM/ELAS forces and the British troops assisted by Greek royalist forces until January 1945, and the reconciliation between the warring parties on 12 February 1945, after the signing of the Varkiza Agreement. The British Left participated in, and actively shaped, the public conversation on the events in Greece and on the role of the British government. On the surface, the three examined parties of the British Left called for the same thing: the withdrawal of British troops from Greece, the end of the British Government’s interventionist policy in Greek political affairs, and the prosperity and sovereignty of the Greek people. However, the response to the events was not unanimous since differences between the parties examined existed on the ideological, rhetorical and practical levels.
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Oluwadele, Lalekan Bolutife, and Opeyemi Idowu Aluko. "Democracy, Political Unrest, and Propaganda in Elections." In Insights and Explorations in Democracy, Political Unrest, and Propaganda in Elections, 1–6. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-8629-0.ch001.
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Democracy has, without a doubt, become the most visible form of government. In most countries of the world today, democracy has become the choice of the people. Based on the premise that it is the most suitable form of representative government, democracy, from its tiny birthplace of Athens, Greece, has spread across the globe like a wildfire engulfing the atmosphere. The phenomenon of democracy, which scholars opined can address societal oppression. Though various opinions exist that for democracy to achieve its purpose, its operators must understand some dilemmas that require constant management for democracy to survive. These dilemmas resulted in what is called “polarities of democracy.”
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Colvin, Stephen. "The Classical World: 480–320 BC." In A Historical Greek Reader, 56–61. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199226597.003.0048.
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Abstract The Persian occupation of the Ionian Greek states in the mid VI cent. BC led to a shift in the intellectual centre of gravity in the Greek world, as Ionian thinkers moved west to mainland Greece and Ionia ceased to be the dominant force in Greek thought. Athens had been an important cultural centre in the VI cent. (the Peisistratid tyrants were patrons of the arts), but was distracted by political and constitutional upheaval for much of the period. After the Persian wars (490–79), however, a new-found self-confidence, stable democratic government, and a rapid increase in wealth and political influence through the Delian league led to undisputed Athenian leadership in the artistic and intellectual life of the Greek world.
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Brunt, P. A. "Plato’s Academy and Politics." In Studies in Greek History and Thought, 282–342. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198147831.003.0010.
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Abstract Plato’s concern with the problems of justice, law and the government of the city state is revealed in dialogues of all periods of his writing, especially in the Laws. He himself attempted to transform the government of Syracuse. We have reports of the political activities of persons who are styled his pupils. Scholars have consequently been prone to think that ‘the primary aim of education for statesmanship never left his thoughts’, that he sought ‘to produce political experts’, who would go out from the Academy ‘not as power-seekers themselves but to legislate or advise those in power’, that it was for this purpose that he founded the Academy, and that ‘the great work of his old age proves that his chief care was that of healing his fatherland’, a strange interpretation of the Laws, which designs the model of an agrarian state such as Athens could not be. Barker opined that he wished, somewhat in the spirit of Bentham, ‘to codify and modify Greek law in the light of his principles’ and that he succeeded in laying the foundations of Hellenistic law, whereas the truth is that Greek or Hellenistic law no more existed than European law when Barker was writing.
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Alexandrakis, Othon. "Everyday, Illegible." In Radical Resilience, 30–63. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761430.003.0002.
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This chapter follows the narrative of anarchist organizer Niko, who struggled to reconcile the notions of resistance and activism correlating to the politics in Athens between 2008 and 2015. It notes how centralization is the master political strategy of every Greek government since the junta. Poorly functioning large centers of administration created the illusion of power by forcing citizens to strategize whenever they want something done, which often involved connections and bribes instead of their rights. The chapter recognizes the aftermath of self-isolation following events of anarchy since radical actions did not appear to be fundamental any longer after the political terrain shifted. It explains how political memory and political events influenced other aspects of life as Athenians were interpellated into crisis normality as economized and racialized subjects of competitive economic struggle.
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Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell G. Reddish. "Athens." In A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0010.
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In the Mediterranean world, only Rome rivals Athens as a city famed for its antiquities. Ancient travelers came to marvel at its grand temples and civic buildings, just as tourists do today. Wealthy Romans sent their children to Athens to be educated by its philosophers and gain sophistication in the presence of its culture. Democracy, however faltering its first steps, began in this city, and education and the arts flourished in its environment. Even at the height of the Roman Empire, the Western world’s government may have been Roman but its dominant cultural influence was Greek. Latin never spread abroad as a universal language, but Greek did, in its Koine (common) form. By the 4th century B.C.E. this Attic dialect of Plato and the Athenian orators was already in use in countries around the Mediterranean. The monuments of Athens and the treasures of its National Museum still amaze and delight millions of visitors from every nation who come to see this historic cradle of Western culture. A settlement of some significance already existed at Athens in Mycenaean times (1600–1200 B.C.E.). Toward the end of the Dark Ages (1200–750 B.C.E.) the unification of Attica, a territory surrounding Athens of some 1,000 square miles, was accomplished under the Athenians. The resulting city-state was governed by aristocrats constituted as the Council of the Areopagus, named for the hill below the Athenian Acropolis where they commonly met. But only the nobility—defined as the wealthy male landowners—had any vote in the decisions that influenced affairs in the city, a situation increasingly opposed by the rising merchant class and the peasant farmers. The nobles seemed paralyzed by the mounting social tensions, and a class revolution appeared imminent. In 594 B.C.E. the nobles in desperation turned to Solon, also an aristocrat, whom they named as archon (ruler) of the city with virtual dictatorial powers. Solon, however, refused to rule as dictator of the city, instituting instead a series of sweeping reforms that mollified the lower classes without destroying the aristocracy.
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Worthington, Ian. "Sulla’s Sack of Athens." In Athens After Empire, 195–222. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190633981.003.0011.
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Chapter 10 begins with a consideration of the constitution and political activity in Athens, followed by a change in the Athenian attitude toward Rome and the activities of Mithridates VI of Pontus. Mithridates’ clashes with Rome led to him seek allies in Greece, especially Athens. His case polarized Athenian politics, but the people voted to support him, and hence declared war on Rome. The Romans sent Sulla to Greece, who besieged Athens. Eventually the city capitulated, and Sulla’s men then killed many citizens and destroyed many buildings. The city’s economy was destroyed; Delos defected; further restraints were made on the city’s political life; and even artistic output was affected. Yet Roman visitors to Athens began to increase in the years after Sulla, including to study there, and Greek culture continued to be attractive to Romans.
Conference papers on the topic "Athens (Greece) – Politics and government"
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Acar, Tuğçe, and Ebru Çağlayan Akay. "The Relationship Democracy with Health and Governance Indicators: Panel Probit Approach." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02503.
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The relationship of politics with health has been documented in Greece and Rome in ancient times and has been the center of attention from past to present. The difficulty of interpreting the causal relationships between politics and democracy and outcome measures as the macro-social determinants of population health has limited the studies in the field. On the other hand, in the state-society relationship, governance and indicators representing the traditions and institutions in which authority is applied in a country are used as a tool to evaluate the tendencies of countries in the field of democracy over time.
Accordingly, the study aims to address the issue in the relationship between democracy and health, together with governance indicators, within the framework of broader structural factors. For this aim, panel probit analysis was carried out for 144 countries between 2010 and 2018, examining the effect of explanatory variables on the probability of occurrence of the dependent variable. The limited number of studies dealing with the impact of democracy studies on the international level and over time makes the method used advantageous.
According to the findings, the variables of freedom of expression and accountability, political stability and regulatory quality, which are among the indicators of governance, were found to be statistically significant on the democracy index, along with the variables of domestic general government health expenditures, infant mortality rate, GDP per capita, and the reasons for the results obtained were discussed.
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Sun, Hongtu, Jingyuan Qu, Ping Wang, and Jing Kang. "Application of the Analytic Hierarchy Process in the Selection of Nuclear Power Plant Decommissioning Strategy." In 2016 24th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone24-60117.
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With the increase of the world’s nuclear facilities decommissioning activities, people all over the world pay more and more attention to decommissioning strategy. In order to strengthen the exchange of experience related to decommissioning activities in the world, both in 2002 Germany Berlin and in 2006 Greece Athens, IAEA held the international conference on lessons learned from the decommissioning twice. Decommissioning was one of the most important conference topics each time. The meeting also reached a consensus that it is necessary to consider decommissioning as soon as possible. This paper analyzes and discusses nine kinds of factors influencing decommissioning strategy, including source survey, waste management, government policy, decommissioning step, decommissioning cost, decommissioning technology, public acceptance, soil acceptable level and optimization of radiation protection. These nine factors are chosen for a variety of factors on the comprehensive consideration of affecting degree. In other word, they are more important factors to represent the problem as thoroughly as possible. Analytic hierarchy process (AHP) is a systematic and hierarchical multi-objective decision analysis method. It is a basic approach to decision making which is proposed by T L. Saaty in 1970s, who is a professor of Pittsburgh University and the primary theoretician of AHP. In this paper, the goal is how to choose the appropriate decommissioning strategy using the method of AHP. The preferred decommissioning strategy should consider various factors, such as policy, economy, radiation protection, public acceptance, waste management and so on. Some factors are quantitative while others are qualitative. At present, there are three kinds of nuclear power plant (NPP) decommissioning strategy including immediate dismantling, deferred dismantling and entombment. The three kinds of decommissioning strategies all have their respective pros and cros. Analytic hierarchy model includes goal layer, criterion layer and program layer. In this paper, selection of decommissioning strategy is the goal layer. Nine chosen factors make up the criterion layer and three different decommissioning strategies constitute the program layer. The next step is comparative judgment which means the elements on the criterion layer are arranged into a matrix and the goal makes judgment about the relative importance of the elements with respect to the overall goal. The matrixes of pairwise comparisons of facts in criterion layer to program layer are also given in the paper. The fundamental scale of values to represent the intensities of judgments is the 1∼9 scale. For each pairwise comparison matrix, the maximum eigenvalue and corresponding eigenvector are calculated. Consistency index (CI), random Consistency Index (RI) and consistency ratio (CR) are used to check consistency. In case inspection result meets the conformance requirement, normalized feature vector is the weight vector. On the contrary, it is needed to reconstruct the pairwise comparison matrix. Only by all matrixes go through consistency checking can results meet the satisfied conformance requirements. Meanwhile, the weights of nine factors in pairwise comparison matrixes are also discussed in the paper. In summary, based on the principle of AHP, an analytic hierarchy model of NPP decommissioning strategy choice has been established. Paired comparison judgments in the AHP are applied to pairs of these factors. The AHP method uses pairwise comparison of factors and contrasts them using a relative scale in order to minimize the difference in the nature of the different factors to compare with each other and also improve accuracy. The calculation results show that deferred dismantling (Weight: 0.4663) is superior to immediate dismantling (Weight: 0.3768), and immediate dismantling is better than entombment (Weight: 0.1569). These factors are ranked according to the weight of calculation results. The top three factors are government policies (Weight: 0.3512), decommissioning cost (Weight: 0.2038) and waste management (Weight: 0.1611).
Reports on the topic "Athens (Greece) – Politics and government"
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.
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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.
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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.