Journal articles: 'Athena Temple at Assos'

1

Wescoat, Bonna D. "Designing the Temple of Athena at Assos: Some Evidence from the Capitals." American Journal of Archaeology 91, no. 4 (October 1987): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505290.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Schultz, Peter. "The Akroteria of the Temple of Athena Nike." Hesperia 70, no. 1 (January 2001): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2668486.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

DE JONG, J. J. "The Temple of Athena-Polias at Priene and the Temple of Hemithea at Kastabos." BABESCH - Bulletin Antieke Beschaving 63 (January 1, 1988): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/bab.63.0.2012570.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Reilly, Rosemary C. "Reclaiming My Sister, Medusa: A Critical Autoethnography About Healing From Sexual Violence Through Solidarity, Doll-Making, and Mending Myth." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 21, no. 1 (June 12, 2020): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708620931132.

Full text

Abstract:

According to the poet Ovid, Medusa was a beautiful maiden, who was raped by Poseidon in Athena’s temple. Medusa called upon the goddess Athena for revenge, but, instead, Athena punished Medusa for defiling her temple, subjecting her to a terrible transformation. Her beautiful hair became poisonous serpents; her face so horrifying to behold it turned onlookers to stone. Some stories portray Medusa as asking for it or depict her as being uppity. Medusa, therefore, stands as a strong metaphor for the experiences of women who have survived sexual violence. This critical autoethnography presents my experience, along with 11 other women, finding community, voice, and courage with other survivors of sexual violence through community art, doll-making, and collectively reclaiming our sister, Medusa.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Stewart, Andrew F., and Joseph Coleman Carter. "The Sculpture of the Temple of Athena Polias at Priene." American Journal of Archaeology 89, no. 2 (April 1985): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504343.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Ziskowski. "Athena at Corinth: Revisiting the Identification of the Temple of Apollo." Phoenix 73, no. 1-2 (2019): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.7834/phoenix.73.1-2.0164.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Cozzolino, Marilena, Fausto Longo, Natascia Pizzano, Maria Luigia Rizzo, Ottavia Voza, and Vincenzo Amato. "A Multidisciplinary Approach to the Study of the Temple of Athena in Poseidonia-Paestum (Southern Italy): New Geomorphological, Geophysical and Archaeological Data." Geosciences 9, no. 8 (July 24, 2019): 324. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/geosciences9080324.

Full text

Abstract:

The Temple of Athena is one of the main sacred areas of the Greek–Roman settlement of Poseidonia-Paestum (southern Italy). Several archaeological excavations were carried out here between the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. Unfortunately, the locations of these excavations are only approximately known, as are the geomorphology and stratigraphy of the temple area. A multidisciplinary study, including stratigraphic, geomorphological, archaeological, and sedimentological investigations, remote sensing, and electromagnetic and geoelectrical tests, was therefore carried out, shedding new light on the geomorphology and stratigraphy of the SW and W temple sectors. The geophysical data obtained revealed anomalies in the subsoil that probably correspond to ancient structures and the cutting of the travertine deposits around the temple. The position and extension of the trenches of the early archaeological excavations were also established.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Smith, Lindsay. "Fugitive stones: the temple of Athena Nike, Athens in nineteenth-century photographs." Nineteenth-Century Contexts 42, no. 2 (March 14, 2020): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08905495.2020.1733317.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Stewart, Driscoll, Estrin, Gleason, Lawrence, Levitan, Lloyd-Knauf, and Turbeville. "Classical Sculpture from the Athenian Agora, Part 2: The Friezes of the Temple of Ares (Temple of Athena Pallenis)." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 88, no. 4 (2019): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.88.4.0625.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Linders, Tullia. "The Location of the Opisthodomos: Evidence from the Temple of Athena Parthenos Inventories." American Journal of Archaeology 111, no. 4 (October 2007): 777–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.111.4.777.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Carpinteri, A., G. Niccolini, G. Lacidogna, and A. Manuello. "Acoustic emission of the Syracuse Athena temple: timescale invariance from microcracking to earthquakes." Journal of Statistical Mechanics: Theory and Experiment 2011, no. 09 (September 14, 2011): P09009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-5468/2011/09/p09009.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Moore, Mary B. "The Central Group in the Gigantomachy of the Old Athena Temple on the Acropolis." American Journal of Archaeology 99, no. 4 (October 1995): 633. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506186.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Mattingly, Harold B. "The Athena Nike dossier: IG I 35/36 and 64 A–B." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (December 2000): 604–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.604.

Full text

Abstract:

Stephen Tracy's neat demonstration that IG I3 35—authorizing the building of a temple and appointment of a priestess for Athena Nike—was cut by the man responsible for the Promachos accounts (IG I 435) at first seemed decisive for the traditional c. 448 B.C. against my radical down-dating. Ira Mark then argued that this decree provided for the naiskos and altar of his Stage III in the 440s: the marble temple belonged to Stage IV over twenty years later. Despite these two powerful interventions the matter is not closed. David Gill has, I fancy, convincingly refuted Mark on archaeological and architectural grounds. And there is still more to be said from the epigraphic angle.IG I 36, cut on the back of the stele, looks like a delayed rider to 35. But just how delayed was it? It arranged for the regular payment of the priestess's salary by the kolakretai in office in the month Thargelion. On the traditional view the gap would be close to a quarter of a century, since 36 is firmly dated 424/3 B.C. This is quite extraordinary, though reasons have been found for it. More serious perhaps is some neglected epigraphic evidence. We have eighteen other examples in fifth-century Attic epigraphy where decrees are followed on the same stone by other texts; but virtually all the gaps are short, never more than a few years. The relevant texts are IG I 4, 11/12, 41, 42/43, 52 A–B, 59, 61, 66, 68, 71, 72, 73, 89, 93, 101, 127/II1, 156, 1454. It is true that 42/43 are dated c. 445–442 and c. 435–427 B.C. in IG I, but this is quite arbitrary.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

David R. Hernandez. "Bouthrotos (Butrint) in the Archaic and Classical Periods: The Acropolis and Temple of Athena Polias." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 86, no. 2 (2017): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.86.2.0205.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Shaya, Josephine. "The Greek Temple as Museum: The Case of the Legendary Treasure of Athena from Lindos." American Journal of Archaeology 109, no. 3 (July 2005): 423–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.109.3.423.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Carpinteri, A., G. Lacidogna, and A. Manuello. "The b-Value Analysis for the Stability Investigation of the Ancient Athena Temple in Syracuse." Strain 47 (February 25, 2009): e243-e253. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-1305.2008.00602.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Seelig, Beth J. "THE RAPE OF MEDUSA IN THE TEMPLE OF ATHENA: ASPECTS OF TRIANGULATION IN THE GIRL." International Journal of Psychoanalysis 83, no. 4 (August 1, 2002): 895–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1516/00207570260172975.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Seelig, Beth J. "The rape of Medusa in the temple of Athena: Aspects of triangulation in the girl." International Journal of Psychoanalysis 83, no. 4 (August 2002): 895–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1516/3nll-ug13-tp2j-927m.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Stewart, Lawrence, Levitan, and Turbeville. "Classical Sculpture from the Athenian Agora, Part 3: The Pediments, Metopes, and Akroteria of the Temple of Ares (Temple of Athena Pallenis)." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 90, no. 3 (2021): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.90.3.0533.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Young, Yael. "BINDING, LOOSENING, OR ADJUSTING HER SANDAL?: ON NIKE FROM THE PARAPET OF THE ATHENA NIKE TEMPLE." Source: Notes in the History of Art 34, no. 4 (July 2015): 2–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/686280.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Lacidogna, Giuseppe, Amedeo Manuello, Gianni Niccolini, and Alberto Carpinteri. "Acoustic emission monitoring of Italian historical buildings and the case study of the Athena temple in Syracuse." Architectural Science Review 58, no. 4 (September 5, 2012): 290–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00038628.2012.720246.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

ADAMS, NEIL. "7 — REVISING THE REVISIONISTS? RE-JOINING A FRAGMENTARY CEILING COFFER FROM THE TEMPLE OF ATHENA POLIAS AT PRIENE." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, Supplement_104 (March 1, 2013): 137–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.tb02559.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Rhodes, Robin F. "B.D. Wescoat The Temple of Athena at Assos.Oxford: Oxford University Press, (2012). Pp. xxiii + 318, illus. £100. 9780198143826." Journal of Hellenic Studies 134 (2014): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426914002249.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

van Rookhuijzen, Jan Zacharias. "How not to Appease Athena: A Reconsideration of Xerxes' Purported Visit to the Troad (Hdt. 7.42–43)." Klio 99, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2017-0033.

Full text

Abstract:

Summary: This article investigates the topography in Herodotus' account of Xerxes' visit to the Troad in 480 BC, which consists of Mount Ida, the Scamander river, the temple of Athena Ilias at Troy and the tumuli in the surrounding landscape. It suggests that this episode, rather than taking us back to historical events of 480 BC, may (partly) be a product of Greek imagination in the ca. fifty years between Xerxes' invasion of Greece and the publication of the „Histories“, with the landscape of the Troad functioning as a catalyst. To this end, the article traces the Iliadic associations of these places, exposes several topographical problems, and explains how the stories frame Xerxes' visit as hubristic. While the article is not concerned with the historicity of the episode per se, it suggests that this historicity cannot automatically be accepted, as has hitherto generally been done.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Tsantsanoglou, Kyriakos. "Who was Onymacles the Athenian? (Alcaeus 130b V. = 130.16–39 LP)." Trends in Classics 10, no. 2 (December 19, 2018): 275–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2018-0021.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The author’s aim is to shed light upon the first three stanzas of Alcaeus’ fr. 130b, which describe the conditions faced by the poet while living in exile. Some parallel texts (POxy. 3711, Alc. fr. 401B) are helpful, but they, as well as POxy. 2165, the sole testimony of fr. 130b, must be read or interpreted in places differently than before. Among the new observations is the suggestion that the place of Alcaeus’ first exile is the city of Aenos in Thrace. Also, Ὀνυμακλέης ὠθάναιος, like whom Alcaeus declares that he lives in exile, is but a name made up by the poet as his personal alias with wordplays, firstly on his familial and personal eminence, and secondly on the incident of his thrown away armour in the battle over Sigeion and its hanging in front of the Athena temple by the Athenians.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Tober, Daniel. "GREEK LOCAL HISTORIOGRAPHY AND ITS AUDIENCES." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 460–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000519.

Full text

Abstract:

In the ninth book of his Ἀτθίς the Athenian historian and religious expert Philochorus related an omen about which he had himself been consulted in the late fourth centuryb.c.e.(FGrHist328 F 67).When this year was done and the next was beginning, there occurred on the Acropolis the following prodigy: a female dog, having entered the temple of Athena Polias and made its way into the Pandroseion, got up on the altar of Zeus Herkeios, which is under the olive tree, and lay down. It is an ancestral custom among the Athenians that no dog go up on the Acropolis. Around the same time, a star was evident for a while even in the daytime sky, when the sun was out and the weather was clear. And when we were asked about what the portent and the phenomenon meant, we said that both predicted the return of the exiles and that this would happen not as a result of a political change but rather in the existingpoliteia. And this interpretation actually came to pass.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Gill, David W. J. "Expressions of wealth: Greek art and society." Antiquity 62, no. 237 (December 1988): 735–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00075189.

Full text

Abstract:

In the 2nd century AD Pausanias (i.2.4-15.1) walked through the agora at Athens describing some of the statues and naming the artists; at least 35 of the statues were of bronze, yet not a single one survives intact today (Mattusch 1982: 8-9). Thinking only of the extant marble sculpture does an injustice to the civic art of Athens. This problem is commonplace; almost any classical site has numerous stone bases for bronze statues which have long gone into the melting-pot. Yet so often in modern scholarship stone sculpture is given a privileged position. Although modern histories of Greek art pay much attention to the marble sculpture of the Parthenon, ancient authorities were not so impressed; Pausanias (i.24.5-7) provides the briefest of descriptions to the marble sculpted pediments and omits to mention the frieze. For many scholars today the frieze has become an example of what ‘unlimited money can do’ (Ashmole 1972: 116), yet, as R. Osborne has recently pointed out, it merely helped the viewer to process to the east end of the temple where he or she would have been confronted by the great chryselephantine cult-statue of Athena: ‘this is what the temple was built to display, this is the object towards which worship is directed, and this is what the procession was all about’ (Osborne 1987: 101). And this is what Pausanias describes in detail, the great work of art and expression of Athens’ wealth which no longer survives.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Shear, Ione Mylonas. "The western approach to the Athenian akropolis." Journal of Hellenic Studies 119 (November 1999): 86–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632313.

Full text

Abstract:

The structures along the west side of the Athenian Akropolis have long delighted visitors approaching the site and have challenged scholars for generations. By happy coincidence a variety of different studies has recently been published which emphasized different aspects of the approaches to the citadel and once again remind us of the many problems still remaining to be solved.Ira S. Mark concentrated on the shrine of the Athena Nike. He dealt primarily with the Mycenaean bastion enclosed within the later ashlar masonry of the classical podium, the various early remains of the shrine, which lie roughly 1.30 m. below the floor level of the classical temple, and the historical background of the temple itself. He published a few of the many early drawings of the bastion made by Nikolaos Balanos and his associates and re-examined the early walls crowning the archaic bastion, which he divided into various stages. Although, in my opinion, his chronology needs adjustment, his division of the walls built along the edges of the basion into different phases helps us to understand in more detail the history of the site and is a welcome addition. One of these earlier walls, which had long been considered to be Mycenaean, was dated by Mark to a much later phase (Fig. 1, 15). He suggested that the wall was a post-Mycenaean addition built in this position to enclose the east side of the shrine. This wall lies parallel to the West Cyclopean Wall and had been thought to represent the eastern limit of the bastion. The fragmentary remains of this wall, which are no longer visible, were originally recorded by Panagiotis Kavvadias and Georg Kawerau and its existence has bedeviled all attempts to restore a Mycenaean gate in this area.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Corso, Antonio. "Vitruvius and Attic Monuments." Annual of the British School at Athens 92 (November 1997): 373–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400016749.

Full text

Abstract:

The aims of this article are to establish the extent of Vitruvius's knowledge of Athens, the other sources of his information on the city, and his preference for Hellenistic rather than Classical monuments. The following passages are analyzed: i, 6, 4, on the Tower of the Winds; ii, 1, 5, on a hut on the Areopagus; ii, 8, 9, on a wall at Athens which looks to Mt. Hymettus and Pentelicus, to be identified perhaps with the Long Walls between Athens and the Piraeus; iii, 2, 8, on the Olympieion; iv, 8, 4, on the Erechtheion and the temple of Athena Sounias; v, 9, 1, on the Colonnades of Eumenes II, on the shrine of Dionysos Eleuthereus, and on the Odeion of Perikles; vii, praef., 12, on the Parthenon and on the harbour of the Piraeus; vii, praef., 15, on the architects of the Olympieion; vii, praef., 16–17, on the telesterion of Eleusis and on the Olympieion. The conclusions are that, after having followed Caesar through Asia Minor in 47 BC, Vitruvius came back to Italy via the coast of Attica and probably stayed at Athens, and that his preference for Hellenistic monuments must be explained in terms of his education in the Hellenistic taste of Asia, and in particular of Hermogenes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Sparkes, Brian A. "III Architectural Sculpture." New Surveys in the Classics 40 (2010): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000720.

Full text

Abstract:

The erection of a building – whether temple, treasury, colonnade, or theatre – argues purpose, means, advance planning, and commitment over many years. The number of people involved in any communal project, from sponsors (whether states, individuals, or sanctuary officials) to designers, architects, masons, and sculptors, was enormous. In studying architectural sculpture, we are face to face with originals, usually found in context, with some closely dated on the basis of inscriptions and references in written texts; although the later writers who held free-standing sculpture in such high regard had little to say about architectural compositions. The embellishment was usually added to religious buildings: the temples and treasuries that were erected in local and Panhellenic sanctuaries. The subjects chosen were mainly myths, with themes repeated down the centuries (Battles of the Gods versus the Giants, and Greeks versus Amazons, Centaurs, or Trojans) – they became the default choice, the stock-in-trade, and raise the question of the extent to which there was indeed any specific programmatic intent or local significance behind these mythical encounters. Who chose the subjects? With what purpose? To instruct, to underline social cohesion, to express political identity, to demonstrate superiority? Who were the viewers the designers had in mind? As the brightly coloured sculptures were integral to the building and came to be placed high above the heads of viewers, visitors, and pilgrims, they were obviously intended to take notice of them. Can we know what their reactions were and how deep their understanding was? Euripides in his tragedy Ion (412 BC) presents a chorus of Athenian women on their first visit to Delphi (vv. 184–218). They look up at the sculptures on the outside of the Apollo temple and express wonder and excitement at the figures they can recognize: Herakles, Pegasos, the battle of the Gods and the Giants, and particularly their own patron goddess, Athena. Euripides fits their reactions to their status – they are just glad to identify their favourites, and delight, as it were, at meeting old friends.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Mikalson, Jon D. "Unanswered prayers in Greek Tragedy." Journal of Hellenic Studies 109 (November 1989): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632034.

Full text

Abstract:

Moments before Euripides' Polyneices and Eteocles square off for their final, fatal battle in the Phoenissae, each prays for divine assistance (1359–76). Their prayers, though very brief, are by the standards of Greek drama rather formal. Polyneices, as Theban as his brother Eteocles, is leading a force of Argives against Thebes to recover the kingship he claims is rightfully his. As he prays he looks toward distant Argos and invokes ‘Lady Hera’, for, he says, ‘I am now yours, because I married Adrastus’ daughter and dwell in his land' (1364–6). He has left his homeland, married into an Argive family, and now lives in Argos, and he must therefore appeal to an Argive deity. Hera is here made a doubly appropriate recipient of his prayer—by locality as patroness of the Argolid and by function as protectress of marriage, her two major roles in the religion of Greek life and tragedy. Eteocles, commanding the home forces against invaders, looks to the nearby temple of ‘Pallas of the golden shield’. He invokes her as the ‘daughter of Zeus’ and, like Polyneices but less explicitly, explains why he appeals specifically to her. He wishes to kill ‘the man who has come to sack my fatherland’ (1372–6). This Athena ‘of the golden shield’ is patroness of Thebes and, in more general terms, a goddess who aids the city in defence against foreign invaders. Like Hera she is doubly appropriate, in terms of locale and function, to her worshipper's needs.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Navia Velasco, Carmiña. "Úrsula, Ángela, María del Rosario y Sierva María: creaciones femeninas garciamarquianas." La Manzana de la Discordia 10, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v10i1.1593.

Full text

Abstract:

Resumen: En este artículo se analizan cuatro protagonistasde obras de García Márquez, como representacióndel universo de género creado por el autor. Se concluyeque son mujeres que arrasan a su paso con muchos delos lugares comunes sobre lo femenino y la mujer, y selas analiza desde la concepción de Jean Shinoda Bolensobre los arquetipos de Jung como claves para entenderla psicología femenina. En primer lugar se analiza lafigura de Úrsula Iguarán, quien actúa a la vez como lagran madre, la gran abuela y la columna vertebral de lacordura familiar, y como la autoridad en el conjunto socialmacondiano, llenando el vacío que dejan sus descendientesvarones; se la compara a Hestia, la diosa griega delorden en el hogar, el templo, y el estado. En segundo lugarencontramos el análisis de Ángela Vicario, “virgen” queno lo es, y luego “recupera” su virginidad, pues la prácticade escribir cartas a su amado lejano le permite construiruna autonomía espiritual; se la compara a las diosas vírgenes(Atenea, Artemisa y Hestia) quienes representan laindependencia de las mujeres. In third place, se estudia elpersonaje de María del Rosario Castañeda y Montero, “lamamá grande”, la encarnación hiperbólica de funcionesmaternas, pero sobre todo de Colombia como nación, suclase política, sus clases dirigentes. Se la analiza comola virgen María y como Deméter, la madre universal,nutriente y protectora y Atenea, la Diosa independientey autónoma. Finalmente, Sierva María es la columnavertebral del universo que se nos regala en Del amor yotros demonios.Palabras clave: García Márquez, personajes femeninos,Jung, arquetiposÚrsula, Ángela, María del Rosario and Sierva María:García Marquez’s Feminine CreationsAbstract: This paper analyzes four protagonists inGarcía Márquez’ works as representation of the author’sgendered universe. It is concluded that they are womenwho destroy many conventions about women and femininity,and they are analyzed on the basis of Jean ShinodaBolen’s conception of Jungian archetypes as the key tounderstand feminine psychology. In the first place, thefigure of Ursula Iguarán is analyzed as both the greatmother-and-grandmother, the spine of family sanity, and asthe authority in Macondian society, filling the vacuum leftby her male descendants; she is compared to Hestia, Greekgoddess of order in the hearth, the temple and the state. Inthe second place, we find the analysis of Ángela Vicario,a “non-virgin” who later “recovers” her “virginity” bywriting letters to her estranged lover, in the sense thatshe constructs her spiritual autonomy; she is compared tothe virgin goddesses (Athena, Artemisia and Hestia) whorepresent women’s independence. Finally, the characterof María del Rosario Castañeda y Montero, “Big Mama,”hyperbolic incarnation of maternal functions but above allof Colombia as a nation, its politicians, its elite classes.She is analyzed in terms of the Virgin Mary and Demeter,universal mother providing nourishment and protection,and Athena, the goddess of independence and autonomy.Finally Sierva María is the core of the universe the authorregales us with in Of Love and Other Demons.Key Words: García Márquez, feminine characters,Jung, archetypes

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Vafopoulou-Richardson, C. E. "Sculptures from the Temple of Athena Polias at Priene - Joseph Coleman Carter: The Sculpture of the Sanctuary of Polias at Priene. Pp. xxiv + 367; 47 plates, 31 plans and figs. London: Thames & Hudson, 1984. £48." Classical Review 38, no. 2 (October 1988): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00121845.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Ammerman, Rebecca Miller. "New evidence for the worship of Athena at the Doric temple in Pompeii's Triangular Forum - MARIA TERESA D'ALESSIO, MATERIALI VOTIVI DAL FORO TRIANGOLARE DI POMPEI (Corpus delle stipi votive in Italia XII. Regio I, 1; Giorgio Bretschneider Editore, Rome 2001). Pp. 186, pls. 31. ISSN 0391-9293; ISBN 88-7689-165-X." Journal of Roman Archaeology 17 (2004): 531–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400008436.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Wujewski, Tomasz. "Kolos rodyjski: gdzie stał i jak był wykonany." Artium Quaestiones, no. 29 (May 7, 2019): 289–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2018.29.11.

Full text

Abstract:

Colossus of Rhodes: Where It Stood and How It Was Made The author, just as Ursula Vedder, who has expressed the same opinion recently, has been long sure that the place where the Colossus of Rhodes was located was the acropolis of the town of Rhodes. The paper includes also some arguments that have not been presented by the German scholar. At first, some source information concerning the Colossus has been briefly summarized. For instance, the expression in APV, 171 (Overbeck 1543), ou gar hyper pelagos monon anthesan alla kai en ga, may be understood as confirming its location in the acropolis: “it stood not only close to the sea, but also on the earth.” In fact, there it would have loomed over the land and the sea, and, as big as it was, it could be seen from a distance. The text by Philo of Byzantium is not credible, as it was written quite late. Then the problem has been analyzed critically. As regards the legend of Colossus bestriding the entrance to the harbor, one may add to the already listed counterarguments that for static reasons a piece of sculpture shaped that way would have needed a third footing attached to the sea bottom at the harbor entrance, which would have made the ships’ access to the harbor difficult. Besides, such a pose of a god would have seemed a little indecent. A hypothesis that situates the Colossus at the end of a pier in the Mandraki Bay, preferred by many scholars, also has its weak points. Placed there, the construction site would have been too small, particularly that construction took at least twelve years, and it would have been difficult to move building materials along the narrow and long pier which under such circumstances could not be used as part of the harbor. According to Strabo (XIV, 2, 5) the harbor was accessible only to authorized personnel. Was it then a good location for a work of art intended to glorify the people of Rhodes? Even if the Colossus had been accessible there, it would have been visible only in a shortened perspective, in frog’s eye view. Still, the most important was the problem of proper display of the statue. Placed on the pier, it would have to turn its back either to the town, or to the sea, and in both cases connotations would have been unwelcome. Such details were essential for ancient Greeks. For static and constructional reasons, one must also reject a hypothesis that the Colossus put his palm over the eyes, as if examining the horizon. If it is true that the relics of the statue remained for several hundred years intact, they would have blocked access to the harbor since most probably they would have fallen into the sea. Besides, would the iron elements have resisted corrosion well enough to be recognizable? Placed on the pier, the Colossus would have been invisible to the crews of ships approaching the town from the west and the same would have been true had it been situated at the present location of the palace of the Great Masters of the Knights Hospitaller. The placement of the statue in the sanctuary of Helios at the present corner of Sofouli and Khimaras streets is also improbable, since the area is really small and the Colossus would not have made a prominent component of the town skyline. Hence, the acropolis must have been the most convenient place, just as in other Greek towns, particularly in Athens where it was the site of the city patron’s worship. Some scholars argue that the temple in the acropolis was dedicated to Apollo, but when the Colossus was constructed Apollo was commonly identified with Helios who was the most important patron of the island. The statue, with his face turned to the east – the town and the sea – might have stood near that temple (ill. 1-2), towering over it. From the west, the steep rock of the acropolis practically made it impossible to watch the Colossus from the western shore, while from the sea it was visible only as a silhouette, an orientation point for the approaching ships (ill. 3), particularly if it was gilded like the statue of Athena Promachos in Athens. This can actually be the origin of the legend that the Colossus of Rhodes was also a lighthouse. Situated in the acropolis, the statue would have been visible both from the town and the sea on both sides of the island. If the damaged Colossus remained intact for centuries, it was because removing it from the acropolis was much more difficult than removing from the wharf. The noun “colossus” originally meant “something towering” (cf. Colossae and Colophon, towns upon hills). The other part of the paper focuses on the technology of construction. Some scholars were too eager to draw from Philo’s description conclusions about the Colossus’ structure and the building methods applied. If the statue had stood at the end of the pier, most likely it would not have been hilled up since the area was too small. Due to the pressure of dirt, boarding such an embankment (A. Gabriel’s claim) would have required 40-45 meter long struts for which there was no room. Moreover, with each subsequent raising of the embankment the struts would have to be multiplied and made much longer, which would have been both costly and technologically challenging. With each new layer of dirt, founding furnaces would have to be removed (as, according to Gabriel, they were located on the embankment) and then put back. A high embankment would have required the use of gigantic ladders, unstable and dangerous. What is more, it would have made it impossible to control the form of the work in progress. All that would have been irrational, while ancient Greeks do not really deserve such a charge. In the author’s opinion, the Colossus was erected within a wooden scaffolding. Founding particular elements of the statue on site was rather unlikely. An external dirt coat would not have helped since there was no clay core inside it, which would have made the alloy’s cooling speed radically unequal. Partial casting is also unlikely as it would have required a 1:1 model (30-35 meters high). Had the model been smaller, errors in calculating detailed measurements would have been inevitable. The author believes that the Colossus of Rhodes was made of hammered bronze sheets riveted to the inner metal skeleton. Such a technique made vertical transportation easier and allowed the constructors to correct the process of montage by bending the sheets whenever necessary. It cannot be excluded that the heads of the rivets and lines of contact between the sheets were masked with solders that did not require much alloy, although in higher sections of the statue the wind would have cooled it quite rapidly. The noun “colossus” did not originally imply a gigantic size but only a slightly archaic look of the sculpture so that the Colossus of Rhodes might have been somewhat similar to very ancient and artistically primitive stiff statues of Helios. On the other hand, it might have alluded to the mythic Telchins who were the first to make statues of gods. (For static reasons, contrapposto was out of the question in the statues of that size, besides it would have been impossible to fill its interior with stones.) Another aspect of making the Colossus look archaic was the use of a modified technique of sphyrelaton. In the author’s opinion, the base of the statue and maybe its higher parts as well, up to the level of ankles, contained carefully sized and braced blocks of stone. They were drilled through to hold the lower ends of the metal internal skeleton made according to the schema of a spatial grid, perhaps used on that occasion for the first time in history. Such a fixture protected the Colossus from the wind pressure so effectively that it remained standing for dozens of years, being vulnerable to earthquakes. The fallen Colossus must have looked like a debris of rods and tin, while the stones from the fixture could be seen in the “abyss” (Plinius), below the level of the ankles, where the structure was actually bent (it must have been bent there rather than at the level of the knees, since looking inside the ruin was easy: the ankles were situated about two meters above the base.) The third footing point might have been camouflaged with some attribute (a spear or a torch). It cannot be excluded that originally Chares had been planning a statue half the final size, similar to the previously known colossal pieces of sculpture, but the pride of the people of Rhodes, emulating Athenians, made them want a Colossus twice as big (Sextus Empiricus, pros mathem., VII, 107 n.). Making the statue look archaic and using an old technology plus some innovations allowed Chares to make their extravagant wish come true. The archaic look might have been achieved thanks to a reference to some old statue of Helios, which perhaps could be found in the neighboring temple. The torso might have been topped with the head, cast separately, although the trouble with placing it so high makes one doubt it.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

"Klaus Müller/Sabine Neumann: Bonna Daix Wescoat: The Temple of Athena at Assos." Gnomon 87, no. 6 (2015): 535–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2015-6-535.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Giovagnorio, Francesca. "Dedication to Athena from Megara." Axon, no. 1 (June 29, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2018/01/003.

Full text

Abstract:

The bronze table, found in Megara on a hill called Alkathoos, has to be associated with the temple of Athena seen by Pausanias in 1.42.4. The table is broken on the upper part, where the name of those who did the ex-voto were placed. The text mentions the offering of a tenth of a booty, deducted from some marauders and then consecrated to the goddess Athena. From the graphic peculiarities of the letters, we can deduce a chronology about 450-440 BC.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Squillace, Giuseppe. "Dedica del tempio di Atena Polias a Priene da parte di Alessandro Magno." Axon 2 | 2 | 2018, no. 2 (December 20, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2018/02/011.

Full text

Abstract:

The inscription, dated 334 or later and placed on Athena Polias’ temple in Priene, testifies to Alexander’s pity for the Goddess, but also his desire to show himself as champion of freedom and avenger of the Greek against the Persians.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Paladini, Elettra. "Votive Dedications for Attalus’ Victories." Axon, no. 1 (June 29, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2018/01/017.

Full text

Abstract:

These seven inscriptions were found in Pergamon and originally engraved on a long rectangular base built in the temple square of Athena Nikephoros. They date from 241/240 BC to 224/223 BC and commemorate the victories of Attalos I during the first fifteen years of his reign. The defeated enemies were the Galatians, Antiochos Hierax and the strategoi of Seleukos III and Lysias, a member of the Philomelid dynasty. By his first victory, around 240 B.C., near the banks of the Caico against the Galati alone, Attalos I assumed the official title of Σωτήρ and was recognised as βασιλεύς. All of his successes were such as to receive the honour of two other triumphal monuments, similarly erected in the square of the temple of Athena. In this way, this sacred place commemorated the victories of the Pergamum rulers and became a symbol of the ideology and dynastic propaganda inaugurated by Attalos I and continued by his successor, Eumenes II.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Yates, David. "The Persian War as Civil War in Plataea’s Temple of Athena Areia." Klio 95, no. 2 (January 1, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/klio.2013.95.2.369.

Full text

Abstract:

SummaryDifferences in the Persian-War tradition have often been noted, but there remains a general assumption that those differences were limited to self-interested quibbling within a commonly accepted narrative of the war. In this paper I argue that divergences in the Persian-War tradition went much deeper. In the decades immediately after the war’s end, the various city-states were producing commemorations of the Persian War that in some instances could hardly be said to recall the same event. I focus on a single case in point: the commemorative narrative publicized by the Plataeans in their temple to Athena Areia. Whereas the Athenians (and others) represented the war as a glorious struggle against an alien invader, the Plataeans, despite their close alliance with Athens, chose to cast it as a disturbing civil war between Greeks. These conflicting stories about the Persian War emerged because of substantial differences in all three of the factors that tend to influence memory production: the real experiences of a given past event, the preexisting social memories onto which those experiences must be grafted, and of course the evolving present needs in whose service the past is always recalled and occasionally reshaped. Most Greek states had much less in common than Athens and Plataea, and similarly deep fissures can be seen elsewhere. Ultimately, this study suggests that the Persian-War tradition was, from the beginning, far more fractured and chaotic than is currently assumed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Maniglia, Francesco. "Concessioni di cittadinanza del koinon dei Trifili." Axon, no. 1 (June 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2020/01/005.

Full text

Abstract:

During the excavation work of 1978 in a doric temple in Mazi (present-day Skillountia) a bronze inscribed tablet was found. It is a decree concerning a concession of citizenship issued by the Triphylians, with also a threat of impiety towards Athena for any transgressors. It was created after the Elean War when the region of Triphylia was detached from Elis. The decree grants thirteen people the citizenship of Macistus, shedding new light both on the identification of the temple and the ancient village Mazi, but also on the powers of the Triphylian federal state, who seems to limit the autonomy of its members.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Niccolini, G., A. Carpinteri, G. Lacidogna, and A. Manuello. "Acoustic Emission Monitoring of the Syracuse Athena Temple: Scale Invariance in the Timing of Ruptures." Physical Review Letters 106, no. 10 (March 10, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.1103/physrevlett.106.108503.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Nicolino, Irene. "L'arbitrato tra Samo e Priene per il possesso della Batinetide." 3 | 1 | 2019, no. 1 (June 28, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2019/01/010.

Full text

Abstract:

The stele, found in Samos in 1750, bears the official letter with which Lysimachus I communicated to Samos the verdict of his arbitration to settle the conflict arisen between this city and Priene for the control over the Batinetis. The inscription, dating back to 283-282 BC, illustrates one stage of the territorial disputes between the rival cities that continued until the Roman age, and fits in the rich epigraphic context gathered on the temple walls of Athena Polias in Priene. The reasons that led the king to award the Batinetis to Samos date back to the distant past of the poleis of Asia, up to the Meliac war, when a coalition of twelve Ionic cities destroyed Melie and split up its territory.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

"Retraction: Acoustic emission of the Syracuse Athena temple: timescale invariance from microcracking to earthquakes (2011 J. Stat. Mech. P09009)." Journal of Statistical Mechanics: Theory and Experiment 2017, no. 5 (May 5, 2017): 059701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1742-5468/aa6bc2.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Athena Temple at Assos'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles