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1

Ekdawi, Mounir. "Asylum, asylums and rehabilitation." Psychiatric Bulletin 13, no. 11 (November 1989): 640. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.13.11.640.

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2

Geller, Jeffrey L., and Joseph P. Morrissey. "Asylum Within and Without Asylums." Psychiatric Services 55, no. 10 (October 2004): 1128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.55.10.1128.

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3

Takayoshi, Pamela. "Through the Agency of Words: Women in the American Insane Asylum, 1842–1890." Rhetoric of Health and Medicine 3, no. 2 (May 25, 2020): 163–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/rhm.2020.1012.

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Between 1842 and 1890, 23 women wrote 33 memoirs about their time spent incarcerated in American insane asylums. While a handful of these memoirs have been studied, there has not been a recognition of how many asylum mem­oirs exist and their significance as a collective body of work. Grounded in an inductive analysis of the collective 33 works, this article begins a process of recovering a mostly forgotten moment in time when former patients took agency over their experience, ethos, and rhetoricity to break down the institutional wall of silence and give the public the first patient-centered memoirs. I argue that these women rhetors did this by foregrounding their own identity as patient and by creating a rhetorical position from which their readers would feel the trauma of asylum life. Both rhetorical moves countered institutionalization’s dehumanizing effects by placing the patient experience at the center of understanding the asy­lum experience.
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4

Kosky, Robert. "From Morality to Madness: A Reappraisal of the Asylum Movement in Psychiatry 1800–1940." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry 20, no. 2 (June 1986): 180–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/00048678609161330.

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This essay outlines the history of the asylum movement in psychiatry, but from a somewhat different angle than usual. It attempts to delineate the historical interactions between perceptions of morality and of madness. Changes in these interactions relate to the rise of the asylum movement, around 1800, and its demise, just after World War II. I argue that, whilst insanity was defined against the rational, secular morality of the eighteenth century, it could be separated from immorality and put aside into its asylum. Once mechanistic science and medical scientism began, during the nineteenth century, to include immorality in the systems of disease, the distinction could not hold. The asylums became flooded with the immoral, and management became custodial and nihilistic. This nexus was broken when the asylums were defined, by a few revolutionary superintendents, as instruments of social control. Nevertheless, intellectual paradigms derived from asylum psychiatry persist.
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5

Shepherd, Jade. "‘I am very glad and cheered when I hear the flute’: The Treatment of Criminal Lunatics in Late Victorian Broadmoor." Medical History 60, no. 4 (September 15, 2016): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2016.56.

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Through an examination of previously unseen archival records, including patients’ letters, this article examines the treatment and experiences of patients in late Victorian Broadmoor Criminal Lunatic Asylum and stakes the place of this institution within the broader history of therapeutic regimes in British asylums. Two main arguments are put forth. The first relates to the evolution of treatment in Victorian asylums. Historians tend to agree that in the 1860s and 1870s ‘psychiatric pessimism’ took hold, as the optimism that had accompanied the growth of moral treatment, along with its promise of a cure for insanity, abated. It has hitherto been taken for granted that all asylums reflected this change. I question this assumption by showing that Broadmoor did not sit neatly within this framework. Rather, the continued emphasis on work, leisure and kindness privileged at this institution into the late Victorian period was often welcomed positively by patients and physicians alike. Second, I show that, in Broadmoor’s case, moral treatment was determined not so much by the distinction between the sexes as the two different classes of patients – Queen’s pleasure patients and insane convicts – in the asylum. This distinction between patients not only led to different modes of treatment within Broadmoor, but had an impact on patients’ asylum experiences. The privileged access to patients’ letters that the Broadmoor records provide not only offers a new perspective on the evolution of treatment in Victorian asylums, but also reveals the rarely accessible views of asylum patients and their families on asylum care.
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6

Talbott, John A. "The Need for Asylum, Not Asylums." Psychiatric Services 55, no. 10 (October 2004): 1127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ps.55.10.1127.

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7

Stein, M. A. "Mental Disability in Victorian England: The Earlswood Asylum 1847–1901. By David Wright. [Oxford: Oxford University Press. 2001. xii, 244 and (Index) 10 pp. Hardback £40. ISBN 0–19–924639–4.]." Cambridge Law Journal 61, no. 2 (June 24, 2002): 463–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197302401699.

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Under the auspices of the 1808 Asylums Act, twelve county asylums for the institutionalised care of “dangerous idiots and lunatics” were created from 1808 through 1834. The advent of the New Poor Law in that latter year, with its emphasis on economising costs through “relieving” the poor in Union workhouses, resulted in a drastic increase in the number of mentally disabled people under the care of the Poor Law Overseers. Subsequently (and partially in consequence) the Lunatics Act of 1845 directed that all “lunatics, idiots, or persons of unsound mind” be institutionalised in county asylums. The Earlswood Asylum (formerly the National Asylum for Idiots) was the premier establishment for the care of people with mental disabilities throughout the Victorian era, and the institution upon which a national network would be modelled. This book chronicles and examines the history of the Earlswood Asylum from 1847–1901.
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8

Mac Lellan, Anne. "Disease, danger and death: illness and injuries among staff of Monaghan District Asylum (1869–1950)." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 33, no. 3 (October 29, 2015): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2015.49.

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ObjectiveThe purpose of this paper has been to investigate the vulnerability of staff in an Irish district lunatic asylum (1869–1950) to infection and injury as exemplified by the records of Monaghan District Asylum (renamed Monaghan Mental Hospital in 1924 and St Davnet’s Hospital in 1954). Some comparisons with other Irish district asylums are included.MethodsThe Minutebooks of Monaghan District Asylum, located in St Davnet’s Complex, Monaghan, were sampled in December of each year from 1869 to 1950 with the sampling extended outwards as required. In addition, the reports on the District, Criminal and Lunatic Asylums in Ireland (1869–1921) and the annual reports of the Inspector of Mental Hospitals (1923–2013) were surveyed for comparisons.ConclusionsStaff in Monaghan District Asylum were vulnerable to infection from contagious diseases including typhoid, tuberculosis and Spanish influenza. As with other Irish district asylums, overcrowding was the norm and isolation facilities were either absent or inadequate. The close proximity of staff to patients in an overcrowded and frequently insanitary institution placed them at increased risk of contracting disease. Moreover, staff at all levels, from resident medical superintendent to attendant, were, on occasion, at risk of injury from patients. The Monaghan experience would seem to indicate that any consideration of staff patient relationships within asylums should be nuanced by a consideration of the risks posed to staff due to their occupation.
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9

Ruckshana, Azeez, Veldmeijer Claire, Lomax Paul, and O’Brien Aileen. "The surrey county lunatic asylum-an overview of some of the first admissions in 1863-1867." Archives of Psychiatry and Mental Health 6, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 023–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.29328/journal.apmh.1001039.

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In the 19th Century in much of Western Europe and North America the number and size of asylums increased hugely. In London, there was a wave of new asylums built in response to the 1808 County Asylums Act and the 1845 Lunacy Act, which required publicly funded care for those deemed mentally unwell. One such asylum was the Surrey County Lunatic Asylum which was built on the grounds which now house Springfield University Hospital in South West London. This paper describes the admission records from Surrey County Lunatic Asylum, between 1863-1867, from information stored in the London Metropolitan Archives. Although the terminology is different from that of today’s, the picture the records paint is of an institution aiming at recovery rather than long-term incarceration which can be how asylums are now remembered. This more nuanced view is starting to be discussed more in public conversations about the topic. The optimism this may imbue is tempered by the shocking number of patients who died within the institution.
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10

Kelly, Brendan D. "One hundred years ago: The Richmond Asylum, Dublin in 1907." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 24, no. 3 (September 2007): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0790966700010430.

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AbstractThe Richmond Asylum (St Brendan's Hospital) in Grangegorman, Dublin was established in 1815 to help address the unmet needs of the mentally ill in 19th century Ireland. This paper examines the Richmond Asylum Joint Committee Minutes from 1907 in order to explore specific aspects of management and clinical activity at the Richmond Asylum, including: (a) patient populations in the asylums; (b) staffing and management issues; (c) challenges presented by workhouse populations in the early 20th century; and (d) the clinical ‘segregation’ of patients performed by the Medical Superintendent, Dr Conolly Norman, in 1907.
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11

Świrgoń-Skok, Renata. "Subjective and Territorial Scope of confugium ad ecclesias, and Christian Ideas." Studia Prawnicze KUL, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sp.10614.

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Beginnings of asylum (asylum, ius asyli, confugium) in ancient Rome dates back to Romulus times. In subsequent periods of the development of the Roman state, the right of asylum was further developed and included in the norms of material and legal nature. In the Republic Period there were no comprehensive legal regulations regarding ius asyli, although temple asylum was known. It was only during the empire that legal regulation of asylum was in place and two of its forms were developed, confugium ad statuum (asylum, escape to the monument to the emperor) and confugium ad ecclesias (church asylum). That study focuses on answering the question of whether Christian ideas had an impact on the subjective and territorial scope confugium ad ecclesias. After the Edict of Milan in the year 313, Christianity, being able to worship publicly, began to influence the consciousness of the inhabitants of the empire. The Church was conceived as an institution protecting the weak, persecuted and those in need. The right of asylum was also enriched with some Christian elements, especially mercy (misericordia), in relation to individuals entitled to benefit from asylum protection. The territorial extent is also expanded to include places belonging to temples, such as the bishop’s house, cemetery and monasteries. An important novelty was the validity of confugium ad ecclesias in every Christian temple because it was not the emperor’s decision that was in force of ius asylum and the sanctity of the place. However, imperial constitutions played a more important role in shaping the right of asylum in the 4th and 5th centuries than the synodal legislation.
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12

Kritzman-Amir, Tally. "Privatization and Delegation of State Authority in Asylum Systems." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2011): 194–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1057.

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One of the measures taken by states to relieve the burden of providing for asylum seekers and refugees is privatization and delegation of asylum regimes. I analyze the privatization and delegation of authority that is taking place within asylum systems and describe three tiers of privatization/delegation: 1. admission at points of entry or criminalization of undocumented entry, 2. status determination, 3. social integration and provision of social and economic rights and benefits. I then ask why states are privatizing and delegating authority within the context of asylum systems and argue that privatization and delegation of authority are intended to be used to maintain control and reduce immigration and integration of asylum seekers. Governments are often helpless in their attempts to manage refugee migration and need to recruit other sectors to assist them in regaining control over immigration. This “tool” is particularly instrumental as it allows governments to maintain—to a large extent—control of immigrations and at the same time distance themselves from their responsibilities, from human rights violations, etc. Governments attempt to have private or other actors carry out acts that they cannot—whether because of practical reasoning or due to legal constraints. Finally, I argue that asylums systems are a special locus; thus, special care, great caution, much regulation, or complete refrain from privatizing at all, is paramount since privatization of asylums systems carries unique and severe consequences.
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13

BROWN, MICHAEL. "RETHINKING EARLY NINETEENTH-CENTURY ASYLUM REFORM." Historical Journal 49, no. 2 (June 2006): 425–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x06005279.

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This article seeks, through the medium of a case study of the York Lunatic Asylum scandal of 1813 to 1815, to rethink aspects of the existing historiography of early nineteenth-century asylum reform. By moving away from the normative medical historical focus on ‘madness’ and ‘custody’, it relates the reform of lunatic asylums to the wider social, cultural, and political currents of the early nineteenth century. In particular, it demonstrates how the conflict over the administration of the York Asylum represented a clash between different conceptions of social power and public accountability which were rooted in mutually opposed cultural ideologies. In addition, by bringing more recent work on identity and performance to bear on a classic set of historical issues, it also seeks to investigate how the reform of lunatic asylums, and the cultural shifts which they embodied, impacted upon the social identities of medical practitioners engaged in the charitable care of the sick and mad.
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14

Hilton, Claire, and Benjamin Hilton. "Samuel Alderman Lomas (1838–1901) the man with two gravestones, his brother MuscotAtkin Lomas (1840–1907) and their lives in Victorian asylums." Journal of Medical Biography 17, no. 2 (April 28, 2009): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/jmb.2008.008028.

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Samuel Alderman Lomas died in the Hertfordshire County Asylum, Hill End, St Albans in 1901. He was buried in the asylum cemetery where two gravestones bear his name. This paper traces his life history and that of his brother Muscot Atkin Lomas. Both were classed as idiots in Victorian society and spent most of their lives – from childhood until death – in asylums.
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15

Barraclough, Peter. "Asylum Bound Asylum Bound." Nursing Standard 27, no. 28 (March 13, 2013): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns2013.03.27.28.29.b1481.

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16

Funnell, Warwick, Valerio Antonelli, Raffaele D’Alessio, and Roberto Rossi. "Accounting for madness: the “Real Casa dei Matti” of Palermo 1824-1860." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 30, no. 5 (June 19, 2017): 1111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-05-2015-2047.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the role played by accounting in managing an early nineteenth century lunatic asylum in Palermo, Italy. Design/methodology/approach The paper is informed by Foucault’s studies of lunatic asylums and his work on governmentality which gave prominence to the role of statistics, the “science of the State”. Findings This paper identifies a number of roles played by accounting in the management of the lunatic asylum studied. Most importantly, information which formed the basis of accounting reports was used to describe, classify and give visibility and measurability to the “deviance” of the insane. It also legitimated the role played by lunatic asylums, as entrusted to them in post-Napoleonic early nineteenth century society, and was a tool to mediate with the public authorities to provide adequate resources for the institution to operate. Research limitations/implications This paper encourages accounting scholars to engage more widely with socio-historical research that will encompass organisations such as lunatic asylums. Originality/value This paper provides, for the first time, a case of accounting applied to a lunatic asylum from a socio-historical perspective.
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Miller, Ed. "The Role of the Poor Law in the Care of the Insane in the Nineteenth Century." History & Philosophy of Psychology 8, no. 2 (2006): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpshpp.2006.8.2.17.

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Where writings in abnormal and clinical psychology refer to the ways in which the ‘insane’ were dealt with in the past, they almost universally assume that the two dominant features were the asylum and the asylum doctor. The large, nineteenth century public asylums were built for the ‘pauper insane’ and the vast majority of those regarded as insane were pauper insane. As a consequence of this the Poor Law played a crucial role in the care of the insane and it was the local Poor Law officials who, together with magistrates, determined who were to be regarded as the pauper insane and whether such individuals were to be sent to the asylum or dealt with in other ways. Even at the end of the nineteenth century about 20% of the pauper insane were resident in workhouses and not asylums. There was also considerable local variation in how officials handled the problem of insanity. Many of the pauper insane retained in workhouses remained there for long periods and their treatment was often unsatisfactory.
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Bręczewska-Kulesza, Daria. "Provincial treatment and care asylums for the mentally ill in East Prussia as forgotten cultural heritage: case study of the asylum in Allenberg (now Znamensk, Russian Federation)." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 56, no. 3 (January 3, 2022): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2021.en6.02.

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The article focuses on issues demonstrating the role of architecture in the development of Prussian psychiatry in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. The Provincial Treatment and Care Institution Allenberg (now Znamensk, Russian Federation) is used as a case study to demonstrate the perception of model solutions used in Prussian asylums located in distant provinces. The asylum discussed in this article met the contemporary requirements, proving that these models and newest trends reached East Prussia very quickly. The asylum complex in Allenberg was a testimony to the development of Prussian and European architectural thought in the service of medicine. Unfortunately, today the former asylum remains in a poor condition and is treated as unwanted legacy rather than a cultural monument.
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Napierała, Joanna, Jason Hilton, Jonathan J. Forster, Marcello Carammia, and Jakub Bijak. "Toward an Early Warning System for Monitoring Asylum-Related Migration Flows in Europe." International Migration Review 56, no. 1 (October 19, 2021): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01979183211035736.

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Asylum-related migration is highly complex, uncertain, and volatile, which precludes using standard model-based predictions to inform policy and operational decisions. At the same time, asylum's potentially high societal impacts on receiving countries and the resource implications of asylum processes call for more proactive approaches for assessing current and future migration flows. In this article, we propose an alternative approach to asylum modeling, based on the detection of early warning signals by using models originating from statistical control theory. Our empirical analysis of several asylum flows into Europe in 2010–2016 demonstrates the approach's utility and potential in aiding the management of mixed migration flows, while also shedding more light on the work needed to make better use of the “big data” and scenario-based methods for comprehensive and systematic examination of risk, uncertainty, and emerging trends.
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20

Saitua, Iker. "Asylum." Sancho el Sabio : revista de cultura e investigación vasca, no. 42 (December 3, 2019): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.55698/ss.v0i42.222.

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El presente artículo ofrece una propuesta de intervención para la enseñanza de la Guerra Civil en el País Vasco a través del cómic para alumnos de segundo de Bachillerato en el aula de historia. Se diseña una propuesta didáctica de mejora para la enseñanza de la Guerra Civil en el País Vasco para la asignatura de Historia de España. Se propone utilizar el cómic Asylum (2015) de Javier de Isusi como medio para ayudar a los alumnos a construir las capacidades de identificar, contextualizar y corroborar.
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21

Puglia, Salvatore. "Asylum." Écrire l'histoire, no. 5 (May 21, 2010): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/elh.853.

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22

Byrne, Peter. "Asylum." BMJ 331, no. 7516 (September 8, 2005): 581.2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.331.7516.581-a.

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23

McCarthy-Jones, Simon. "Asylum." Psychosis 10, no. 4 (April 27, 2018): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17522439.2018.1449886.

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Vasefi, Saba. "Asylum." Wasafiri 33, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02690055.2018.1395227.

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Banta, David. "Asylum." Journal of Public Health Policy 38, no. 3 (August 2017): 384–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41271-017-0081-0.

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26

Josephson, T. "Asylum." TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly 1, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2014): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-2399506.

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27

Bastiaens, Lucie. "alternatief voor het krankzinnigengesticht? Psychiatrische zorg in Maastricht en de lange aanloop naar een bureau voor psychiatrische voor- en nazorg (1937)." Studies over de sociaaleconomische geschiedenis van Limburg/Jaarboek van het Sociaal Historisch Centrum voor Limburg 65 (December 2, 2022): 76–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.58484/ssegl.v65i.12886.

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The care for psychiatric patients outside mental asylums developed in the Netherlands during the first decades of the twentieth century. In Maastricht, a psychiatric pre- and after care facility opened in 1937, but little is known about its history. This paper attempts to unravel this history and analyses to what extent causes which stimulated psychiatric care outside the mental asylum on a national level also played a role in Maastricht. It becomes clear that Maastricht had its own local dynamic; overcrowding of the mental asylum was never an issue here, growing costs of hospitalization in mental asylums did not encourage the local government in Maastricht to search for alternatives and due to the absence of a psychiatrist no new perspectives on hospitalization and psychiatric care in society came into being. Furthermore, it is likely that family members and philanthropic associations played an important role in taking care of and supporting psychiatric patients. It thus seems that in Maastricht there was no strong sense of urgency or need to develop new forms of psychiatric care outside the mental asylum. The provincial cross society initiated a psychiatric pre- and after care facility. This however could only be realized because of the presence of a psychiatrist in Maastricht since 1936, who supported this new facility. The Maastricht ‘case’ broadens our view and understanding of the development of psychiatric care in society in the Netherlands.
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28

Renvoize, Edward B., and Allan W. Beveridge. "Mental illness and the late Victorians: a study of patients admitted to three asylums in York, 1880–1884." Psychological Medicine 19, no. 1 (February 1989): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291700010990.

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SynopsisThe case histories of the patients newly admitted to the Retreat Asylum in York between 1880–1884 were examined. Most patients were aged under 50 years, single and non-Quaker, and a majority satisfied the Research Diagnostic Criteria for a diagnosis of schizophrenia or affective disorder. It was found that 72·9% of the patients were deluded, the most common delusions being of persecution, grandeur and guilt; in 34·9% of the deluded patients, the delusion had a religious content. Suicidal ideation was recorded in the case records of 31·4% of the patients. Drug therapy was commonly prescribed, a history of assault on other patients or asylum staff was recorded in 38·1% of the patients, and 11% of patients were force fed at some stage during their illness. Within a year of admission 49·1% of the patients were discharged, the prognosis being better for patients with an affective illness than for schizophrenia, but 31·4% remained in the asylum for five or more years.The characteristics, alleged causes of mental illness, and treatment and outcome of the Retreat patients were compared with those of patients admitted during the same period to the two other York asylums which served different socio-economic groups of the population. Mortality rates were higher in the asylum admitting mainly pauper patients, and possible reasons for this are explored.
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Tahamata, Lucia Ch O. "SUAKA DIPLOMATIK DALAM KAJIAN HUKUM INTERNASIONAL." SASI 17, no. 2 (June 30, 2011): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v17i2.356.

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Asylum problem is oftentimes assumed to represent the political problem, though represent the law problem special of international law diplomatic asylum is asylum which. Asylum is asylum which give to one who ask the protection of below diplomatic delegation of foreign state. Problem which emerge is whether people on who request asylum the foreign embassy region can be given by a diplomatic asylum. This writing is diplomatic debate asylum evaluate the international law and to present practice the states in diplomatic asylum give
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30

Tesi, Chiara, and Mario Picozzi. "Five autopsy reports of rib fractures in the mental hospital of Reggio Emilia (1874–5): pathogenesis proposal in defence of the ‘non-restraint’ system." History of Psychiatry 32, no. 3 (May 7, 2021): 350–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957154x211011051.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, recurrent cases of rib fractures were recorded in psychiatric asylums, opening a long chapter of discussions about the application of the ‘non-restraint’ system. Here we present a brief discussion of an article written by Enrico Morselli about five cases of rib fractures in the mental asylum of Reggio Emilia, in 1874–5. Morselli, a supporter of the ideas of ‘non-restraint’, suggested a common pathological cause. His analysis proposed the osteomalacic condition as the possible cause of fractured ribs, rejecting the accusations of violence by asylum attendants. The discussion also examines similar cases of the same period, making rib fractures the means through which the issue of management of the insane was addressed.
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Reuber, Markus. "The architecture of psychological management: the Irish asylums (1801–1922)." Psychological Medicine 26, no. 6 (November 1996): 1179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003329170003590x.

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SynopsisThis analysis examines some of the psychological, philosophical and sociological motives behind the development of pauper lunatic asylum architecture in Ireland during the time of the Anglo–Irish union (1801–1922). Ground plans and structural features are used to define five psycho-architectonic generations. While isolation and classification were the prime objectives in the first public asylum in Ireland (1810–1814), a combination of the ideas of a psychological, ‘moral’, management and ‘panoptic’ architecture led to a radial institutional design during the next phase of construction (1817–1835). The asylums of the third generation (1845–1855) lacked ‘panoptic’ features but they were still intended to allow a proper ‘moral’ management of the inmates, and to create a therapeutic family environment. By the time the institutions of the fourth epoch were erected (1862–1869) the ‘moral’ treatment approach had been given up, and asylums were built to allow a psychological management by ‘association’. The last institutions (1894–1922) built before Ireland's acquisition of Dominion status (1922) were intended to foster the development of a curative society.
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32

Winters, Joe. "Asylum wish." Nursing Standard 7, no. 45 (July 28, 1993): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.7.45.46.s54.

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33

Gammeltoft-Hansen, Thomas, and Sune Klinge. "Arctic Asylum." Nordic Journal of International Law 91, no. 1 (February 22, 2022): 148–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-91010007.

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Abstract This article examines the regulation and rights of refugees and other foreigners in independent, overseas and other not fully sovereign territories. It analyses two Nordic cases, Greenland and Svalbard. Greenland is an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark, and Svalbard an unincorporated area subject to Norwegian sovereignty through the 1920 Spitsbergen Treaty. Unlike their parent states, both territories remain outside the Schengen Area. As this article highlights, both territories are subject to distinct regulatory frameworks in respect to asylum-seekers and refugees. While the number of asylum-seekers or refugees in each place is so far very limited, the regulatory differences nonetheless raise principled questions both from a rights-based perspective and at the more theoretical level. As this article argues, Greenland and Svalbard both exemplify how international law and late sovereign constructions may themselves provide for an unmooring of asylum and refugee rights within the ordinary statist framework. The effects in each case are multi-directional. On the one hand, the legal frameworks pertaining to these arctic territories provide for significantly more liberal rules in terms of access to asylum and immigration control. On the other hand, these legal bifurcations serve to upend the ordinary Nordic social contract and welfare rights owed to refugees and other aliens.
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34

Maitre, Charlotte. "Asylum today." UN Chronicle 44, no. 3 (January 15, 2008): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/847b69e1-en.

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35

Miller, John. "Asylum history." Medical Journal of Australia 154, no. 11 (June 1991): 782. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1991.tb121348.x.

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36

Pope, Jacquelyn. "Asylum (review)." Callaloo 26, no. 2 (2003): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2003.0054.

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37

Canning, Victoria. "Gendered Asylum." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 3, no. 2 (February 9, 2017): 283–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649217691046.

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38

Velakoulis, Dennis, and Chris Pantelis. "Seeking asylum." Australasian Psychiatry 10, no. 3 (September 2002): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1440-1665.2002.00456.x.

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39

Zeitlin, H. "Asylum seekers." Medico-Legal Journal 88, no. 4 (December 2020): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0025817220960666.

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40

Rud, Jeremy A. "After asylum." Narrative Inquiry 28, no. 1 (September 27, 2018): 30–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ni.17059.rud.

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Abstract In this study I examine a corpus of former refugee narratives published by the nonprofit Refugee Council of Australia (RCOA) on their website in 2011. In order to investigate the relationship between the constituent parts and the narrative as a whole, I use critical discourse analysis to examine the strategic use of person, quantified temporal phrases, broader thematic elements, and the constitution of “former refugee narrative” as a genre. I conclude that the RCOA dominates temporality and maintains authority over the narratives through specifically applied quantification yet captures the necessary subjective and emotional material of the refugee experience to achieve the authenticity the co-narratives need to be well-received by the public. Thus, by manipulating hermeneutic composability, the RCOA evidences an objective, authoritative portrayal yet captures a subjective experience worth telling, and by manipulating intertextual gaps they appeal to the Australian nationalism implicit in the contemporary political climate.
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41

Floate, Susan. "Asylum architecture." Psychiatric Bulletin 16, no. 12 (December 1992): 764–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.16.12.764.

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The College library is continuing with its project to photograph some of the large old psychiatric hospitals. With the planned closure and possible demolition of many of these institutions it seems worthwhile to record the architecture of the buildings, although inevitably most have been extended, renovated or dissected over the years. Initially hospitals in the vicinity of London are being photographed but we hope to include establishments throughout the country and would be pleased to receive photographs of any architecturally interesting psychiatric hospitals to add to our collection. (Photographs on this spread by Mr C. Priest/MAGPIE Reprographics.)
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42

Shepherd, Michael. "Seeking asylum." Nature 330, no. 6145 (November 1987): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/330295a0.

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43

Velakoulis, Dennis, and Chris Pantelis. "Seeking asylum." Australasian Psychiatry 10, no. 3 (September 2002): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103985620201000309.

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Objective: To highlight our duty of care for patients with persistent and treatment-resistant chronic schizophrenia, some of whom remain homeless. Conclusions: That schizophrenia as an illness has not changed, nor has the efficacy of our treatments. A minority of patients have and will continue to develop persistent and chronic illness. Asylum can offer the time and structure required for the maximisation of function and symptom treatment.
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44

Glyde, Tania. "Seeking asylum." Lancet 383, no. 9928 (May 2014): 1537. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(14)60734-0.

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45

Antosik-Parsons, Kate. "Asylum Archive." Irish Studies Review 27, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 594–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09670882.2019.1664019.

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46

MARSHALL, Nigel A., and Kagari SHIBAZAKI. "Seeking Asylum." Asian Journal of Human Services 11 (2016): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14391/ajhs.11.18.

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47

Linden, Sonja. "Reclaim Asylum." Index on Censorship 36, no. 2 (May 2007): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220701333099.

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48

Bond, Bruce. "Life's Asylum." Sewanee Review 115, no. 2 (2007): 172–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sew.2007.0039.

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49

Isaacs, David. "Asylum seekers." Journal of Paediatrics and Child Health 49, no. 2 (February 2013): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpc.12100.

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50

Talbott, John A. "SEEKING ASYLUM." Sciences 31, no. 5 (September 10, 1991): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.2326-1951.1991.tb02335.x.

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