Academic literature on the topic 'Asylum policy – European Union countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Asylum policy – European Union countries"
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Suryani, Desak Sinta Putu, and Abdul Razaq Cangara. "National Identity and Migration Policy Dynamics: Analysing the Effect of Swedish National Identity on Its Granting Asylum Policy to Syrian Refugees in 2013." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24804.
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The Syrian conflict in 2011 has inevitably led to the massive forced migration of asylum seekers and refugees. Most of them fled to neighbouring and several countries in Europe. As a result of the European Union (EU) 's open border policy, their influx into Europe was reckoned a problem for many European countries due to increasing crimes and threats to its members' national security. Some European Union countries chose to be cautious by refusing or only providing financial assistance. Contrastingly, as an EU member state, Sweden received thousands of Syrian refugees until 2013. On October 3, 2013, the Swedish government announced an asylum policy of guaranteed housing provision and the right to bring families to Syrian asylum seekers until they obtain UNHCR refugee status. Such granting asylum policy to Syrian refugees shows differences in the identity of social security construction both in the society and its decision-makers compared to other EU countries. This article exposes the identity influence on the Swedish government's decision to grant asylum to Syrian refugees in 2013. This article employs the "aspirational constructivism" theory by Anne Clunan, arguing that a state's policy is based on a national identity sourced from society's historical reflections and the political elite's future aspirations. This article finds that Swedish society's history experienced cultural homogenization, known as a multicultural country, and the Social-Democracy and folkhemmet ("Home for the People") idea of the political elites resulted in the granting of asylum policy to Syrian refugees in October 2013.
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Ismayilzada, Tofig. "The European Union's Cooperation With Third Countries: Turkey And Libya." Jurnal Kajian Pemerintah: Journal of Government, Social and Politics 8, no. 2 (December 13, 2022): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/jkp.2022.vol8(2).11148.
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The European Union has recently been an attractive destination for asylum seekers and migrants. Despite the deadly migration routes, the migration crisis has proved that asylum seekers and migrants are willing to enter European Union territory. The flow of irregular migration to the European Union peaked in 2015. The intensity of migration movement over such a short period raised concerns about internal and external security. At the same time, due to the migration crisis, the European Union intensified its cooperation with third countries on the migration issue. This article first explores the concept of international cooperation on migration and assesses if the selected case studies have any common characteristics to the concept. Second, the paper studies the effectiveness of the European Union's cooperation with Turkey and Libya, which emerged due to the migration crisis. Additionally, the paper provides data to test the effectiveness of cooperation with third countries. The cooperation with Turkey and Libya was an essential tool for the European Union to control its Mediterranean borders. When the consensus was reached, the number of irregular arrivals significantly decreased.
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Stojanovic, Nikola. "Crisis in the Mediterranean neighbourhood: A test for the European union migration policy." Medjunarodni problemi 67, no. 4 (2015): 328–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1504328s.
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The paper analyses the implementation of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of EU member states' external borders in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. The author argues that the European Union pursues an exclusive version of those policies aimed at reducing the immigration pressure as well as preventing illegal border crossings into the member states. Two key mechanisms have been identified in the EU policy implementation: 1) a restrictive border control regime, and 2) agreements to transfer border management and supervision tasks to the third countries (transitional countries). The author emphasizes that the development of an exclusive migration strategy was not followed by the needed changes of the inclusive aspects of the EU immigration and asylum policy and the control of external borders; in fact, the EU member state's asylum systems were not preventively strengthened as to enhance national capacities to receive and integrate new migrants. The dramatic increase of the number of illegal crossings of the European Union external borders in 2014 caused the collapse of the EU immigration strategy, and failures in national asylum systems of the member states. The author concludes that partially integrated EU immigration and asylum policy at national level led to the dysfunctional external border management and the EU's loss of control over massive immigration influxes.
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Vermeersch, Peter. "EU enlargement and immigration policy in Poland and Slovakia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2005.01.006.
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With the enlargement of the European Union (EU), Poland and Slovakia have become crucial border areas at the eastern edge of EU. This has important implications for the EU’s immigration policy. Both countries have been traditionally known as countries of emigration. In recent times, however, they have increasingly become transit and target countries for immigrants and asylum seekers. The EU has exerted pressure on both countries to tighten their borders in order to fight illegal immigration; they have also been urged to restrict their entry conditions and increasingly consolidate their asylum systems. This article shows that in adopting new immigration and asylum policies these countries have mainly responded to EU interests and less to interests linked to domestic issues.
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Sicakkan, Hakan G. "Political Asylum and Sovereignty-Sharing in Europe." Government and Opposition 43, no. 2 (2008): 206–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2007.00253.x.
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AbstractIn focusing on the relationships between asylum recognition rates and the different institutional arrangements through which European states share or preserve their sovereignty, this article seeks to show how sovereignty-sharing affects the right to political asylum in practice. After a qualitative overview of variations in sovereignty-sharing forms, the article presents the results from a multiple regression analysis of the relationship between legal and institutional frames of asylum decision-making in 17 West European countries (EU-15, Norway and Switzerland) and the asylum recognition rates in these countries. The article ends with a brief assessment of the significance of the results for a potential policy change in the European Union.
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Freier, Luisa Feline, and Jean-Pierre Gauci. "Refugee Rights Across Regions: A Comparative Overview of Legislative Good Practices in Latin America and the EU." Refugee Survey Quarterly 39, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 321–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/hdaa011.
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Abstract The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has identified a number of legislative good practices in Latin American asylum and refugee laws. At the same time, academics and policy-makers have long called for cross-regional comparative analyses of policies and laws to allow different regions to learn from each other’s best practices. In this article, we compare refugee legislations of Latin American countries with European Union protection standards based on UNHCR’s legislative good practices across three areas: (i) Core Principles and Scope of Protection; (ii) Procedural Safeguards and Guarantees for Vulnerable Groups; and (iii) Integration. We find that six of 19 refugee laws in Latin America provide more expansive protection than the Common European Asylum System framework, whereas other Latin American countries fall behind. The gap between Latin American legislations and European Union protection standards is closer regarding procedural safeguards, the protection of vulnerable groups, and integration provisions. Finally, Latin American countries, on average, score significantly below the European Union regarding the core principles of asylum and the scope of protection. In the second part of the article, we engage in a qualitative discussion of these legislative good practices to allow for cross-fertilization, and deliver policy recommendations.
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Dudauri, Tamar. "REGULATION OF LEGAL MIGRATION FROM GEORGIA TO EU COUNTRIES AND INTEGRATION INTO THE LABOR MARKET." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 07, no. 12 (2022): 4017–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2022.v07i12.018.
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Migration processes have become not only an important factor in modern international relations, but also have a serious impact on the state's domestic policy. In addition to combating illegal migration, protecting borders and providing asylum, an integral part of migration policy is also regulation of legal migration channels, including labor migration. Effective management of legal migration is in the common interest of EU member states and the EU as a Union. The paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the stages and principles of the formation of the supranational component of the regulation of legal migration in the European Union. The author pays special attention to the political and legal component, methods and tools of migration regulation in the European Union. The assessment of the current situation of the common migration policy of the European Union is of interest for the integration processes and the future development of the European Union.
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Guild, Elspeth. "Between Persecution and Protection: Refugees and the New European Asylum Policy." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 3 (2000): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802859141.
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The admission, reception and treatment of asylum seekers in the European Union has been an issue of continuing political and legal concern throughout the 1990’s. The rising numbers of persons seeking protection at the beginning of the period coupled with a rapidly developing regional jurisprudence on the right to protection from the European Court of Human Rights in particular, changed the nature of the debate. The Member States began to search for common policies and practices as regards asylum through intergovernmental measures. With the Amsterdam Treaty, the most important aspects of asylum have been transferred to the EC Treaty: criteria and mechanisms for determining which Member State is responsible for considering an application for asylum; minimum standards on reception of asylum seekers; minimum standards with respect to the qualification of nationals of third countries as refugees; minimum standards on procedures for granting and withdrawing refugee status amongst others.
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Guild, Elspeth. "Between Persecution and Protection: Refugees and the New European Asylum Policy." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 3 (2000): 169–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000003785.
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The admission, reception and treatment of asylum seekers in the European Union has been an issue of continuing political and legal concern throughout the 1990’s. The rising numbers of persons seeking protection at the beginning of the period coupled with a rapidly developing regional jurisprudence on the right to protection from the European Court of Human Rights in particular, changed the nature of the debate. The Member States began to search for common policies and practices as regards asylum through intergovernmental measures. With the Amsterdam Treaty, the most important aspects of asylum have been transferred to the EC Treaty: criteria and mechanisms for determining which Member State is responsible for considering an application for asylum; minimum standards on reception of asylum seekers; minimum standards with respect to the qualification of nationals of third countries as refugees; minimum standards on procedures for granting and withdrawing refugee status amongst others.
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Garry, Hannah R. "Harmonisation of Asylum Law and Policy within the European Union: A Human Rights Perspective." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 20, no. 2 (June 2002): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934410202000202.
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From 1986 to the present, there has been a dramatic increase in the numbers of asylum applications within the borders of the European Union largely from Eastern European countries and former colonies in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Reacting to the influxes of the 1980s, European States began to implement and coordinate policies to control entry of asylum seekers. Within this climate, the EU has moved towards harmonisation of asylum policy and procedure as necessary for its pursuit of an ‘area of freedom, security and justice’ without internal borders for the purpose of greater economic and political integration. In light of the current restrictive attitudes and practice towards asylum seekers in the individual Member States of the EU, the harmonisation of asylum policy through the institutions and law of the EU may prove to be problematic from a human rights perspective. This paper first traces the development of a common asylum policy within the EU through the Maastricht Treaty and the Amsterdam Treaty. Second, this paper analyses the implications of harmonisation after the Amsterdam Treaty with reference to the international obligations of the Member States under international human rights and refugee law. Third, this paper critiques the development of various current asylum policies and practice through intergovernmental development of ‘soft law’. Through this overview and analysis, it is argued that further steps towards harmonisation will continue to reflect European concerns with security, economic prosperity, and cultural homogeneity unless the moves towards supranationalism within the EU framework lead to a deliberate effort to make respect for human rights the core of asylum law and policy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Asylum policy – European Union countries"
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Lai, I. Tak. "Towards the EU common migration and asylum policy : challenges or opportunities?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555551.
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Shoemaker, Melissa K. "A house divided evolution of EU asylum policy after the Bosnian war /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4508.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.Vita: p. 279. Thesis director: Janine Wedel. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed June 10, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-278). Also issued in print.
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KARAGIANNIS, Yannis. "Preference heterogeneity and equilibrium institutions: The case of European competition policy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15460.
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Defence date: 21 December 2007Examining board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier (EUI)(Supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI, Law Department) ; Prof. Jacint Jordana (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona) ; Prof. Hussein Kassim (Birkbeck College, University of London)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
One characteristic of European competition policy is its complex governance structure. On the one hand, the European competition regulator has always enjoyed a high degree of formal autonomy from national governments. On the other hand, that regulator has always been embedded in a multi-task and collegial organisation that mirrors intergovernmental politics. Although the literature has often disapprovingly noted this complexity, it has not been explained. Part I elaborates on the theoretical lens for understanding the governance structures of EC competition policy. Despite the prominence of principal-agent models, transaction cost economics seems to offer a more promising venue. The assumption that Member States maximise their total expected gains and postpone excessive bargaining costs leads to the following hypothesis: the greater the preference heterogeneity (homogeneity) between Member States, the higher (lower) the asset-specific investments involved, hence the higher (lower) the risk of post-contractual hold-ups, and hence the more (less) integrated the governance structures created to sustain future transactions. Alternatively, this logic leads to a deterministic hypothesis about the sufficiency of preference heterogeneities for the production of complex governance structures. Part II examines this deterministic hypothesis. Using various sources, and conducting both within- and comparative case- studies, it analyses three important cases: the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), of the Treaty of Rome (1957), and of the two implementing Council Regulations (1962 and 2003). The evidence shows that (a) the relevant actors do reason in terms of transaction cost-economising, and (b) in the presence of preference heterogeneity, actors create complex governance structures. Nevertheless, it is also found that (c) the transaction cost-economising logic is not as compelling as it may be in private market settings, as bargaining costs are not systematically postponed to the post-contractual stage, and (d) the transaction costs between Member States are not the only relevant costs.
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FERNANDES, Daniel. "Governments, public opinion, and social policy : change in Western Europe." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/75046.
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Defence date: 21 November 2022Examining Board: Prof. Ellen Immergut (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Anton Hemerijck (EUI); Prof. Christoffer Green-Pedersen (Aarhus University); Prof. Evelyne Hübscher (Central European University)
This dissertation investigates how public opinion and government partisanship affect social policy. It brings an innovative perspective that links the idea of democratic representation to debates about the welfare state. The general claim made here is that social policy is a function of public and government preferences. This claim hinges on two critical premises. The first relates to the general mechanisms that underlie government representation. Politicians have electoral incentives to align their actions with what citizens want. They may respond to public opinion indirectly by updating their party agendas, which can serve as the basis for social policy decisions in case they get elected. They may also respond directly by introducing welfare reforms that react to shifts in public opinion during their mandates. The second premise concerns how citizens and politicians structure their preferences over welfare. These preferences fall alongside two dimensions. First, general attitudes about how much should the state intervene in the economy to reduce inequality and promote economic well-being (how much policy). Second, the specific preferences about which social programmes should get better funding (what kind of policy). The empirical analysis is split into three empirical chapters. Each explores different aspects of government representation in Western European welfare states. The first empirical chapter (Chapter 4) asks how governments shape social policy when facing severe pressures to decrease spending. It argues that governments strategically reduce spending on programmes that offer less visible and indirect benefits, as they are less likely to trigger an electoral backlash. The experience of the Great Recession is consistent with this claim. Countries that faced the most challenging financial constraints cut down social investment and services. Except for Greece, they all preserved consumption schemes. The second empirical chapter (Chapter 5) explores how public opinion affects government spending priorities in different welfare programmes. It expects government responsiveness to depend on public mood for more or less government activity and the most salient social issues at the time. Empirical evidence from old-age, healthcare and education issue-policy areas supports these claims. Higher policy mood and issue saliency is positively associated with increasing spending efforts. Public opinion does not appear to affect unemployment policies. vii The third empirical chapter (Chapter 6) examines how party preferences affect spending priorities in unemployment programmes. It claims that preferences on economic intervention in the economy and welfare recalibration affect different components of unemployment policy. Evidence from the past 20 years bodes well with these expectations. The generosity of compensatory schemes depends on economic preferences. The left invests more than the right. The funding of active labour-market policies depends on both preference dimensions. Among conventional parties, their funding follows the same patterns as compensatory schemes. Among recalibration parties, parties across the economic spectrum present comparable spending patterns.
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BAHMER, Larissa Elisabeth. "Chutes, ladders, snakes and surprises : policy durability and policy flexibility in EU energy and climate governance based on the governance regulation." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69195.
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Award date: 26 September 2020Supervisor : Professor Joanne Scott (European University Institute)
Whether the EU will live up to its leadership ambition in mitigating climate change to no little extent depends on whether the Governance Regulation will prove successful or whether it will add to the list of climate and energy policies which aimed high but performed low. This thesis analyses the legal arrangements of the Governance Regulation as embedded in the EU constitutional and administrative law framework in light of policy durability and policy flexibility, with the aim of assessing whether the Governance Regulation promises to build a long-lasting yet adaptable foundation for EU energy and climate governance that facilitates ratcheting up ambition and progress toward a ‘climate neutral’ Union.
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Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.
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Zhu, Feng. "EU energy policy after the Treaty of Lisbon : breakthroughs, interfaces and opportunity." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2580185.
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Huang, Zhi Feng. "Study of European Union Common Agricultural Policy : France agricultural policy anaysis." Thesis, University of Macau, 2008. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555543.
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DAVITER, Falk. "The power of initiative : framing legislative policy conflicts in the European Union." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7044.
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Defence date: 13 July 2007Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (European University Institute/SPS/RSCAS) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini, (European University Institute/RSCAS) ; Prof. Ellen M. Immergut, (Humboldt University Berlin) ; Prof. Claudio Radaelli, (University of Exeter)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This thesis asks how the framing of policy issues in EU legislative politics influences the way issues are processed, how it affects which interests play a role during policy drafting and deliberation, and what type of political conflicts and coalitions emerge as a result. Focusing in particular on the European Commission’s role in EU policy-making, this thesis goes on to investigate how actors in EU politics define and redefine the issues at stake according to their shifting policy agendas and in doing so attempt to shore up support and marginalise political opposition. Drawing on the empirical investigation of two decades of EU biotechnology policy-making, the thesis finds that the framing of policy issues systematically affects how the complex and fragmented EU political decision-making process involves or excludes different sets of actors and interests from the diverse political constituencies of the Union. It argues that the Commission’s role in structuring the EU policy space can at times be substantial. Yet the longitudinal perspective adopted in this study also reveals how the structuring and restructuring of the biotechnology policy space led to the increasing politicisation of the EU decision-making process. Eventually, the empirical investigation concludes, the Commission was unable to control the political dynamics set off by the reframing of the policy choices, and the resulting revision of the EU biotechnology policy framework ran counter to the Commission’s original policy objectives. This study thus provides fresh insights into the dynamics of policy-level politicisation and its effects on political conflict and competition in the EU. The framing perspective allows students of EU politics to trace how political agents and institutions interact to shape and at times exploit the complexities of EU policy-making in pursuit of their often conflicting agendas. Finally, the findings suggest that the key to conceptualising the scope of Commission agency in terms of systematic policy dynamics lies in exploring the interlocking effects of policy framing and EU politicisation in the political construction of interests at the supranational level.
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Kraft, Lucas. "EASO : A liberal intergovernmentalist approach to policy coordination on asylum within the European Union." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48994.
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The policy area of freedom, security and justice represents one in which the European member states have been keen on remaining sovereign. In dealing with large inflows of asylum seekers, EASO was set up as an agency. The aim of this study was to assess what this new agency was an expression of, in terms of its role in relation to the member states. By applying the theory liberal intergovernmentalism, this created a useful tool for a comprehensive understanding of why states choose to cooperate within a more institutionalized form. Methodologically, this study has looked closer at the founding documents of EASO, TFEU, the Lisbon treaty as well as literature on the theoretical framework. This paper has a descriptive ambition, in its aim to explain member states’ behaviour using an established theory. This paper concludes that the theory contributes to an understanding of why EASO was created, having looked at national preferences, interstate bargaining and institutional choice. It is process in which national preferences are formulated, leading to relative bargaining positions and finally results in an institutional form that takes into account the self-rule of member states, while at the same time comprises a necessary operational mandate for EASO.
Books on the topic "Asylum policy – European Union countries"
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Hailbronner, Kay. Immigration and asylum law and policy of the European Union. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 2000.
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GB, Oxfam, ed. Foreign territory: The internationalisation of EU asylum policy. Oxford: Oxfam GB, 2005.
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Economic and Social Committee of the European Communities., ed. Immigration, asylum and social integration. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 2002.
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Noll, Gregor. Negotiating asylum: The EU acquis, extraterritorial protection, and the common market of deflection. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 2000.
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On the right of exclusion: Law, ethics and immigration policy. New York: Routledge, 2011.
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The exclusionary politics of asylum. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Hélène, Lambert, and Goodwin-Gill Guy S, eds. The limits of transnational law: Refugee law, policy harmonization and judicial dialogue in the European Union. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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1955-, Lister Marjorie, and Europe and the Developing Countries Conference (1996 : London, England), eds. European Union development policy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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Economic policy in the European Union. Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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Ben, Tonra, and Christiansen Thomas, eds. Rethinking European Union foreign policy. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Asylum policy – European Union countries"
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Beger, Paula. "Party Rhetoric and Action Compared: Examining Politicisation and Compliance in the Field of Asylum and Migration Policy in the Czech Republic and Hungary." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 137–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_6.
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Abstract Since the European refugee crisis 2015, the rather bureaucratic asylum and migration policy has become a highly politicised issue in ECE countries. The politicisation process started while political parties were involved with the policy. However, many studies have ignored the practice of executives’ and administrations’ action in this domain and knowledge of whether this public anti-EU rhetoric really resulted in non-compliance, therefore, remains limited. This chapter interlinks politicisation and non-compliance research in a comparative case study of Hungary and the Czech Republic. While combining findings of expert interviews, data on party manifestos and infringement procedures, it concludes that the partial politicisation did not lead to broader non-compliance in the Czech case, whereas the governmental-led politicisation in Hungary resulted in non-compliance. This difference is explained by the fact that in Hungary, the asylum-related administration, like other bureaucratic fields, has become increasingly re-politicised during the last decade.
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Geddes, Andrew. "Migration and Asylum Policy." In The European Union Encyclopedia and Directory 2022, 231–37. 22nd ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179887-1302.
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Drewry, Gavin, Gabrielle Garton Grimwood, and Edward Wood. "Immigration and Asylum: Law and Policy in Action." In Britain in the European Union, 199–217. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523159_9.
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Karamanidou, Lena. "Migration, Asylum Policy and Global Justice in Greece." In The European Union in International Affairs, 89–117. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53997-9_4.
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Atkinson, Ben. "Trade Policy and Preferences." In The European Union and Developing Countries, 305–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_21.
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Buzogány, Aron. "Neighbourhood Countries: Promoting Environmental Protection Close to Home." In European Union External Environmental Policy, 233–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60931-7_12.
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Hewitt, Adrian. "Reform in the British and European Community Aid Programmes: Implications for the Pacific Countries." In European Union Development Policy, 119–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26858-0_9.
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Lemaître, Marc. "EU Textiles Policy and Developing Countries." In The European Union and Developing Countries, 322–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_22.
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Boswell, Christina, and Andrew Geddes. "The EU Dimension of Migration and Asylum Policy." In Migration and Mobility in the European Union, 51–75. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-28548-5_3.
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Matláry, Janne Haaland. "Energy Policies in the EU Countries." In Energy Policy in the European Union, 25–44. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25735-5_3.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Asylum policy – European Union countries"
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Ballı, Esra, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.
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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.
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Borychowski, Michał, and Sebastian Stępień. "Ecological Policy in the Selected Countries of the European Union." In Hradec Economic Days 2019, edited by Petra Maresova, Pavel Jedlicka, and Ivan Soukal. University of Hradec Kralove, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36689/uhk/hed/2019-01-008.
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Panagoreţ, Andreea, Dragos Panagoreţ, and Tomislav Kandyija. "Sustainable Development and Environmental Policy of the European Union." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/16.
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Sustainable development approaches the concept of quality of life in all its complexity, from an economic, social and environmental point of view, promoting the idea of the balance between economic development, social equity, efficient use and conservation of the environment. By its very nature, sustainable development represents the need for responsibility and education for environmental protection, and this aspect is reflected in the evolution of community policy in recent years, a policy marked by the transition from an approach based on constraint and sanction, to a more flexible, based one on incentives. Thus, it is acting in the direction of a voluntary approach, in order to promote this environmental responsibility and to encourage the use of environmental management systems. The environmental policy does not act independently, but reflects the interest of civil society in this direction, manifested by the creation of numerous environmental movements and organizations. Moreover, in some countries the creation and development of "green" political parties has been achieved, with real success in the political arena. However, resistance - or, more properly, the restraint and inertia that manifests itself, should not be forgotten, when environmental objectives seem to limit industrial competitiveness and economic growth; but this aspect only emphasizes once again the need for a concerted approach at European level and the need for an active and integrated environmental policy, capable of responding to the challenges that appear economically. The European environmental policy is based on the principles of precaution, prevention, correction of pollution at source and "polluter pays". The precautionary principle is a risk management tool that can be invoked if there is scientific uncertainty about a possible risk to human health or the environment, arising from a particular action or policy.
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Dudaiti, A. K., E. V. Galkina, and B. G. Koibaev. "Problems of Interaction of the European Union with the South Caucasian Countries as Part of the European Neighborhood Policy." In International Session on Factors of Regional Extensive Development (FRED 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/fred-19.2020.118.
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Baigonushova, Damira, Junus Ganiev, and Mairam Baigonusheva. "Government Support of the Agricultural Sector in the EAEU Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02291.
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As it is known, in 2010, a customs union with three participants, Belarus, Russia and Kazakhstan, was formed on the territory of the former Soviet Union. In 2015, the union moved to another stage, the economic union. In 2015, Kyrgyzstan became a full member of this union and is currently trying to adapt to new economic conditions. In particular, the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission is currently actively working on the development and implementation of common agricultural policy. Kyrgyzstan, despite the limited territory for agricultural production, is an agricultural country and has a comparative advantage in this sector. Therefore, the country should take an active role in the development of a common agricultural policy and create favorable conditions for the development of the own agrarian sector and use advantages. The purpose of this work is to analyze the developed plans and policies of the Agricultural Policy Department of the Eurasian Economic Commission, as well as conduct a comparative analysis with the common agricultural policy of the European Union, and at the end to make proposals.
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Narin, Müslüme, and Younes Gholizadeh. "Comparing the European Union and Turkey's Renewable Energy Policies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02155.
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European Union countries (EU), because they have to import a large portion of the consumed energy, on the one hand are trying to develop effective energy consumption, and on the other hand to increase their share of renewable energy sources in total energy consumption. In this context, the European Commission, published "2017 Progress Report" about renewable energy sources in the framework of EU 2020 Renewable Energy Targets". In this report, it is indicated that the share of renewable energy sources in final energy consumption has been increased to 16,4% and with regards to renewable energy sources, a vast majority of EU countries are compatible with their 2020 targets.
The EU's policy towards renewable energy sources supports the "Energy Union Action Plan" in five categories: Energy security, market integration, energy efficiency, decarbonization and innovation. For instance, within the framework of energy security, the increase in EU renewable energy sources saved 16 billion Euros in fossil fuel imports in 2015. In accordance with "Clean Energy Package for Europe", emphasized the importance of providing cheap energy to the countries within EU market. Greenhouse gas emissions have declined with consuming renewable energy sources. The purpose of this study is to provide the latest developments in long-standing renewable energy policies in the EU and Turkey comparatively. In this context, first, the Turkey's renewable energy policies will be studied comparatively, thereafter, the effectiveness of these policies in the EU and Turkey will be investigated.
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Ivanov, Metodi. "INTEGRATING SPATIAL PLANNING SYSTEMS IN THE FORMING OF REGIONAL POLICY IN CERTAIN COUNTRIES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." In 5th INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE GEOBALCANICA 2019. Geobalcanica Society, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18509/gbp.2019.63.
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Gökçek Karaca, Nuray, and Semra Saruç. "International Migration Trends in Turkey and European Union Candidate Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00871.
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In this study, international migration trends were evaluated in Turkey and European Union (EU) Candidate Transition Economies by means of data obtained from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The aim of this study is analyzing international migration trends in relation with other dimension of integration such as economics, social protection and social policy. In this study, the subject was carried out through comparative relation scanning model and literature model, the sample group was established EU candidate transition economies (Montenegro, The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina) with Turkey. The research data was collected by means of data from HDI Report developed by UNDP. The findings from this study revealed that the population of Montenegro and Serbia among EU candidate transition economies less emigrated and more immigrated than other countries. It can also be concluded that the emigration trend of Turkey presents similar tendency with Montenegro and Serbia whereas immigration rate of Turkey is lower than the other countries except for Bosnia Herzegovina.
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Aanstoos, Ted A. "Management Challenges in Emerging European Union Eco-Standards." In ASME 2004 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2004-52115.
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The European Union is 450 million citizens in 25 otherwise sovereign countries, but connected in a multinational federal metastate that claims a combined economy in excess of $9 trillion (US), making it one of the world’s largest economies. As a community faced with massive decontamination and re-industrialization from devastating wars, Europe places due emphasis on issues of environmental sustainability and pollution prevention. Under broad policy guidelines of the New Approach and Integrated Product Planning frameworks, the European Commission is drafting legislation that will mandate eco-standards for all energized end-use equipment for sale in the internal market. These proposed standards may raise controversy in many industry sectors and international arenas (including within Europe itself) because they may not be based on sound and accepted scientific analysis, because they may constitute a de-facto violation at least in spirit of the Technical Barriers to Trade Agreement, and because nobody can yet predict their cost impact and other market effect. Compliance with these emerging energy efficiency regulations will impose considerable management requirements on manufacturers as they devise documentation and certification programs for their products that are likely to be of a scope similar to ISO 14000. This paper assesses the new requirements from a product and design management perspective.
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İncekara, Ahmet, and Burcu Kılınç Savrul. "Regional Development Policies of the European Union: An Evaluation in the Framework of Structural Funds and Other Financial Instruments." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00307.
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Regional policy of the European Union (EU) is implemented in order to improve welfare and quality of life in specific regions of EU member countries, minimize inter-regional income differences and restructure less developed industrial areas. regions of the EU countries has urban and regional development differences in themselves. Regional policies have gained importance in the process of EU enlargement. Increases regional disparities has been observed to occur with the first expansion. Although the tools that the Community could use for regional inequality were initially limited, they began to increase over the years in the process of development of regional policy of the EU.
In this respect, this study will focus primarily on the EU regional development policies, the structural funds in line with the measures taken to ensure economic and social cohesion in EU countries and European Investment Bank and the new tools such as community tool will be discussed.
Reports on the topic "Asylum policy – European Union countries"
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Domínguez, Roberto. Perceptions of the European Union in Latin America. Fundación Carolina, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt76en.
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This working paper examines the puzzle of the gaps between the images that the EU projects, voluntarily and involuntarily, and the perceptions of the EU in Latin America. After reviewing some of the debates related to the role of perceptions in public policy and EU Public Diplomacy (EUPD), the paper analyzes some critical developments in global perceptions of the EU based on the study Update of the 2015 Analysis of the Perception of the EU and EU Policies Abroad (2021 Update Study), which assessed the attitudes of the EU in 13 countries. The third section examines some studies on the attitudes of the EU in Latin America, including some contributions from Latinobarometer. The fourth section offers comparative cases of EU perception in Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia based on the findings of the 2021 Update Study. The analysis of each country relies on the interpretation of surveys with some references to the press analysis and interview methods provided in the 2021 Update Study. Each case discusses specific trends in the following areas: visibility, primary descriptors, global economics, and international leadership. Also, it identifies some patterns in perceptions of the EU in social development, climate change, research/technology, development assistance, culture, the case of the critical juncture in the survey (pandemic), and the EU as a normative setter. The final section offers some general trends in the perceptions of the EU in Latin America.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.
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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.
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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Pastuszko, Radosław Pastuszko, and Włodzimierz Gogłoza Gogłoza. The impact of European Union Common Agricultural Policy on the intensification of animal farming in Bulgaria, Romania, and the countries that have signed association agreements with the EU. Tiny Beam Fund, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15868/socialsector.37974.
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Kostarakos, Ilias, and Petros Varthalitis. Effective tax rates in Ireland. ESRI, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/rs110.
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This article provides estimates of the effective tax rates in Ireland for the 1995-2017 period. We use these aggregate tax indicators to compare the developments in the Irish tax policy mix with the rest of the European Union countries and investigate any potential relation with Ireland’s macroeconomic performance. Our findings show that distortionary taxes, e.g. on factors of production, are significantly lower while less distortionary taxes, e.g. on consumption, are higher in Ireland than most European countries. Thus, the distribution of tax burden falls relatively more on consumption and to a lesser extent on labour than capital; while in the EU average the norm is the opposite. The descriptive analysis indicates that this shift in the Irish tax policy mix is correlated with the country’s strong economic performance.
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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.
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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).
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Böhm, Franziska, Ingrid Jerve Ramsøy, and Brigitte Suter. Norms and Values in Refugee Resettlement: A Literature Review of Resettlement to the EU. Malmö University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24834/isbn.9789178771776.
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As a result of the refugee reception crisis in 2015 the advocacy for increasing resettlement numbers in the overall refugee protection framework has gained momentum, as has research on resettlement to the EU. While the UNHCR purports resettlement as a durable solution for the international protection of refugees, resettlement programmes to the European Union are seen as a pillar of the external dimension of the EU’s asylum and migration policies and management. This paper presents and discusses the literature regarding the value transmissions taking place within these programmes. It reviews literature on the European resettlement process – ranging from the selection of refugees to be resettled, the information and training they receive prior to travelling to their new country of residence, their reception upon arrival, their placement and dispersal in the receiving state, as well as programs of private and community sponsorship. The literature shows that even if resettlement can be considered an external dimension of European migration policy, this process does not end at the border. Rather, resettlement entails particular forms of reception, placement and dispersal as well as integration practices that refugees are confronted with once they arrive in their resettlement country. These practices should thus be understood in the context of the resettlement regime as a whole. In this paper we map out where and how values (here understood as ideas about how something should be) and norms (expectations or rules that are socially enforced) are transmitted within this regime. ‘Value transmission’ is here understood in a broad sense, taking into account the values that are directly transmitted through information and education programmes, as well as those informing practices and actors’ decisions. Identifying how norms and values figure in the resettlement regime aid us in further understanding decision making processes, policy making, and the on-the-ground work of practitioners that influence refugees’ lives. An important finding in this literature review is that vulnerability is a central notion in international refugee protection, and even more so in resettlement. Ideas and practices regarding vulnerability are, throughout the resettlement regime, in continuous tension with those of security, integration, and of refugees’ own agency. The literature review and our discussion serve as a point of departure for developing further investigations into the external dimension of value transmission, which in turn can add insights into the role of norms and values in the making and un-making of (external) boundaries/borders.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei, and Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf: enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.
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Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.
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Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.
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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.