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1
Mary, Junge, ed. 100 years of liberation: Association of Universalist Women, Minneapolis, 1905-2005. Saint Paul, Minn: Ytterli Press, 2005.
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2
Folsom, Ida M. A brief history of the work of Universalist women, 1869 to 1955. Edited by Spencer Ellen. Boston: Unitarian Universalist Women's Federation, 1993.
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Adelman, Charlotte. WBAI 75: The first 75 years. Paducah, Ky: Turner Pub. Co., 1992.
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Collins, Gail. Writing Re-Creatively: A Spiritual Quest for Women. Skinner House Books, 1994.
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Feminization of the clergy in America: Occupational and organizational perspectives. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
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6
Caldwell, Kia Lilly. Black Women’s Health Activism and the Development of Intersectional Health Policy. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040986.003.0003.
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This chapter examines black women health activists’ contributions to an intersectional reconceptualization of health that links gender health equity and racial health equity. The analysis explores the development of black women’s organizations in Brazil and their advocacy and policy work related to reproductive health, female sterilization, and HIV/AIDS. The analysis also focuses on black women’s local, national, and transnational activism, particularly related to the 2001 World Conference Against Racism. The chapter argues that black women’s efforts to promote the development of non-universalist health policies underscores the importance of activists, scholars, and the Brazilian state reconceptualizing health disparities in ways that acknowledge the interrelationship among racial, gender, and socio-economic inequalities.
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Fousekis, Natalie M. “We Need to Stand Together”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036255.003.0005.
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This chapter focuses on two women leaders, Theresa Mahler and Mary Young, and describes how they helped the coalition navigate female networks, create alliances with men inside and outside the legislature, and finally secure a permanent public child care program, even if only for California's low-income working mothers. As legislative chair for the Northern California Association for Nursery Education (NCANE), Mahler served as the key spokeswoman for nursery school educators and child care supervisors throughout the postwar struggles to secure permanent, publicly funded child care. A soft-spoken, unassuming woman who became president and later legislative chairman of the California Parents' Association for Child Care (CPACC), Young spoke on behalf of California's low-income working families, particularly single mothers.
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Ramey, Jessie B. Institutionalizing Orphans. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036903.003.0002.
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This chapter discusses how almost every historical account of the founding of the United Presbyterian Orphan's Home (UPOH) begins by paying homage to Rev. James Fulton, the young pastor of the Fourth United Presbyterian Church of Allegheny. While Fulton was a central figure in the founding of the United Presbyterian Women's Association of North America (UPWANA), he was not alone; dozens of women set to work establishing the orphanage. Similarly, founding stories often credit Rev. Fulton with inspiring another group of religious women, the Women's Christian Association (WCA), with starting the Home for Colored Children (HCC) in 1880. Nevertheless, it was women who played the crucial role in founding and managing these “sister” orphanages. The women's religious and social motivations shaped the institutions as they developed during their first fifty years.
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Goodier, Susan. Using Enfranchisement to Fight Woman Suffrage, 1917–1932. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0006.
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This chapter tells of the expected end of the anti-suffrage movement, highlighting much of the public and residual animosity toward women's enfranchisement. The women antis restructured the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage as the Women Voters' Anti-Suffrage Party and worked against a federal amendment. The Woman Patriot Publishing Company absorbed the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage. Although New York State anti-suffragists had always been influential in national level work, in 1917, with a change in leadership, they moved the national headquarters to Washington, D.C., and continued their efforts to prevent the passage of the federal amendment. Men increasingly dominated the movement, and the anti-suffrage tone became desperate-sounding and even venomous. The national movement operated in a far different mode from the previous women's anti-suffrage movement under its second president, Alice Hay Wadsworth, and her successor, Mary G. Kilbreth.
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Timmermann, Marybeth, trans. Beauvoir’s Deposition at the Bobigny Trial. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039003.003.0028.
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(The witness is sworn in.)MS. HALIMI:Ms. de Beauvoir is a character witness. She knows Ms. Chevalier.SIMONE DE BEAUVOIR:Ms. Chevalier is a member of the Choisir [To Choose] Association, of which I am president.MS. H.:I would like to ask Ms. de Beauvoir why this law is above all a law that oppresses women?...
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Kitch, Sally L. Journeys through Contested Terrain. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038709.003.0001.
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This chapter presents the author's account of her relationship with two Afghan women, Jamila Afghani, founder and director of an Afghan-based educational NGO then called the Noor Educational Center (NEC), and Marzia Basel, the judge and founder of the Afghan Women Judges Association. These women would eventually ask her to write about their personal stories and political perspectives on Afghan women's tumultuous and contested opportunities and responsibilities, a request that she honored as the core and inspiration of this book. She realized that their journey together—more metaphorical than literal but also involving much travel and change of scene—would take them over such contested terrain.
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Pieper, Lindsay Parks. “Because They Have Muscles, Big Ones”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040221.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how Cold War tensions heightened the fear of fraudulent competitors in international sport. The Cold War exacerbated earlier sex/gender concerns and resulted in a mandatory examination for all female track and field competitors, especially in the wake of Soviet women's remarkable achievements in athletics. Sport authorities grew increasingly worried that powerful female athletes were either unnaturally inauthentic women, men posing as women, or dopers. Using the USSR women as scapegoats, the International Association of Athletics Federation established tests to eliminate all three categories and delineate “true” womanhood. In 1966, the federation introduced a “nude parade,” the first compulsory sex test of modern sport.
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Gilmore, Glenda Elizabeth. The 2008 Election, Black Women’s Politics, and the Long Civil Rights Movement. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036606.003.0005.
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This chapter uncovers the significance of African American women's high voter turnout in the 2008 election. It argues that black women's power as voters in 2008 originates in their political activism in the first half of the twentieth century. Here the chapter offers a major new synthesis of African American women's politics by arguing that their efforts evolved from the “politics of association” (1900–1920) to the “politics of citizenship” (1920–30) to the “politics of community” (1930–40) to the “politics of protest” (1940–50). Barack Obama's victory, then, is in part the result of long-term efforts by black women to undo the damage inflicted by disfranchisement more than a century ago.
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Misri, Deepti. “This Is Not a Performance!”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038853.003.0006.
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This chapter explores a set of visual representations deployed by the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP),the now iconic women-led organization that draws attention to the enforced disappearances of Muslim men, judged “anti-nationals” en masse by the Indian state. The APDP members utilize a performative repertoire in their public protests, such as recognizable iconography—“branding” the organization into the public eye through the use of badges, headscarves, and banners; and the insistence that “This is Not a Performance (tamasha)!” The chapter looks at some graphic and cinematic practices that have accreted around the APDP's protests, placing this range of countervisual practices against the scopic regime of the Indian state.
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Fousekis, Natalie M. Conclusion. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036255.003.0008.
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This concluding chapter argues that California's low-income working mothers and educators saved public child care as it vanished across the nation, leaving a one-of-a-kind program between World War II and the War on Poverty. While California's child care centers provided women with a valuable service, they also produced a few generations of active democratic subjects, women who realized a need beyond their own and took political action. Indeed, whether for a year or two, women who participated in the movement learned how to express their political rights. Some of the women were leftists or members of labor unions but for most, joining parents' councils or the statewide association was their first foray into the world of politics.
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Ammen, Sharon. Causes and Compromise. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040658.003.0007.
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This chapter looks at the variety of causes Irwin was involved in, from animal rights to suffragism to pacifism. The chapter reviews the anti-trust movement led by Theodore Roosevelt and blossoming during Woodrow Wilson’s push for progressivism. Irwin’s immunity to anti-immigrant sentiment because of her Scottish roots is discussed. Her reason for opposition to the new Actors Equity Association is covered. As the calls for suffragism grow, Irwin lends her voice to the cause, as do other actress suffragists, including Mary Shaw and Lillian Russell. She urges Woodrow Wilson to appoint her as “Secretary of Laughter.” Through it all, she stresses the strong connection between women and humor and her belief that women have a greater sense of humor than men do.
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Higashida, Cheryl. Rosa Guy, Haiti, and the Hemispheric Woman. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036507.003.0005.
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This chapter examines Rosa Guy's Black feminist and queer engagement with tropes and discourses of twentieth-century radical literature about Haitian Revolution generated by the U.S. occupation of Haiti (1918–1934) and interwar anticolonialism. Although Guy is a little-known figure of the post-World War II Black Left, she cofounded two of its influential institutions: the Harlem Writers Guild and the Cultural Association for Women of African Heritage. Over thirty years after the height of this activism, Guy reflected on the limitations of Black nationalism and its Left articulations in her novel, The Sun, The Sea, a Touch of the Wind (1995). Guy's novel revises Black masculinist messianism, and in representing the ongoing history of American military intervention in the Caribbean, makes critique of U.S. imperialism central to Black feminism.
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McLure, Helen. “Who Dares to Style This Female a Woman?”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037467.003.0001.
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This chapter examines the collective killing of women and children, demonstrating that the lynching of female and juvenile victims occurred more often than scholars have appreciated and that the practice reflected, in its own particular way, lynchers' elastic, masculinist ideology. The lynching of women has long been shrouded by a kind of historical amnesia. In part, this is due to the limited sources; many of the cases received only cursory newspaper coverage and very few generated court records. Modern scholarship has also relied heavily on the annual lists of lynchings published by the Chicago Tribune, the Tuskegee Institute, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). As historians have pointed out, the traditional periodization of modern lynching scholarship also excludes much of the long history of mob violence against people of Mexican origin or descent.
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Gold, Roberta. “To Plan Our Own Community”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038181.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the democratically planned state-sponsored projects that became possible due to the new banner of cooperation between government and grassroots organizers. It first provides an overview of the battle over community control of housing development before discussing a number of New York's War on Poverty initiatives such as the Upper Park Avenue Community Association (UPACA), along with their significance for community-based housing activism. It also considers efforts to involve African Americans in economic development, the involvement of women in grassroots development planning, and the creation of community development corporations (CDCs). Finally, it describes Model Cities, an urban initiative designed to engage “the community” by inviting neighborhood participation in planning and attacking many problems at once. The successful projects showed not only that democratic state-sponsored urban renewal was possible, but that New York's tenant history made a difference.
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Whitmire, Ethelene. Mahopac, New York. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038501.003.0009.
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This chapter describes Regina's active retirement years and examines her legacy. Regina lived for nearly a decade as a widow until February 5, 1993, when she died at the age of ninety-one in the Bethel Nursing Home. Regina's death was reported in the New York Amsterdam News—the newspaper that had covered her social engagements, creative pursuits, wedding, and professional accomplishments. Regina's last will was a testimony to her strong commitment to various organizations. Regina left several thousand dollars to various organizations located in New York City, including two thousand dollars to the National Urban League and an equal amount to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; one thousand dollars to National Council of Women of the United States, two thousand dollars to the American Council for Nationalities Services, and one thousand to the Washington Heights Branch of the New York Public Library.
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Goodier, Susan. Suffragists Win the New York State Campaign, 1915–1917. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0005.
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This chapter focuses on the second campaign for woman suffrage in New York State. Following the advent of the Great War, Alice Hill Chittenden, although continuing to serve as president of the state anti-suffrage association, focused her reform energy on war preparedness and the American Red Cross more than on suffrage. Historians have long posited that women won the right to vote as a reward for their war efforts. However, anti-suffragists, individually and as a group, committed their resources earlier and far more fully to the war effort than did suffragists. The Great War so distracted the anti-suffragists that they essentially dropped out of the battle, allowing the suffragists to win sooner than they otherwise would have. This subtle but important detail has been overshadowed by Tammany's famous reversal on the question in 1917. Once women won suffrage in New York State, the federal amendment would soon enfranchise all women in the United States.
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Timmermann, Marybeth, trans. Preface to Abortion: A Law on Trial. The Bobigny Affair. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039003.003.0029.
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On the exterior, this book resembles many others. It is, however, absolutely unusual. Never before have the proceedings of an abortion trial been brought to the public’s knowledge. The Choisir [To Choose] Association has decided to publish them in their entirety because these proceedings are not like any previous proceedings. It was not Ms. Chevalier who was being judged, but the law in whose name she appeared before the court. Women and men took the witness stand one after the other in order to indict a law which makes France appear as one of the most backward countries of our time, a law which is radically divorced from the collective conscience and from the facts since it is broken each year by close to a million French women. “When the daily practice in a country gets too far away from the jurisdiction, there is a major danger to the balance and general mental health of this collectivity,” Judge Casamayor has rightly written....
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Hendricks, Wanda A. A New Era. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038112.003.0008.
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This chapter examines how Fannie Barrier Williams responded to both hardening racial attitudes and the growth of the black population in the second decade of the twentieth century by joining forces with black and white club women in their attempts to solve the many problems that plagued the black community. It begins with a discussion of the race riots sparked mainly by anger over increasing black migration that led to the formation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). It then considers Barrier Williams' efforts in expanding the services of local organizations and increasing black women's engagement with municipal work in Chicago. It also explores how race and gender defined Barrier Williams' espousal of women's participation in municipal politics and concludes with an assessment of her personal loss during the period: the deaths of her mother Harriet and husband S. Laing, as well as friends Celia Parker Woolley and Jenkin Lloyd Jones.
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Lichtenstein, Nelson. Herbert Hill. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037856.003.0020.
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This chapter presents a portrait of Herbert Hill, who identified himself as “an unreconstructed abolitionist.” As labor secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), he was a combatant in a war against men and women who, by history, politics, and religion, should have been in his camp. Hill was a brilliant and determined crusader who made the most of the limited legal remedies available against workplace discrimination in the 1950s and 1960s. He brought actions before the National Labor Relations Board to decertify unions that violated the nondiscrimination provision in federal contracts, and he carried cases against both labor unions and employers to state antidiscrimination commissions. Hill consciously fashioned this employment rights campaign after the larger NAACP fight to dismantle de jure segregation and discrimination in education, housing, and at the ballot box. He drafted an effective and widely distributed NAACP Labor Manual that described the complex gamut of discrimination tactics in the workplace and advised African Americans that the NAACP was ready to aid them in their fight against such inequities.
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Holmes, Sean P. Ain’t No Peace in the Family Now. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037481.003.0007.
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This chapter focuses on new technology and its impact on acting as an occupation. It begins by describing how the advent of film transformed patterns of employment in the commercial entertainment industry. Returning to the theme of cultural hierarchy, it goes on to argue that even as the legitimate theater drifted toward the periphery of the nation's cultural life, the old theatrical elite continued to claim the right, through the mechanism of the Actors' Equity Association (AEA), to speak for the entire acting community. After examining working conditions in the motion picture studios, it turns its attention to the Equity campaign to organize the film industry, asserting that its architects were less concerned with negotiating a standard contract than with imposing their authority upon the men and women of the silver screen. The chapter argues that an overwhelming majority of motion picture actors reacted with hostility to what they saw as the AEA's attempt to “Broadwayize” Hollywood, interpreting it as a threat to their collective autonomy and a denial of the specificity of their work. By refusing to obey the strike call in the summer of 1929, they were declaring their independence from the traditions of the legitimate stage.
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Franzen, Trisha. Creating Her Vision. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038150.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the middle years of Anna Howard Shaw's presidency—from planning for the 1909 the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) Convention in Seattle through the 1912 convention in Philadelphia. While analyses critical of Shaw's presidency have most frequently used the upheavals of these years as the basis for judging Shaw as a failure as an administrator, the gains of these years as well as the full context and origins of these organizational conflicts have received scant in-depth attention. Class and race issues are especially significant for analyzing both Shaw's legacy as a leader and the positions of the suffrage movement as a whole. Money tensions had always haunted the NAWSA, but the fact that Shaw drew a salary for her presidency and had access to monies beyond the control of the NAWSA treasurer raised suspicions among the privileged leaders who linked financial need with corruption. That Shaw was also the strongest and most consistent supporter of universal suffrage brought additional resistance from those who were opposed to or willing to compromise on the extension of the franchise to African American and immigrant women.
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Cooper, Brittney C. Organized Anxiety. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040993.003.0003.
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This chapter expands the intellectual geography mapped in Beyond Respectability by examining the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) as a site of Black female knowledge production. In particular, this chapter uses the work of Fannie Barrier Williams, a Chicago based clubwoman, to map many of the key intellectual interventions of the NACW as a school of social thought. Drawing on Williams’ theorization of what she calls organized anxiety, Brittney Cooper takes up and critically examines her claim that the NACW was responsible for creating “race public opinion” and, by extension, giving shape and form to an emergent Black public sphere. As a concept, organized anxiety politicizes the emotional lives of Black women and constitutes one more iteration of the ways that race women invoked embodied discourse in their public intellectual work. The chapter also examines Williams’s invocation of a discourse the author terms American peculiarity, a kind of oppositional discourse challenging claims of American exceptionalism. Finally, the chapter interrogates her concept of racial sociality, a sophisticated way to think about ideas of racial unity and social connections between African Americans of different geographic and class backgrounds. Williams was a formidable political theorist, who, through her work in the NACW, introduced a rich conceptual milieu through which to think about Black politics, Black organizations, and gender politics in the late nineteenth century.
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Holmes, Sean P. For the Dignity and Honor of the Theatrical Profession. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037481.003.0006.
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This chapter examines the Actors' Equity Association's (AEA) campaign to raise the status of the acting community by cleansing it of its long-standing reputation for immorality. It focuses in the first instance on the efforts of Equity leaders to improve the collective image of actors by persuading the Methodist Church to lift its ban on commercial amusements and taking newspapers to task for reinforcing the association that existed in the public mind between acting and criminality. Its primary concern, however, was with the internal dimension of the campaign. It takes as its starting point the AEA's crusade against the excessive consumption of alcohol, a practice that straddled not only the divide between the legal and the extralegal but also the ill-defined line between the public sphere and the private sphere. It argues that accusations of drunkenness often functioned as a pretext for disciplining those performers whose sexual habits were at odds with the so-called civilized morality embraced by the leadership of the AEA—that is, “promiscuous” women and homosexual men. Even as the theater as a cultural institution was helping to redraw the boundaries of propriety in American society, the AEA was seeking to bind the men and women of the legitimate stage to a moral code that was rooted in increasingly outmoded notions of respectability.
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Holmes, Sean P. The Sock and Buskin or the Artisan’s Biretta. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037481.003.0003.
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This chapter focuses on the problems that organizing in defense of their collective interests posed for the men and women of the American stage and, indeed, for many other occupational groups on the margins of the American middle class. Beginning with an analysis of the work culture of actors, it argues that while the shared experiences of a life on the boards generated a powerful sense of group identity, individual ambition, the fuel that powered the star system, proved difficult to reconcile with the principles of collective action. It goes on to highlight how actors' leaders deployed the vocabulary of high culture and the larger language of class of which it was a part not simply to define their position in relation to the major theatrical employers but also to draw a line between those performers they deemed worthy of the label artist and those they did not. It concludes with a detailed analysis of the debate that raged within the ranks of the Actors' Equity Association over the question of affiliation with the organized labor movement. Paying careful attention to the language that the competing parties employed to articulate their respective positions, it documents the development of a schism within the theatrical community that sprang from two markedly different ways of conceptualizing the process of cultural production.
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Holmes, Sean P. Epilogue. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037481.003.0008.
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This epilogue traces the collapse of the old theatrical economy after the onset of the Great Depression and assesses its impact on the men and women of the American stage. Highlighting the huge decline in employment opportunities in a perennially overcrowded labor market in the wake of the Great Crash, it argues that the brand of occupational unionism that had underpinned the activities of the Actors' Equity Association (AEA) in the 1920s ceased to meet the needs of the theatrical rank and file. In the highly politicized environment of the 1930s, traditional patterns of deference within the acting community broke down, and a new generation of actors, largely unschooled in the genteel tradition in American culture, began to question the wisdom of building an occupational identity around the twin ideals of workplace discipline and respectability. In 1935 a group of militants set out to seize control of the AEA and to guide it in a more radical direction. Though their insurgency failed, it had profound implications for actors' unionism in the American theater industry. It prompted a reorientation of the AEA toward the bread-and-butter needs of its constituents and a frank acknowledgment on the part of its leaders that actors are workers as well as artists—and that the first role is indivisible from the second.