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1
Ramjug, Sheila, Rui Adão, Robert Lewis, Florence Coste, Frances de Man, David Jimenez, Olivier Sitbon, Marion Delcroix, and Anton Vonk-Noordegraaf. "Highlights from the ERS International Congress 2018: Assembly 13 – Pulmonary Vascular Diseases." ERJ Open Research 5, no. 1 (February 2019): 00202–2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1183/23120541.00202-2018.
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The 2018 European Respiratory Society (ERS) International Congress in Paris, France, highlighted the subject of pulmonary vascular disease (PVD). 2018 was an exciting year for the PVD community as it was the first ERS International Congress since the formation of Assembly 13, which is dedicated to PVD, pulmonary embolism and the right ventricle.This article aims to summarise the high-quality studies presented at the 2018 Congress into four subject areas: the use of risk stratification in pulmonary arterial hypertension, the molecular mechanisms and treatment of pulmonary hypertension (PH), understanding and improving the right ventricle in PH, and finally, advances in the field of acute pulmonary embolus.
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Albinsson, Staffan. "Avoiding silent opera: the ‘grand’ performing right at work in nineteenth century Paris." European Journal of Law and Economics 51, no. 1 (January 22, 2021): 183–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10657-020-09677-z.
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AbstractThe music industry has been made possible through performing rights based on a law introduced by the post-revolutionary French national assembly in 1791. However, it took until the mid-nineteenth century until a system of royalty collection was established in France (and another half a century or more in other countries). In France, this new system for non-dramatic performing rights was preceded by royalty regulations in theatres. This study describes how nineteenth century composers were compensated for their work in the Paris Opera through this performing right for drama, known as the ‘grand right’. The tariff-based compensation method had been put in place by a royalréglementin 1713. It created a classic winner-take-all phenomenon in which composers such as Auber, Meyerbeer, and Halévy thrived in the nineteenth century. A contributing fact was the opera house programming which, contrary to the programming of today, favoured new pieces. ‘Grand opéras’ were à la mode and they contributed to the financial success of their composers. However, these operas eventually lost their attraction. In 1884, the Paris Opera adopted a compensation system based on a percentage of box office revenues. The study is based on primary data for 1810–1866.
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Shusterman, Noah. "The Strange History of the Right to Bear Arms in the French Revolution." Journal of Social History 54, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 453–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz029.
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Abstract French Revolutionaries shared many of the same beliefs as their American counterparts about the relationship between citizenship and bearing arms. Both nations’ leaders viewed standing armies as a threat to freedom, and both nations required militia participation from a portion of the citizenry. Yet the right to bear arms is a legacy only of the American Revolution. The right to bear arms came up several times in debates in France’s National Assembly. The deputies never approved that right, but they never denied it either. During the first years of the Revolution, the leading politicians were wary of arming poor citizens, a concern that was in tension with the egalitarian language of the Declaration of the Rights of Man. Moreover, militias thrived during the early years of the French Revolution and became instruments—albeit unstable ones—for maintaining a social domination that played out along class lines. In response to the contradictions in their positions, French revolutionary leaders remained silent on the issue. In France as in the United States, the question of whether or not there was a right to bear arms was less important than the question of who had the right to bear arms.
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Thomas, Martin. "France Accused: French North Africa before the United Nations, 1952–1962." Contemporary European History 10, no. 1 (March 2001): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301001059.
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In the decade after 1952 France faced sustained United Nations criticism of its colonial policies in north Africa. As membership of the UN General Assembly expanded, support for the non-aligned states of the Afro-Asian bloc increased. North African nationalist parties established their permanent offices in New York to press their case for independence. Tracing UN consideration of French North Africa from the first major General Assembly discussion of Tunisia in 1952 to the end of the Algerian war in 1962, this article considers the tactics employed on both sides of the colonial/anti-colonial divide to manipulate the UN Charter's ambiguities over the rights of colonial powers and the jurisdiction of the General Assembly in colonial disputes.
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Le Bris, Catherine. "The Legal Framework for the Fight against Female Circumcision: From Cultural Indulgence to Human Rights Violations. The French Example." European Journal of Health Law 26, no. 2 (April 24, 2019): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718093-12261424.
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Abstract The harmful consequences of female circumcision for women’s health have been demonstrated and are regularly recalled by the World Health Organisation. Whereas in the past, the cultural dimension of the practice was emphasised, which result in impunity or absence of guilt, it is now considered by the United Nations as a violation of human rights, especially of the right to health. In 2012, the General Assembly asked States for a total ban on the practice. Despite the consensus on the punishability of female circumcision, its enforcement diverges, in particular in Western Europe. France is considered as a model in this area, that’s why this study focuses on it. Yet, under French law, there is no special legislation criminalising the practice: female circumcision is punishable on grounds of mutilation. However, the French success is not complete: the prevention of such acts could be improved.
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Zueva, K., and P. Timofeev. "The Presidency of E. Macron in France: The Results of the First Term (2017–2022)." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 10 (2022): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-10-45-55.
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The article analyzes the results of the first Emmanuel Macron’s presidential five-year term. The authors highlight that the period 2017–2022 proved to be a time of ambitious undertakings and difficult trials for France. The young president sensitively caught the French desire for change and set about solving urgent problems. The improvement of public finances and reboot of the economy, modernization of the administration of the Republic with expansion of “social lifts”, the return of France’s leadership in the European Union and strengthening of the EU’s position in the world – these were the main goals of Macron. Nevertheless, these plans ran into serious objections: inside the country – via the mass protests of working classes defending social guarantees and the opposition of parliamentarians facing the strengthening of presidential power, in the international arena – due to the EU problems and the rivalry of France with a number of other powers. The COVID‑19 pandemic has become a real “black swan” for the president, forcing him to adjust the initial settings. However, E. Macron had some achievements on his way – such as the Labor Code reform, political confidence laws, transformation of the ENA, development of the European Union initiatives, especially the Franco-German plan to save the EU economy during the 2020 pandemic. The authors conclude that despite Macron’s re-election, his second term will become very difficult: the loss of an absolute majority in the National Assembly in the June 2022 elections showed that a tripolar system has been formed in France, so the centrist Macron will have to take the positions of the extreme right and left forces into account when building his economic and domestic policy. As for his foreign policy, the main troubles lie in the serious aggravation of the international situation in Europe.
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Preobrazhenskaya, Arina. "«REPUBLICANS» AMID THE NEW SOCIO-POLITICAL REALITY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (December 31, 2022): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62022147156.
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The article examines the problems faced during the presidential and parliamentary election campaigns of 2022 by the largest party of the right camp in France – the «Republicans» party. The paper emphasizes that the «Republicans» faced the tasks of both ideological equipment and the search for a recognized leader by all. A study of the actions of the «Republicans» candidate for president V. Pekress allows us to conclude that under the influence of a combination of structural and conjunctural factors, she could not become a figure capable of mobilizing right-wing voters and going beyond her political camp. She lost the battle for the center-right and right electorate to her competitors – President E. Macron and the leader of the right-wing populists M. Le Pen. Analysis of the results of the parliamentary elections showed that although the «Republicans» halved their presence in the National Assembly, thanks to the new alignment of political forces, characterized by the absence of an absolute majority in the pro-presidential bloc, a group of «Republicans»” found themselves in parliament as an arbitrator and gained new opportunities to influence the lawmaking process, which was deprived in the previous legislature. The author comes to the conclusion that the project of the «independent right center» suffered a crushing defeat in these elections, and the «Republicans» in the course of parliamentary practice can follow the path of actually turning into the right wing of the pro-presidential coalition.
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Chikhachev, Aleksei. "FRANCE-2022: THE DIVIDED SOCIETY AND RESHAPING OF POLITICS." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 26, no. 2 (April 1, 2022): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220225970.
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This article discusses the results of French presidential election held on 10 and 24 April 2022. It is noted that electoral campaign has developed against the background of further fragmentation of the society, its transformation into a kind of «archipelago» with numerous internal confrontations. Yet, despite the series of crises during his presidency, Emmanuel Macron managed to maintain the support of high classes, which, along with a well-elaborated election strategy, allows him to be re-elected for the second term. At the same time, the expansion of the positions of Marine Le Pen, who consolidates her status as a main political force on the right flank and struggles for the electorate in so-called «popular» classes outside of large cities, is explored. Also, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s result proving a certain popularity of far left agenda in France is noted, as well as the failure of mainstream parties. The author concludes that at this stage French political spectrum corresponds to a three-pole model, which for a number of reasons, however, may not be reproduced at the upcoming elections to the National Assembly in June. In any case, Macron’s second term will be difficult both in home and foreign policy terms. But for Russia, his re-election, even with some ambivalence in presidential approach to bilateral relations with Moscow, is likely to be a quite good scenario.
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McWhinney, Edward. "Towards an Empirically-Based New International Economic Order." Canadian Yearbook of international Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international 27 (1990): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0069005800003854.
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The movement on behalf of a new international economic order emerged in the early 1970’s and achieved an early, signal success with three great ventures in international lawmaking by the United Nations General Assembly in 1974 and 1975. These were the Declaration on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States. All three acts were adopted in the form of General Assembly resolutions, the first two by consensus and without formal vote, at the Sixth Special Session of the General Assembly. The Resolution on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, being pushed to a vote at the succeeding regular Annual Session, was adopted by 120 to 6, with 10 abstentions (with the United States, Great Britain, and West Germany among the negative votes, and France, Italy, Japan, and Canada among the abstentions).
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Rubinskiy, Yuri, and Sergey Fedorov. "FRENCH ELECTIONS 2022: FEATURES, RESULTS, CONSEQUENCES." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 30, no. 6 (December 31, 2022): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran62022135146.
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The article analyzes the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in France in 2022, which took place in specific conditions caused by the increase in energy and socio-economic problems in the country against the background of military operations in Ukraine. Despite the re-election of President E. Macron for a second term, the loss of an absolute pro-government majority in the National Assembly (the lower house of the French Parliament) following the parliamentary elections significantly complicated the implementation of his election program. In particular, the inability, as before, to constantly use article 49-3 of the Constitution of the country to adopt laws, in fact contrary to the opinion of deputies, required the President and the government to start searching for compromises and possible allies, as well as adjusting the political course. However, the significant strengthening of non-systemic political forces in the lower house of Parliament – the far-left «Unconquered France» and, especially, the far-right «National Association», the reluctance of the «Republicans» to enter into a coalition with the presidential majority complicates the plans of the Head of State. The prospects of further evolution of the country’s party-political system, as well as the preparation of the main political forces of the country for the next electoral cycle of 2027 are considered.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in France and their impact on Russian-French Relations." Science. Culture. Society 28, no. 3 (September 29, 2022): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2022.28.3.1.
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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in France held on June 12 and 19, 2022. The results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2022 are compared, and all these parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2022 are characterized. The results of the activities of the French government, formed by President and Leader of party Republic on the March! E. Macron following the results of the 2018 elections. The reasons for maintaining the rating of this government and its influence on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It is considered how the coronavirus pandemic and the government's actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The assessment of the activities of the main opposition parties of this country is given. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the positions of political parties and coalitions that were elected to parliament following these elections are considered: the coalition Together (For a President Majority), led by the Chairman of the National Assembly R.Ferrand, uniting the Renaissance, Democratic Movement and Horizon parties, the New People's Ecological and Social Union coalition (NPESU) led by the leader of the Unconquered France party J.-L.Melenchon, which also united the socialist and communist parties, and the Europe, Ecology, Greens party, the National Unification Party of Marine Le Pen, which was headed on the eve of the elections by MEP J.Bordella, and the coalition of the Union of the Right and Centrists led by the leader of the Republicans Party, C.Jacob, which also included the Union of Democrats and Independents party. The positions of these parties are presented. The state of Russian-French relations is analyzed and a forecast is given of how the election results will affect relations between RF and France.
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Rizzuto, Franco. "Anti‐Political Politics: the Barre Phenomenon." Government and Opposition 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1987): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00186.x.
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ONE OF THE MOST REMARKABLE DEVELOPMENTS ON THE French political scene since the Left's historic victories in the presidential and parliamentary elections of 1981 has been the spectacular emergence of former Prime Minister Raymond Barre as both a powerful contender for the ‘leadership’ of the Right and for the French presidency. His emergence raises a number of interrelated issues which are likely to have a profound impact in France over the next few years.First, it has brought to the fore questions about the nature and perhaps even the very future of the Fifth Republic. The insistent refusal by Barre and his supporters to countenance cohabitation has elevated to the top of the political agenda the perennial issue of constitutional interpretation. What happens when the President of the Republic and the majority in the National Assembly are of opposed political persuasions? This has ceased to be a question of interest only to constitutional scholars but has become a reality after the March 1986 legislative elections resulted in a narrow victory for the RPR-UDF alliance. How Barre and his supporters behave in such a delicate situation is of crucial importance.
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Kimble, Sara L. "Of “Masculine Tyranny” and the “Women's Jury”: The Gender Politics of Jury Service in Third Republic France." Law and History Review 37, no. 4 (September 24, 2019): 867–902. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000324.
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In belle époque France, criminal juries were criticized as too tolerant of crime and too lenient to effectively punish criminals. While the French institution of the jury was under attack by magistrates and other elites, mixed sex juries provided an alternative model. Jury reformers advocated the introduction of mixed-sex criminal juries in France in order to render better verdicts and reduce crime, especially in the areas of infanticide and abortion. The French National Assembly debates over proposed legislation, however, stalled over political concerns with women's truncated citizenship rights. Historical analysis of the types of arguments deployed in this jury reform debate (including archival documents, parliamentary records, and press sources) reveals that reform proponents argued that gender difference-especially in terms of morality and psychology-justified women's admission to juries, particularly in cases of infanticide and abortion. The operation of an unofficial “women's jury” (jury féminin) between 1905 and 1910 in Paris demonstrated women's judicial decision-making capacity. Analysis of this citizens' jury documents the development of a feminist critique of the legal treatment of domestic violence, reproductive freedom, and marriage law publicized in the early twentieth century. This research contribution posits grounds for the re-periodization of feminist legal history as viewed through this case study of women's claims to jury service in Third Republic France.
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Kuczyńska, Anna. "Dyplomacja Francji: ewolucja relacji na osi władzy Elysee-Matignon w układzie koabitacji." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.1.4.
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The paper analyzes the decision-making process with respect to foreign policy and defense in the French Fifth Republic. The author discusses the constitutional rights of the President, Prime Minister and Parliament to emphasize that the notion of the exclusive domain (domaine réservé) of the head of the state has no legal grounds. In particular, she stresses the variations in the practice of exercising power in these terms under two distinct political situations: when the president and government are from the same political option, and when they are not. She notes that given the political homogeneity of the President and the majority in the National Assembly, the President, as the actual head of the unified party, becomes the focal point in the creation and implementation of the policies for ‘his’ France, in particular of the country’s foreign policy. This defies the stipulations of Articles 20 and 21 of the Constitution, by virtue of which the government, headed by the Prime Minister, “determines and conducts the policy of the nation.” The paper devotes considerable space to an analysis of the political influence of cohabitation, i.e. the coexistence of a President of the Republic and a majority in the National Assembly who represent different political orientations. This characterized the political system of France for nine years (1986–1988, 1993–1995, 1997–2002) during the evolution of the actual dependency on the Presidential and Prime Ministerial power axis (or the Elysée–Matignon axis, as these state organs are commonly referred to) in the process of shaping and conducting the international and European policy of the state. The role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs is taken into account regarding the outcome of these changeable relations.
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Petrova, Maria. "Behaviour Strategies of the Foreign Diplomats at the Perpetual Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in the 18th Century." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018149-2.
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The article analyses the changes that took place in the official diplomatic communication of European rulers after the Thirty Years' War and the conclusion of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which affirmed a number of sovereign rights to the Estates of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation (and former vassals of the emperor), including the right to send and receive ambassadors. The new sovereigns, primarily the princes-electors, began to fight for the so-called royal honours (honores regii), which were de facto expressed in a certain set of ceremonies in relation to the ambassadors of the crowned heads and republics assimilated to them. The arena of the struggle for the royal honours was the Imperial Diet of the Holy Roman Empire in Regensburg — a general assembly of all Imperial Estates (in the middle of the eighteenth century — their representatives), by which since the end of the 17th century foreign diplomats had been accredited (first France, a little later — Great Britain, the United Provinces of the Netherlands, in the middle of the eighteenth century — Russia). Having declared their representatives in 1702 as the ministers of the first rank, the electors tried for a century to force the “old” monarchs to send ambassadors to the Diet, and they, by custom, were sent only to the sovereigns. Comparing the various ways out of the ceremonial impasse, the author comes to the conclusion that the struggle for elusive precedence, which foreign diplomats of the second rank (envoys or ministers plenipotentiary) waged with the representatives of the electors at the Imperial Diet, was a deliberately unwinnable strategy, leading either to their isolation or to the recall from their posts. A much more effective strategy that did not damage state prestige was to send to Regensburg so-called ministers without character or residents, who occupied a less honorable position in comparison with ambassadors and envoys, but according to their status were freed from the opportunity to compete with them and, as a result, to come into conflict.
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Waller, Irvin. "Justice Even for the Crime Victim: Implementing International Standards." International Review of Victimology 1, no. 1 (September 1989): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975808900100106.
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In November 1985, the United Nations General Assembly (1985) adopted a charter of victim rights — the ‘Declaration on the Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power’. Governments and international organisations are now faced with the challenge of implementing these principles. The UN Declaration and the Recommendations of the Council of Europe propose specific ways by which justice and services can be improved. Countries such as Canada, England, France and the United States are passing legislation. However, even there much more is required. All governments must ensure that the principles are put into practice by the police, in victim support agencies, in mental health approaches, in reparation to victims, and for acceptable participation by the person immediately hurt by crime. Further, the United Nations, governments, and private organisations need to establish commissions to assess the needs of victims, the state of services and justice, and solutions to meet needs better. However such commissions must have a role in implementation and prevention if communities are going to be safer and ‘Justice is going to open her eyes to victims’.
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Arsanjani, Mahnoush H. "Negotiating the UN Declaration on Human Cloning." American Journal of International Law 100, no. 1 (January 2006): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3518835.
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On March 8, 2005, the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted a declaration on human cloning (the Declaration) by a recorded vote of 84 to 34, with 37 abstentions.1 The Declaration culminated an effort that had commenced in 2001 with a proposal by France and Germany for a convention against reproductive cloning of human beings. The three-and-ahalf- year negotiation that followed was intense and emotionally charged with religious and cultural overtones; at times, participants seemed to feel hopelessly mired. The Declaration that was ultimately adopted was often referred to as a “political declaration,” apparently as a way of emphasizing the degree of compromise reflected in the text, and also as away of minimizing its normative value. The negotiation, which had originally been understood as limited to the narrow bioethics issue of prohibiting the making of cloned babies, led to profound discussions on human rights, cultural and religious diversities, and their interaction and priorities in case of conflict. Ultimately, neither the Declaration nor its negotiating history answered these difficult questions. But they provided a glimpse of the difficulties and impasses international lawmaking will confront when negotiations lose a secular tone.
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Berkovitz, Jay R. "The French Revolution and the Jews: Assessing the Cultural Impact." AJS Review 20, no. 1 (April 1995): 25–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400006309.
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For the Jews of France, as for their fellow countrymen, the French Revolution came to constitute the myth of origin, the birthdate of a new existence. On September 27, 1791, two years after the storming of the Bastille and the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the French National Assembly voted to admit the Jews of Alsace-Lorraine to citizenship. Subsequent generations would recall this momentous event as a turning point of extraordinary magnitude, and would view themselves as compelling evidence of its transformative power. Their memories tended to be dominated by images of celebration and glory, comparing the Revolution to the Sinaitic revelation and referring to it in messianic-redemptive terms. Not surprisingly, the many setbacks and misfortunes suffered by the generation of 1789 were largely absent from these recollections, while only meager appreciation for the complexities introduced into Jewish cultural life can be detected in the half-century following the Revolution. Even more significant was the ascendant historical view, undoubtedly colored by a pervading sense of optimism among leaders of French Jewry, that credited the Revolution with having put an end to centuries of humiliation, legal discrimination, and exclusion from the mainstream of society.
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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E. S., Terdi, and Skrynnik I. K. "Dispositive Model of Active Legal Capacity of People with Mental Disabilities in France and Quebec in the Context of the Russian Civil Code Reform (Part II)." Rossijskoe pravosudie, no. 9 (August 23, 2021): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37399/issn2072-909x.2021.9.80-87.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the inconsistency of the Russian imperative model of active legal capacity, according to which the content of active legal capacity in case of its restriction due to mental disability of a person is prescribed by the law, to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities ratified by Russia in 2012. The purpose of the paper is to demonstrate the shortcomings of the imperative model, the main of which is the lack of authority of the Russian court to individually determine the consequences of restriction of active legal capacity of a person due to mental disorder, taking in account degree of actual decrease of his cognitive and volitional abilities. This purpose is achieved by the consistent implementation of the following tasks. First of all, characteristic of the Russian imperative model of active legal capacity is given. Secondly, the French dispositive model of legal capacity is described. In this model the forms of legal protection, but not the categories of active legal capacity, incapacitation and restricted active legal capacity are the backbone concepts for the legal regulation of this group of relationship. It is noted that under the influence of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities the more progressive, from the point of view of international law, forms of this model are stipulated in many foreign countries. Thirdly, the evolved form of the French dispositive model of active legal capacity, implemented in the Bill 18 «An Act to amend the Civil Code, the Code of Civil Procedure, the Public Curator Act and various provisions as regards the protection of persons», that was adopted by the National Assembly of Quebec in 2 June 2020, is analyzed. The main advantage of the latter is that the court, establishing the form of protection, is not bound by the legal norms that imperatively determine the content of active legal capacity of a person with mental disorder. The court is able, based on the cognitive and volitional abilities of particular person, to individually determine which acts person can perform by himself, alone or with the assistance of the tutor, and which one can be performed by the tutor only. The objectives of the study determine the leading role of the comparative legal method in its implementation. The provided research makes possible to assess the perspectives of borrowing of French or Quebec dispositive models of active legal capacity of people with mental disorder by the Russian legislator.
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E. S., Terdi, and Skrynnik I. K. "Dispositive Model of Active Legal Capacity of People with Mental Disabilities in France and Quebec in the Context of the Russian Civil Code Reform (Part I)." Rossijskoe pravosudie, no. 8 (July 16, 2021): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37399/issn2072-909x.2021.8.38-46.
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The article is devoted to the problem of the inconsistency of the Russian imperative model of active legal capacity, according to which the content of active legal capacity in case of its restriction due to mental disability of a person is prescribed by the law, to the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities ratified by Russia in 2012. The purpose of the paper is to demonstrate the shortcomings of the imperative model, the main of which is the lack of authority of the Russian court to individually determine the consequences of restriction of active legal capacity of a person due to mental disorder, taking in account degree of actual decrease of his cognitive and volitional abilities. This purpose is achieved by the consistent implementation of the following tasks. First of all, characteristic of the Russian imperative model of active legal capacity is given. Secondly, the French dispositive model of legal capacity is described, in which the forms of legal protection, but not the categories of active legal capacity, incapacitation and restricted active legal capacity are the backbone concepts for the legal regulation of this group of relationship. It is noted that under the influence of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities the more progressive, from the point of view of international law, forms of this model are stipulated in many foreign countries. Thirdly, the evolved form of the French dispositive model of active legal capacity, implemented in the Bill 18 «An Act to amend the Civil Code, the Code of Civil Procedure, the Public Curator Act and various provisions as regards the protection of persons», that was adopted by the National Assembly of Quebec in June 2, 2020, is analyzed. The main advantage of the latter is that the court, establishing the form of protection, is not bound by the legal norms that imperatively determine the content of active legal capacity of a person with mental disorder. The court is able, based on the cognitive and volitional abilities of particular person, to individually determine which acts person can perform by himself, alone or with the assistance of the tutor, and which one can be performed by the tutor only. The objectives of the study determine the leading role of the comparative legal method in its implementation. The provided research makes possible to assess the perspectives of borrowing of French or Quebec dispositive models of active legal capacity of people with mental disorder by the Russian legislator.
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Lawrence, O., and J. D. Gostin. "A Tribute to the Late William J. Curran." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 24, no. 3 (September 1996): 274–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1073110500004058.
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In the summer of 1979, a group of experts on law, medicine, and ethics assembled in Siracusa, Sicily, under the auspices of the International Commission of Jurists and the International Institute of Higher Studies in Criminal Science, to draft guidelines on the rights of persons with mental illness. Sitting across the table from me was a quiet, proud man of distinctive intelligence, William J. Curran, Frances Glessner Lee Professor of Legal Medicine at Harvard University. Professor Curran was one of the principal drafters of those guidelines. Many years later in 1991, after several subsequent re-drafts by United Nations (U.N.) Rapporteur Erica-Irene Daes, the text was adopted by the U.N. General Assembly as the Principles for the Protection of Persons with Mental Illness and for the Improvement of Mental Health Care. This was the kind of remarkable achievement in the field of law and medicine that Professor Curran repeated throughout his distinguished career.
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Taji-Farouki, Suha. "Minority Muslim Communities in Post-Bipolar Europe (Western Europe & the Balkans)." American Journal of Islam and Society 12, no. 1 (April 1, 1995): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v12i1.2399.
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A conference on Minority Muslim Communities in Post-BipolarEurope (Western Europe & the Balkans), convened by the Centre forMiddle Eastern and Islamic Studies at the University of Durham (UK),was held at the Regency Palace Hotel in Amman at the invitation of theRoyal Academy for Islamic Civilisation Research (Al AIBait Foundation).It was funded largely by Jordanian governmental sources on the instructionof HRH Crown Prince Al-Hassan, who has a particular interest in theconference theme, and who extended his royal patronage to the event.Modest contributions towards expenses were also forthcoming from theWorld Assembly of Muslim Youth (Riyadh, Saudi Arabia), and L'lnstitutEuropean des Sciences Huamines (Saint-Leger-de-Pougeret, France).Attended by some thirty-five researchers and activ-ists, this conferencewas the third in a series initiated by British academics. The first twowere held during 1993 in Skopje (FYROM) and Durham (UK), and weresponsored by the British Council and the Council of Europe. This one differedfrom its predecessors in a number of ways. For the first time. anattempt was made to provide a forum for exchange between Europeanresearchers in this field and their colleagues from the various EuropeanMuslim communities examined. An effort was also made to cut acrosssocial scientific, political, and human rights discourses.The conference was inaugurated by Suha Taji-Farouki (Centre forMiddle Eastern and Islamic Studies, University of Durham), the ConferenceConvener; Mani' al-Johani (Secretary-General, World A sembly ofMuslim Youth); Ahmad Maballah (Director of Academic Affairs,L'Institut European des Sciences Humaines); and by HRH Crown PrinceAl-Hassan, delivered on his behalf by HE Professor Nassir EI-Din ElAssad(President, Royal Academy for Islamic Civilisation Research, AlAIBait Foundation). Each speaker highlighted the importance and timelinessof the conference, in light of the USSR's and Yugoslavia's disintegrationand the growing strength of movements inimical to North African,Middle Eastern, and Asian Muslims in western Europe. Speakers alsopointed to the popular notion of a so-called civilizational conflict betweenIslam and the West, positing Europe's relations with its Muslim ...
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Fieschi, Catherine. "Reassessing the Right in France." Modern & Contemporary France 8, no. 1 (February 2000): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/096394800113312.
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Naeem, Anila. "17th ICOMOS General Assembly, Paris, France." International Journal of Cultural Property 19, no. 4 (November 2012): 545–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s094073911200032x.
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The 17th General Assembly of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) took place at the UNESCO Headquarters, Paris (France), from 27 November to 2 December 2011, under the high patronage of Irina Bokova, Director General of UNESCO, and Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the French Republic. The events included meetings of the Advisory and Executive Committees, the Scientific Council, International Scientific Committees (ISCs); the Scientific Symposium; and the General Assembly. According to the ICOMOS official report, this conference had a record attendance of 1200 registered participants, representing 106 countries and 77 National Committees. The generous grants offered to National Committees through the ICOMOS Victoria Falls Fund and the Getty Foundation made it possible for 63 professionals from 47 countries to attend the event.
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Tastemain, Catherine. "France moves to right biotech wrongs." Nature Medicine 2, no. 6 (June 1996): 618. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nm0696-618.
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Irvine, William D., Nicholas Atkin, and Frank Tallett. "The Right in France, 1789-1997." American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 658. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650523.
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Spurgeon, Brad. "France passes “right to die” law." BMJ 329, no. 7478 (December 2, 2004): 1307.1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.329.7478.1307.
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Sambor, М. А. "Sources of right to freedom of peaceful assembly." Law and Safety 75, no. 4 (December 20, 2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2019.4.01.
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The right to freedom of peaceful assembly is marked by the multifaceted nature of this right for society, the state, groups of individuals and individuals. The right to freedom of peaceful assembly is a manifestation of human nature in communication with other people, society and the state. The unconditional right to freedom of peaceful assembly has a rich history of its formation and development. However, without historical origins it is impossible to form an objective and necessary for the modern man to understand the content of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly.
Based on the above, the purpose of this article is to investigate the sources of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly.
For the first time in modern domestic science the sources of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly have been explored. In order to understand and form the legal basis and mechanism (algorithm) for exercising the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, it is important to understand the origins of this right and to substantially fill the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. Sources of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in their retrospective dimension allow us to approach the understanding of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, taking into account the historical peculiarities of the understanding of this right, conditioned by the historical stages of the development of humanity, statehood and legal ideas about human rights in general and the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in particular.
Sources of law are not only formalized and materialized rules of law, but also the engine, the driving force in the identification, formulation and only in the further implementation of the rule of law in a certain materialized regulatory document. This aspect of the sources of law cannot be neglected, since in this case the sources of law, including the sources of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, are significantly depleted, and a number of links in the chain of law are lost. Therefore, the nature of the origin of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, which is identified with human nature, is important for the study of the sources of the right to peaceful assembly, and therefore the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is a natural human right that determines its social activity and role in society. In this regard, interest is defined as a natural legal source of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. Interest is realized in the form of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, so it reveals the meaning of this right.
The source of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is an integral part of the sources of law as a whole, and therefore the study of the former is inseparable from an understanding of the sources of law. Common formal (material) sources of law are regulations, customs, legal treaties, legal precedents, and legal doctrines, so within the scope of this article, we carefully examine these sources of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly.
The natural-law component of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly emphasizes the direct dependence of the existence and enjoyment of the right on human rights and its interest in the exercise of this right, so we are convinced that the said source of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is likely to be on the frontier of the study of legal and other social sciences. Formal legal sources of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, in their turn, are generally in the sphere of sources of law, with those peculiarities that dictate an understanding of the content and peculiarities of the exercise and realization of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. By far, the most widespread source of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and with didactic features of knowing this right in the system of Ukrainian law is a legal act. The Constitution of Ukraine belongs to this type of sources of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly (as its special norms intended to regulate public relations in the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in Ukrainian society, as well as general rules that ensure the ordering of relations and the formation of legal space for the implementation of the said rights), the Civil Code of Ukraine, the Code of Administrative Judiciary of Ukraine, as well as other procedural normative legal acts, which, although they do not contain any special rules, are directed to regulate relations precisely with the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, but in their general form provide the opportunity to regulate a number of aspects of the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. Another, possibly key, source of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is a legal treaty, in particular an international legal treaty. It is in such treaties that the world community, humanity, has recognized the right of each person to the right to freedom of peaceful assembly, to freedom of exercise and to the exclusivity of grounds for restricting the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. Unfortunately, legal precedent in Ukraine only becomes meaningful, and as a source of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly it is characterized, in some places, by contradictory content.
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Ayala Herrera, Isabel María, and María Luisa Zagalaz Sánchez. "“Gimnasia, Música y Patria”: exhibiciones gimnásticas en el franquismo. El caso de los Festivales salesianos y el XIV Campeonato Nacional de Gimnasia Educativa (“Gymnastics, Music and Homeland”: gymnastic exhibitions during Franco´s regime. The case of sa." Retos, no. 30 (May 12, 2016): 114–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.47197/retos.v0i30.49026.
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El hallazgo en la Biblioteca Nacional y el Archivo General de la Administración de dos fuentes documentales de gran valor (los Festivales Gimnásticos de la Galería Salesiana [192?] y las tablas con música del XIV Campeonato Nacional de Gimnasia Educativa [1961-1963]), prácticamente ignoradas hasta el momento, ha impulsado este trabajo cuyo principal objetivo es la reconstrucción historicista de prácticas de gimnasia educativa en el franquismo a través de la transcripción, ensamblaje de partes, análisis y correlación de parámetros músico-corporales, edición y estudio crítico de los ejercicios corporales, sonidos y letras contenidas en ellas, alumbradoras de su contexto. El estudio concluye que Gimnasia, Música y, sobre todo, su correcto acoplamiento, fueron piedra de toque en el ideario del Movimiento por el enorme beneficio que reportaban a la educación moral e intelectual de los jóvenes, empleándose además como eficaz medio de propaganda en grandes fastos y exhibiciones gimnásticas, auténticos escaparates patrióticos en los que, de forma masiva y entusiasta, se moldeaba y elevaba el espíritu nacional de participantes y espectadores.Abstract. The finding in the National Library and Administration’s General Archive of two valuable documentary sources (the Gymnastics Festivals of the Salesian Gallery [192?] and the obligatory set of exercises with music of the 14th National Championship of Educational Gymnastics [1961-1963]), virtually ignored until now, has driven this work. The main aim of this article is the historicist reconstruction of educational gymnastics practices during Franco´s regime through transcription, parts assembly, analysis and correlation between music and movement, edition and critical study of body exercises, sounds and letters contained therein, which shed light into their context. The study concludes that Gymnastics, Music and, especially, its right coupling were the touchstone of the esthetic and educational ideology of the Movement, as they were thought to bring an enormous benefit to the moral and intellectual education of young people. At the same time, the above mentioned disciplines were used as effective propaganda, fundamentally by means of the organization of great pomp, performances and gymnastics exhibitions, which proved an authentic patriotic window to the world, in which, in a massive and enthusiast way, the national spirit of participants and spectators was moulded and lifted.
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Fitzsimmons, Michael P. "The National Assembly and the abolition of guilds in France." Historical Journal 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020707.
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ABSTRACTThe hesitation with which the national assembly approached the issue of guilds has long puzzled historians. After apparently abolishing them on the night of 4 August 1789, the national assembly delayed any action on guilds for eighteen months. This study examines the reasons for the tentativeness of the national assembly and the factors that ultimately led it to take action in 1791. A fear of aggravating violence in the countryside led the national assembly initially to delay action against guilds. By the time the assembly was ready to act, however, it found itself stymied by one of its own committees, which refused to bring the matter forward. The equivocation of the assembly led to unrest in towns and villages, and that unrest, along with the need of the assembly to realize the new principles it had advanced, led to a pre-emptive manoeuvre by the assembly against the obstructionist committee that resolved the anomaly of guilds in the new polity created by the national assembly.
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Hamilton, Claire, and Paras K. Anand. "Right place, right time: localisation and assembly of the NLRP3 inflammasome." F1000Research 8 (May 17, 2019): 676. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.18557.1.
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The NLRP3 inflammasome is a multimeric protein complex that cleaves caspase-1 and the pro-inflammatory cytokines interleukin 1 beta (IL-1β) and IL-18. Dysregulated NLRP3 inflammasome signalling is linked to several chronic inflammatory and autoimmune conditions; thus, understanding the activation mechanisms of the NLRP3 inflammasome is essential. Studies over the past few years have implicated vital roles for distinct intracellular organelles in both the localisation and assembly of the NLRP3 inflammasome. However, conflicting reports exist. Prior to its activation, NLRP3 has been shown to be resident in the endoplasmic reticulum (ER) and cytosol, although, upon activation, the NLRP3 inflammasome has been shown to assemble in the cytosol, mitochondria, and mitochondria-associated ER membranes by different reports. Finally, very recent work has suggested that NLRP3 may be localised on or adjacent to the Golgi apparatus and that release of mediators from this organelle may contribute to inflammasome assembly. Therefore, NLRP3 may be strategically placed on or in close proximity to these subcellular compartments to both sense danger signals originating from these organelles and use the compartment as a scaffold to assemble the complex. Understanding where and when NLRP3 inflammasome assembly occurs may help identify potential targets for treatment of NLRP3-related disorders.
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Ye. Osipov. "Post-Christian France: Neither Right Nor Left." International Affairs 66, no. 004 (August 31, 2020): 170–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/iaf.61275909.
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Černý, Petr. "The Right of Assembly in Central Europe." Age of Human Rights Journal, no. 15 (December 15, 2020): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17561/tahrj.v15.5786.
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The article deals with the legal regulation of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic with regard to the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). The chosen topics focus on the definition of assembly, the relationship between freedom of expression and property rights together with the right of assembly. In each of above-mentioned countries, the assembly to which constitutional protection is granted, the definitiondiffers slightly; with the widest concept of assembly deriving from the judicature of the ECHR. The constitutional protection of the Assembly, in particular found in Germany and Austria, which is significantly narrower than the protection provided by the European Convention on Human Rights, may thus at some stage come into conflict with the requirements of the ECHR. The section devoted to freedom of speech deals, among other things, with cases exhibiting shocking photographs, which were part of the campaign against abortion, in front of schools in the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. In the future, the most serious problem is the conflict of the right of assembly along with the right of ownership, consisting in assemblies held on private property, which is used by the public, such as shopping malls, airports or railway stations. This has been the focus of the professional public and the courts for a long time, especially in Germany.
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Khrapska, A. O. "CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT TO PEACEFUL ASSEMBLY: IMPLEMENTATION PROBLEMS." Juridical scientific and electronic journal, no. 4 (2021): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32782/2524-0374/2021-4/37.
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Sambor, М. A. "Forms of Realizing the Right to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly." Bulletin of Kharkiv National University of Internal Affairs 85, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/v.2019.2.03.
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It has been grounded that the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is a unique right that unites the right and freedom of its realization. The realization of this right by some subjects, as well as the obligation of public administration subjects to create conditions for the unimpeded realization of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly require an understanding of the outer shell (form) of realizing the right to freedom of peaceful assembly.
Forms of realizing the right to freedom of peaceful assembly have been studied. It has been substantiated that the realization of this right is not limited to the constitutionally prescribed forms, namely meetings, rallies, marches and demonstrations. Much more forms of realizing the right to freedom of peaceful assembly are contained in subordinate regulatory acts. The legal order in Ukraine, based on a generally acceptable type of legal regulation, reveals a number of new forms, which in their essence are forms of realizing the right to peaceful assembly.
On the basis of the analysis of the current legislation and the current legal doctrine, the author has formulated classification features and has conducted classification of the forms of realizing the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. The classification is based on such features as normative and legal certainty (constitutional, normatively defined forms and others), involvement of participants (internal and external forms), mobility (static and dynamic forms), isolation of participants (closed and open forms), venue (gatherings held indoors or outdoors), sphere of interests’ realization (political, social, economic, cultural, sports, etc.).
It has been summarized that the forms of realizing the right to freedom of peaceful assembly make it possible to understand the purpose pursued by the subject of realizing this right, and the place of holding a peaceful assembly significantly influences the further mechanism of ensuring its realization, since the combination of the form and content of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly makes it possible to understand the true essence of this right, as well as to adjust measures to ensure its realization in order to create optimal conditions not only for the realization of this right, but also to prevent its abuse. Thus, they guarantee the rights, freedoms and interests of the rest of the population.
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Kirgis, Frederic L. "He Got It Almost Right." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001987.
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Larry Johnson’s answer to his own question is a qualified “no.” Surely he is correct when he says that the General Assembly does not need the Uniting for Peace resolution in order to consider a matter that is on the UN Security Council’s agenda. The International Court of Justice made that clear in its Advisory Opinion on the Construction of a Wall. It is only when the Security Council is actively pursuing the matter that UN Charter Article 12(1) requires the General Assembly to defer to the Council.Johnson is also correct when he says that Uniting for Peace does not serve to enhance the authority that the UN Charter itself supplies to the Assembly to adopt non-binding resolutions intended to keep or restore peace. The ICJ also made that clear in its Advisory Opinion on the Construction of a Wall. Without relying on the Uniting for Peace resolution, the ICJ in paragraphs 27 and 28 of its Opinion approved the practice of the General Assembly to deal with matters concerning maintenance of international peace and security. The Court turned to the Uniting for Peace resolution only in the ensuing paragraphs of its Opinion, dealing with procedural matters related to the Assembly’s request for an Advisory Opinion.
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Petermann, Simon. "Le phénomène Le Pen en France." Res Publica 28, no. 1 (March 31, 1986): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v28i1.19192.
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Since its success in the European elections of the 17th ]une 84, the National Front of J.M. Le Pen represents today the extreme right which had disappeared as a politica! force, if not as a way of thinking in France. With 10,95 % of the votes cast, the National Front becomes a political force which must be taken into account, especially when by-elections take place. This ultra-nationalist and populist party focuses the political debate almost exclusively on insecurity and immigration problems but also develops the traditional themes of the extreme right (France's moral and spiritual decline, the struggle against communist subversion... ). The National Front's electorale has poor sociological caracteristics and largely overlaps the traditional extreme-right. The disenchantment of a part of the electorate of the left, the drifting to the right of an important fraction of the electorate, the rising of xenophobia and racism are the principal causes for the relative success of J.M. Le Pen.
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Mohammed, Islam. "Public Assemblies between the UN System and the Comparative Jurisprudence." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 23, no. 1 (December 3, 2020): 221–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413_023001008.
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This entry outlines the UN jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee (HRC) on public peaceful assemblies. It compares the protection of the right (freedom of assembly) in the UN system with the protection provided on a supranational/regional level and the domestic (constitutional) level, relying on the landmark cases on each of the discussed themes. The entry aims at exploring the underlying values, scope, and limitations of the right to freedom of assembly in the UN system and the comparative jurisprudence. The underlying values of the right to freedom of assembly explain the rationale for the legal protection of the right. Moreover, the entry examines the scope of the right of freedom of assembly, in order to draw the boundaries of the right and define its content. The analysis of the limitations focuses on the advance notice requirement and permit system, limitations on the time, place or manner of the assembly, and restrictions associated with heckler’s veto or having a hostile crowd. The discussion on limitation assesses whether there are historical, societal, and demographic factors that can restrict the exercise of the right to freedom of assembly, or if different regions/States are equally subjected to the same normative principles. Finally, the entry sketches the challenges and normative reflections, regarding the right to freedom of assembly, in light of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020.
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Sambor, Mykola. "Proceedings on administrative lawsuits to remove obstacles and prohibit interference with the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly: current issues of legal regulation." Slovo of the National School of Judges of Ukraine, no. 4(29) (February 11, 2020): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37566/2707-6849-2019-4(29)-3.
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The right to freedom of peaceful assembly, among others, is characterized by the fact that, in addition to the communicative function caused by human socialization, it is the guarantor of the exercise of other rights and freedoms from unjustified interference in the private legal sphere of the subjects of public administration. Given the procedural guarantees outlined above, ensuring the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is crucial not only for the right, but also for the legal order in the country. The analysis of administrative procedural guarantees, in the form of the respective rights of the subject of exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and the rights and duties of representatives of the subjects of public administration, gives grounds for the conclusion that the legislator puts the representatives of public administration in a condition where the latter have priority conditions vis-à-vis defendants - subjects of the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. As a result, the procedural issues and guarantees for removing obstacles and prohibiting interference with the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly in the norms of the Code of Administrative Judiciary of Ukraine are completely vague. In addition, a number of concepts that impede the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly are an alternative both to criminal liability and to judicial action. Even an appeal against a decision of a court of first instance in cases of administrative actions for the removal of obstacles and prohibition of interference with the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly is recognized as an appeal against the decision of the administrative court to establish restrictions on the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly. We are convinced that the norms of the Code of Administrative Judiciary of Ukraine require qualitative changes regarding the creation of guarantees for the exercise of the right to peaceful assembly from unwarranted and unlawful interference by public administration entities based on the fundamental principles of the rule of law, respect for human rights and freedoms. Keywords: right to freedom of peaceful assembly, removal of restrictions, procedural guarantees.
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문, 종현, 용우 김, 한진 엄, 조홍 식, 인호 백, 동규 신, 향란 최, and 서경 노. "Round Table : The Extreme Right Politic in France." HISTORY JOURNAL 40 (February 28, 2019): 53–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.51786/rchf.2019.02.40.53.
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Ray, Leonard. "Anti-Americanism and left-right ideology in France." French Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fp.2011.13.
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Berlanstein, Lenard R. "Radical Left and Radical Right in Urban France." Journal of Urban History 15, no. 2 (February 1989): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009614428901500206.
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Spektorowski, Alberto. "Regionalism and the Right: The Case of France." Political Quarterly 71, no. 3 (July 2000): 352–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.00310.
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Yildirim. "Trade unionism and the extreme right in France." International Union Rights 27, no. 1-2 (2020): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.14213/inteuniorigh.27.1-2.0006.
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Van Der Valk, Ineke. "Right-wing parliamentary discourse on immigration in France." Discourse & Society 14, no. 3 (May 1, 2003): 309–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926503014003084.
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Graber, Mark A., and Linda J. Lumsden. "Rampant Women: Suffragists and the Right of Assembly." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 4 (October 1998): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846064.
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Baldwin, Tamara. "Rampant Women Suffragists and the Right of Assembly." American Journalism 16, no. 2 (April 1999): 130–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.1999.10739183.
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Clayton, Gina. "Reclaiming Public Ground: The Right to Peaceful Assembly." Modern Law Review 63, no. 2 (March 2000): 252–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2230.00261.
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Woloch, Nancy, and Linda J. Lumsden. "Rampant Women: Suffragists and the Right of Assembly." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649653.
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