Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Assemblea provinciale'

2011/2012
L’unificazione politica di Creta si realizzò nel III sec. a.C. con la fondazione della «Federazione dei Cretesi» (koinon ton Kretaieon). Questa istituzione coordinava l’azione delle numerose città-stato dell’isola nei rapporti con le grandi potenze del Mediterraneo, Roma inclusa. Per quanto riguarda la politica interna, tuttavia, le città-stato mantenevano ampli margini di autonomia. Questa ricerca indaga i fattori extra-politici di coesione (etnici, culturali, religiosi) che contribuirono all’unificazione di Creta. La religione rivestì un ruolo determinante nella formazione di un polo identitario in cui i Cretesi poterono riconoscersi. Le due divinità locali principali, Zeus Kretagenés («Zeus nato a Creta») e Artemide-Diktynna, furono venerate sul piano federale dall’ellenismo fino a tutta l’epoca imperiale. Gli aspetti religiosi mostrano dunque un rilevante grado di continuità attraverso le diverse epoche. Grazie alla loro adattabilità, infatti, essi poterono essere declinati nelle diverse circostanze storiche e politiche. La storia del koinon cretese si articola in quattro fasi, ciascuna delle quali corrisponde a un capitolo della tesi: ellenismo (III sec. – 67 a.C.), epoca tardo-repubblicana (67-31 a.C.), età imperiale (31 a.C. – 297 d.C.) e tardo-antica (IV – inizio V sec. d.C.). L’istituzione ellenistica è stata recentemente definita come una mera “alleanza” per sottolineare la priorità degli interessi politico-militari delle città-stato che ne erano membri. La ricerca ha potuto mettere in evidenza alcuni aspetti in precedenza poco considerati, che indicano un livello di coesione maggiore e più profondo – se non di fatto, almeno nelle intenzioni dei Cretesi: i tentativi di sviluppare una monetazione comune, l’elaborazione di un’unità etnica attraverso l’idea di una Creta unitaria, l’esistenza di uno stadio per gli agoni federali a Gortina, la convergenza degli interessi religiosi attorno alla figura di Zeus Kretagenés già in questa fase. In epoca tardo-repubblicana si compì l’unificazione politica dell’isola, ma ciò avvenne a prezzo dell’indipendenza, poiché l’isola fu sottomessa a Roma e ridotta a provincia (67 a.C.). Il koinon fu trasformato in un’assemblea provinciale assimilabile per molti versi ad altri istituti analoghi dell’Impero. Zeus Kretagenés restò la divinità principale dell’isola e venne raffigurato su un cistoforo d’argento emesso a nome del koinon. In età imperiale si completò il processo di unificazione e di accentramento già avviato: Gortina si affermò come sede di riunione e di zecca del koinon, oltre che come capitale provinciale. L’agorà della città divenne il luogo di rappresentanza dei Cretesi e dei membri dell’amministrazione romana. Il koinon, infatti, si profila in questa fase come un organo complementare dell’amministrazione imperiale, con funzioni di rappresentanza della popolazione provinciale. Nel teatro dell’acropoli di Gortina si svolgevano le assemblee federali; le festività religiose comuni erano celebrate nel tempio (dedicato forse a Zeus) con l’annesso stadio presso il Pretorio. La fase originaria di questo tempio può essere datata all’epoca augustea e riferita alle rievocazioni imperiali della vittoria di Azio (31 a.C.). Il koinon imperiale era presieduto da un sommo sacerdote (archiereus), i cui compiti principali erano l’organizzazione delle attività di culto federale, il finanziamento di costose evergesie e la rappresentanza dei Cretesi di fronte alle autorità romane. L’esame delle immagini scelte per la monetazione del koinon dimostra una pluralità di interessi religiosi che si estendono ben oltre il culto imperiale, affondando le loro radici nella tradizione locale. Accanto alla venerazione del Divo Augusto risaltano in primo piano il culto di Zeus Kretagenés e quello di Diktynna, i cui maggiori santuari erano rispettivamente situati nella Grotta sul monte Ida e nella Creta occidentale, presso Capo Spatha nelle vicinanze di Kydonia. Nel I-II secolo emerge come santuario sovraregionale anche l’Asklepieion di Lebena. La cassa federale era probabilmente custodita nel tesoro sacro del Diktynnaion di Capo Spatha. Il culto dinastico ellenistico ebbe importanza limitata a Creta e rimase circoscritto al piano civico di singole poleis (Itanos in particolare), ma fu importante nel creare le premesse per il successivo sviluppo del culto imperiale. Dopo la morte di Augusto nel 14 d.C., fu istituito un culto federale dell’Imperatore divinizzato. Al suo santuario era associato il diritto di asilo, che era stato in precedenza abolito da Roma per i santuari locali probabilmente a causa di abusi da parte dei Cretesi durante il periodo tardoellenistico. L’aspetto delle statue di culto del Divo Augusto e di Zeus Kretagenés può essere ricostruito sulla base delle immagini monetali. Queste due divinità somme presentano diversi punti di contatto nell’iconografia, in particolare nell’associazione col motivo delle sette stelle dell’Orsa Maggiore, da leggersi come riferimento all’apoteosi imperiale e, insieme, ai miti locali connessi con la nascita di Zeus a Creta. In questo caso si può constatare uno scambio di temi tra Roma e la provincia, con una collaborazione attiva della seconda all’elaborazione della propaganda imperiale. L’Imperatore divinizzato, inserendosi nel pantheon locale, si integrava nella vita religiosa dei Cretesi, promuovendo l’articolazione della provincia nella cornice dell’Impero. Nell’epoca tardo-antica si registra un declino dell’istituzione federale, la cui iniziativa politica viene notevolmente ridimensionata e subordinata all’amministrazione provinciale. Si rilevano comunque segnali di una continuità del culto di Zeus Kretagenés. La tradizione religiosa costituisce quindi l’asse portante dell’identità regionale cretese – poi evolutasi in identità «romano-cretese» – attraverso sette secoli densi di mutamenti storico-politici.
Die vorliegende Forschung untersucht die außerpolitischen Faktoren, die zu der politischen Vereinigung und der Bildung einer regionalen Identität Kretas beigetragen haben. Darauf wirkten von Anfang an religiöse Elemente der lokalen Tradition, die nicht nur städtisch, sondern auch regional verbindend für die ganze Insel aufgefasst wurden. Zwei Gottheiten spielten dabei eine wichtige Rolle: Zeus Kratagenes und Artemis/Diktynna. Bei der Bildung der regionalen Identität sind auch mythische, ethnische und verfassungsmäßige Elemente tätig. Die politische Struktur der kretischen Einheit bildete das s.g. koinon („Bund“) der Kreter, das tatsächlich eine lockere Institution war, jedoch nicht ein rein politisch-militärisches Bündnis wie neulich behauptet worden ist. Die außerpolitischen Faktoren, die sich im Rahmen der Kulte polarisieren, unterstützten nachweislich den Zusammenhalt des Bundes. Die Geschichte der kretischen Föderation gliedert sich chronologisch in vier Phasen, jeder von denen ein Kapitel der Dissertation gewidmet ist: die hellenistiche (3. Jh. – 67 v.Chr.), die spätrepublikanische (44-31 v.Chr.), die kaiserzeitliche (31 v.Chr. – 297 n.Chr.) und die spätrömische Zeit (4. – Anfang 5. Jh.). Mit der Übergangsphase von der hellenistischen in die römische Zeit hing eine markante Umformulierung der Ziele und Kompetenzen des Bundes, der nun seine politische Unabhängigkeit zugunst der Römer einbüßte. Nach wie vor diente die Institution grundsätzlich den Repräsentationszwecken der gesamten Insel gegenüber den Großmächten des Mittelmeerraumes, und zwar früher den hellenistischen Reichen und später Rom. Diesbezüglich sind in der Arbeit die literarischen, epigraphischen und archäologischen Quellen versammelt und kritisch dargelegt, um den organisatorischen Aufbau und die Zwecke der Einrichtung festzustellen. Daraus geht hervor, dass der Bund einen eigenen politischen Handlungsspielraum besaß, der während der Römerzeit in der Macht der Provinzialverwaltung seine Grenze hatte und sich gemäß den zeitgenössischen Bedingungen entwickelte. Trotz dieser Wandlungen zeigt der religiöse Rahmen der Institution von griechischer Zeit bis in die Kaiserzeit eine verwunderliche Beständigkeit. Es hat den Anschein, dass die Religion die grundlegende identitätsstiftende Aufgabe absolvierte, während den hellenistischen Versuch, eine ethnische Identität der Kreter zu gründen, die Römer wahrscheinlich hatten platzen lassen oder jedenfalls erheblich abgebaut. Das numismatische Material stellt eine wichtige Quelle dar, weil es uns über die wirtschaftliche Initiative sowie über die Selbstdarstellung und die religiösen Prioritäten des Bundes informiert. Das höchste Amt des koinon war dasjenige des Provinzialoberpriesters, der außer der Aufsicht über die Provinzialkulte anderen rein politischen Aufgaben nachkam und für die finanzielle Unterstützung des Bundes sorgte. Was das Finanzwesen angeht, verfügten die Kreter über einen Bundesschatz, den sie mit bestimmter Selbstständigkeit verwalten konnten. Daraus ergibt sich das Bild einer organischen komplementären Zusammenarbeit der Provinzialen neben der römischen Verwaltung. Durch den Kaiserkult wurde der römische Kaiser in die lokale Religion hineinbezogen und eng mit der Hauptgestalt des kretischen Pantheons, dem Zeus Kretagenes, verbunden. Auf Dauer bahnte sich ein Wechselspiel an, indem die auf Kreta entwickelten Elemente teilweise nach Rom zurückflossen. Das enge Nebeneinander römischer und einheimischer Instanzen spiegelte sich auch topographisch in der Hauptstadt Gortyn wider. Zusammenfassend, bot die Religion den Kretern eine aussichtsreiche Integrationsmöglichkeit im römischen Reich, ohne dass sie auf ihre historichen Wurzeln verzichten müssten. Das kretische Oberpriestertum konnte nämlich das Sprungbrett für eine politische Karriere in der römischen Verwaltung bilden. Die lokale mythologische bzw. religiöse Tradition brachte durch die Übernahme römischer Elementen und insbesondere des Kaiserkultes die Macht Roms in die unmittelbare Erfahrung der Kreter hinein. Die Identität der oberhalb der einzelnen Stadtstaate erreichten politischen Vereinigung stützte sich auf den konstituierenden und zusammenhaltenden Faktor der Religion.
XXV Ciclo
1979

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
Based on the analysis of a diversified documentary corpus, which includes the Annals, Minutes and the Internal Regiment of the Provincial Legislative Assembly of Paraíba´s province, Reports of the Presidents of Provinces and newspapers from the 19th century, so, in this study we aimed to understand the performance of the provincial deputies from Paraíba in the Second Reign, specifically between 1855 and 1875, a period in which there was a reconfiguration of national politics. Departing from the presupposition that the Provincial Legislative Assemblies, created by the Additional Act (1834), were constituted as important spaces of power where its members could discuss and legislate about the most varied issues, thus, enjoying considerable autonomy and contributing for the Brazilian national state construction. Based on the concept of Political Cultures and Sociability Networks, we have analyzed the functioning of Provincial Legislative Assembly of Paraíba, ruled by a series of "rituals", and elaborate a prosopographic study of the provincial deputies who acted in the adopted temporal cut, especially those who graduated in Law by the Faculty of Olinda/Recife, where a considerable part obtained the diploma of superior course. Corroborating with the historiography, we identified that this type of formation was configured as one of the national political elite distinctions, since the majority of the provincial deputies that managed to reach the Chamber of Deputies were composed of bachelors in Law, as exemplified by the trajectories of paraiban politicians as Felizardo Toscano de Brito and Father Lindolfo Correia das Neves. In view of the relationship of provincial deputies and other agents of the political elite, such as provincial councilors and presidents, we also discussed municipalities and public instruction in Paraíba, issues which were often at the heart of the debates and that, being constituted as one of the fields of action of the provincial deputies, can be considered relevant spaces of autonomy.
A partir da análise de um corpus documental diversificado, que inclui os Anais, Atas e o Regimento Interno da Assembleia Legislativa Provincial da Paraíba, os Relatórios dos Presidentes de Província e jornais do século XIX, buscamos no presente estudo compreender a atuação dos deputados provinciais paraibanos no Segundo Reinado, mais especificamente entre 1855 e 1875, período em que houve uma reconfiguração da política nacional. Partimos do pressuposto de que as Assembleias Legislativas Provinciais, criadas pelo Ato Adicional (1834), constituíram-se como importantes espaços de poder nos quais seus membros puderem discutir e legislar sobre as mais variadas questões, usufruindo, desta forma, de uma considerável autonomia e contribuindo para a construção do Estado nacional brasileiro. Com base no conceito de Culturas Políticas e de Redes de Sociabilidade, analisamos o funcionamento da Assembleia Legislativa Provincial da Paraíba, que era regida por uma série de “rituais”, e elaboramos um estudo prosopográfico dos deputados provinciais que atuaram no recorte temporal adotado, sobretudo dos indivíduos formados em Direito pela Faculdade de Olinda/Recife, onde parte considerável obteve o diploma de curso superior. Corroborando com a historiografia, identificamos que este tipo de formação se configurou como um dos distintivos da elite política nacional, uma vez que a maior parte dos deputados provinciais paraibanos que conseguiu chegar à Câmara dos Deputados era composta por bacharéis em Direito, conforme exemplificam as trajetórias dos políticos paraibanos Felizardo Toscano de Brito e padre Lindolfo Correia das Neves. Tendo em vista a relação dos deputados provinciais e outros agentes da elite política, como os vereadores e os presidentes de província, discutimos também acerca das municipalidades e da instrução pública na Paraíba, assuntos que frequentemente se encontravam no cerne dos debates e que, ao se constituírem como um dos campos de atuação dos deputados provinciais, podem ser considerados relevantes espaços de autonomia.

L’histoire de la construction administrative de la France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles est celle de la mise en place d’un appareil d’État avec, dans les provinces les plus récemment intégrées, le maintien d’une assemblée des représentants des trois ordres, qui gère une partie des affaires du pays notamment la collecte de l’impôt. Séparée de sa partie espagnole depuis 1512, la Basse-Navarre a elle-aussi conservé, au moment de son union avec le royaume de France en 1620, son assemblée d’États et, surtout, son titre de « royaume ». Notre premier travail a consisté à retranscrire la mémoire des délibérations annuelles de l’assemblée navarraise, depuis le début du règne personnel de Louis XIV jusqu’à la Révolution. Puis, l’étude quantitative et qualitative des textes a mis en lumière un dialogue particulier entre Versailles et la lointaine province. Face aux Bourbons, les représentants navarrais défendent leurs coutumes, leur particularisme, mais aussi leur mainmise particulière sur les affaires de la province
The history of the administrative construction of France in the XVII and XVIII centuries is the history of the establishment of the political machinery of state and, in those provinces most recently integrated, the upholding of an assembly of representatives of 3 orders who managed a part of the countries affairs, specifically that of tax collection. Separated from its Spanish states in 1512, the Basse-Navarre also conserved, at the moment of its union with the kingdom of France in 1620, its state assembly and above all its title of realm. Our initial work consisted of retranscribing the record of yearly deliberations of the navarraise assembly, from the beginning of the personal reign of Louis XIV until the Revolution. Following this, the quantitative and qualitative study of the texts shed light on the particular dialogue between Versailles and the outer lying province. In the face of the Bourbons, the navarrais representatives defended their customs, their distinctiveness and also their dominance over the affairs of the province

Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence)
With approximately 450 tribes and 250 ethnic groups in a territory of 2 345 095 km2,1the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is one of the world's largest, populous, and multiethnolinguistic countries. Since the departure of the Belgian coloniser in 1960, this Member State of the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) is facing a myriad of institutional crises, bloody conflicts and wars, mainly caused by the design of political institutions and the side-lining of some ethnic groups from political institutions. For many decades, Congolese provinces have seen numerous violent ethnic-driven conflicts, which led to institutional instability, political crisis, secessions, massacres and wars. The bloodiest of them all were the first and second Congolese wars. From 1996 to 2002, these so-called "African first world war" cost the DRC the lives of millions of people, divided it into many small "republics" and destroyed the few political and economic infrastructures that survived four decades of institutional instability and dictatorship.

Os principais objetos de estudo dessa dissertação são uma estatística e um mapa da Província de São Paulo, ambos encomendados pela recém-instituída Assembleia Legislativa Provincial, em 1835, ao engenheiro-militar Daniel Pedro Müller (1785-1841). Planejados para serem utilizados como instrumentos de poder a serviço de grupos da elite paulista, no controle da administração provincial, a reconstituição dos contextos de sua produção, impressão e circulação permitem estabelecer nexos entre esses artefatos e a sociedade que os produziu e utilizou pela primeira vez, ampliando a compreensão da dinâmica política, econômica e social da Província paulista da primeira metade do Oitocentos. Para estudá-los buscou-se, inicialmente, reconstituir a trajetória de Daniel Pedro Müller, bem como caracterizar os grupos da elite paulista que passaram a ocupar os espaços de poder provincial a partir da transição do regime absolutista para a monarquia constitucional, no princípio da década de 1820, até o final da primeira metade daquele século. Em seguida, passou-se à análise dos artefatos propriamente ditos, buscando estabelecer relações entre esses objetos e os contextos político, econômico e social em que estavam inseridos. Por fim, a partir de dois exemplos concretos da economia política provincial a apropriação das terras indígenas para o avanço das culturas de exportação e subsistência em direção ao Oeste e a orientação da política econômica ao desenvolvimento da infraestrutura viária paulista buscou-se demonstrar como a construção territorial engendrada por estes artefatos serviu como instrumento de poder para a realização dos interesses e desígnios de autoridades administrativas em aliança com a elite mercantil-exportadora paulista.
The main study objects of this masters thesis are a statistic and a map of the Province of São Paulo, both commissioned in 1835 by the recently established Provincial Legislative Assembly to the military engineer Daniel Pedro Müller (1785-1841). Planned to be used as instruments of power to serve groups of the local elite in control of the provincial administration, the reconstitution of the contexts of its production, printing and circulation allows us to establish links between these artifacts and the society who produced and used them for the first time, expanding the comprehension of the political, economic and social dynamics of the Paulista province during the first half of the 19th century. In order to study these artifacts we sought, in the first place, to rebuild the trajectory of Daniel Pedro Müller as well as to characterize the Paulista elite groups that came to occupy the spaces of provincial power from the transition from the absolutist regime to the constitutional monarchy in the beginning of the 1820s, up to the end of the first half of that century. Afterwards we went to the analysis of the actual artifacts, aiming to establish relationships between these objects and the political, economic and social context in which they were entered. Finally, from two concrete examples of the provincial economic politics the appropriation of indigenous lands for the advancements of the exports and subsistence cultures towards the West part of the province and the guidance of the political economy for the development of the Paulista road infrastructure we aimed to demonstrate how the territorial construction engendered by these artifacts was used as an instrument of power to attend the interests and intends of administrative authorities in alliance with the São Paulo exporting-mercantile elite.

Este trabalho apresenta o desenvolvimento de uma pesquisa de Tipologia Documental em acervo histórico, utilizando como modelo o caso da Assembléia Legislativa Provincial de São Paulo, organismo legislativo da Província de São Paulo durante o período imperial do Brasil. A partir do estudo das condições de criação e de funcionamento da Assembléia Provincial, são apresentados os tipos documentais substantivos de sua atuação - representativos do cumprimento de suas funções - e os documentos acessórios - documentos anexos e complementos encaminhados pela população e instituições locais visando ampliar a argumentação de suas solicitações. Apresenta o Glossário de Formatos, Espécies e Tipos Documentais da Assembléia Legislativa Provincial de São Paulo, instrumento que contém em cada verbete as definições dos tipos documentais representativos do acervo e histórico de utilização dos termos.
This assignment presents the development of a research of Types of Documents in historical collection, using as model the case of the Provincial State Legislature of São Paulo, legislative organism of the Province of São Paulo during the imperial period of Brazil. Starting from the study of the creation conditions and of operation of the Provincial Assembly, the substantive documental types of its performance are presented - representative of the execution of their functions - and the accessory documents - enclosed documents and complements directed by the population and local institutions in order to enlarge the argument of their requests. It presents the Glossary of Formats, Species and Documental Types of the Provincial Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, instrument that contains, in each entry, the definitions of the representative documental types of the collection and historical use of the terms.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
A idéia central desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação política do cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik no contexto da construção do Estado Nacional brasileiro durante o século XIX. No entanto, para entender o significado de sua atuação política foi preciso voltar até as suas origens familiares assim como analisar a formação religiosa do cônego. A Igreja estava vinculada ao governo durante o Império e a atuação religiosa dos padres estava intimamente ligada à atuação política. O cônego estudou em São Paulo onde recebeu a ordenação em 1809 e em seguida foi administrar a freguesia do Desemboque, no Triângulo Mineiro, região que naquela época era quase desabitada. Ali ele desenvolveu uma sólida liderança religiosa e política, tornando-se vigário geral e vereador nas câmaras municipais de Araxá e Desemboque. Como vigário geral da freguesia teve atuação pioneira: fundou capelas e conseguiu verbas para a construção de estradas e pontes que conectaram a região ao comércio imperial e contribuíram para seu povoamento. Bom pregador, proprietário de terras e líder político local, o cônego conquistou reconhecimento na província, aliou-se ao Partido Conservador mineiro e ganhou espaço no cenário político imperial. A partir de 1850 ascendeu politicamente sendo eleito deputado provincial e deputado geral pela província de Minas Gerais, atuando na Câmara dos Deputados até 1860 quando se afastou por motivos de saúde. Morreu em 1861 após trabalhar nas três instâncias do legislativo brasileiro: municipal, provincial e imperial
The central idea of this research is to analyze the political performance of the canon Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik in the context of the construction of the Brazilian National State during the century XIX. However, to understand the meaning of his political performance it was necessary to return until their family origins as well as the religious formation of the canon. The Church was linked to the government during the Empire and the priests’ religious performance was intimately linked to the political performance. The canon studied in São Paulo where received the ordination in 1809 and soon afterwards he went to administer the clientele of Desemboque, in Triângulo Mineiro, area that was almost totally uninhabited in that time. There he developed a solid religious and political leadership, becoming general vicar and alderman in the city halls of Araxá and Desemboque. As general vicar of the clientele he had pioneering performance: founded chapels and it got budgets for the construction of highways and bridges that connected the area to the imperial trade and they contributed to its settlement. Good preacher, proprietor of lands and local political leader, the canon conquered recognition in the province, he formed an alliance with Conservative Party and it won space in the imperial political scenery. Starting from 1850 he ascended politically being chosen provincial deputy and general deputy by the province of Minas Gerais, acting in the Camera of the Deputies up to 1860 when he stood back because of health. He died in 1861 after working in the three instances of the brazilian legislative: municipal, provincial and imperial

Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian
Banca: Renato Pinto Venâncio
Banca: Lélio Luiz de Oliveira
Resumo: A idéia central desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação política do cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik no contexto da construção do Estado Nacional brasileiro durante o século XIX. No entanto, para entender o significado de sua atuação política foi preciso voltar até as suas origens familiares assim como analisar a formação religiosa do cônego. A Igreja estava vinculada ao governo durante o Império e a atuação religiosa dos padres estava intimamente ligada à atuação política. O cônego estudou em São Paulo onde recebeu a ordenação em 1809 e em seguida foi administrar a freguesia do Desemboque, no Triângulo Mineiro, região que naquela época era quase desabitada. Ali ele desenvolveu uma sólida liderança religiosa e política, tornando-se vigário geral e vereador nas câmaras municipais de Araxá e Desemboque. Como vigário geral da freguesia teve atuação pioneira: fundou capelas e conseguiu verbas para a construção de estradas e pontes que conectaram a região ao comércio imperial e contribuíram para seu povoamento. Bom pregador, proprietário de terras e líder político local, o cônego conquistou reconhecimento na província, aliou-se ao Partido Conservador mineiro e ganhou espaço no cenário político imperial. A partir de 1850 ascendeu politicamente sendo eleito deputado provincial e deputado geral pela província de Minas Gerais, atuando na Câmara dos Deputados até 1860 quando se afastou por motivos de saúde. Morreu em 1861 após trabalhar nas três instâncias do legislativo brasileiro: municipal, provincial e imperial
Abstract: The central idea of this research is to analyze the political performance of the canon Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik in the context of the construction of the Brazilian National State during the century XIX. However, to understand the meaning of his political performance it was necessary to return until their family origins as well as the religious formation of the canon. The Church was linked to the government during the Empire and the priests' religious performance was intimately linked to the political performance. The canon studied in São Paulo where received the ordination in 1809 and soon afterwards he went to administer the clientele of Desemboque, in Triângulo Mineiro, area that was almost totally uninhabited in that time. There he developed a solid religious and political leadership, becoming general vicar and alderman in the city halls of Araxá and Desemboque. As general vicar of the clientele he had pioneering performance: founded chapels and it got budgets for the construction of highways and bridges that connected the area to the imperial trade and they contributed to its settlement. Good preacher, proprietor of lands and local political leader, the canon conquered recognition in the province, he formed an alliance with Conservative Party and it won space in the imperial political scenery. Starting from 1850 he ascended politically being chosen provincial deputy and general deputy by the province of Minas Gerais, acting in the Camera of the Deputies up to 1860 when he stood back because of health. He died in 1861 after working in the three instances of the brazilian legislative: municipal, provincial and imperial
Mestre

Lorsque cette province quitta l’orbite française après une capitulation des troupes royales devant les armées impériales de Charles-Quint, la question de la représentation du territoire fut posée immédiatement. Les Etats de Tournai-Tournaisis naquirent de ce besoin en s’émancipant progressivement tant du Magistrat de Tournai que de l’office de bailliage dont ils reprirent certaines prérogatives. Bénéficiaires d’octrois des souverains espagnols, les Etats s’organisèrent autour de leur assemblée régulièrement convoquée à partir de 1556. Ils étaient présidés de droit par l’évêque ou son délégué
When this province left the French orbit after a capitulation of the royal troops to the imperial armies of Charles V, the question of the representation to the territory was laid immediately. States Tournai-Tournaisis born of this need gradually emancipating both Magistrate Tournai as office bailiwick they regained some prerogatives. Award recipients of the Spanish sovereigns, States organized around their meeting duly convened from 1556. They were presided over by the Bishop of law or his delegate

博士
國立臺灣師範大學
歷史學系
102
In order to understand the women participation in politics during Taiwan postwar period, this thesis foucs on Taiwan Interim Provincial Assembly and Taiwan Provincial Assembly from 1951 to 1998, researching gender characteristics of 58 assemblywomen, discussing the reserved-seats system and patriarchy impact on women in politics, explaining female suffrage and other women's rights , in order to establish a new vision of women political participation in Taiwan history. Frist, this study found that the reserved-seats system encourage women to participated in politics during 1950-1960. But in the 1960s the KMT operated "one nominate-same amount campaign," inhibited the possibility of independence women to participated the third session of assembly. The reserved-seats system of women converted to preserve men. In 1970s, democracy movement led opposition members of provincial elections, the impact of the seventh elections and enhance women's political participation. In 1980s, the KMT local factions female candidates break discipline also enhance women's political participation. From this history context, as early as the second provincial assembly elections, most of assemblywomen have this intention to get rid of the reserved-seats system, but the KMT tends to suppress independent political participation of women. Second, in the patriarchal society, they tend to ignore women subjectivity. This thesis found that sixty percent of assemblywomen were elected on their own strength, but this fact was been ignored and contempt all assemblywomen depend upon the reserved-seats system, with not competitive strength in politics. Most of assemblywomen are Taiwanese and KMT, with an average age of 45.9, from background of gender equality in education and home. They were Iron Maiden with intrepid and unyielding personality (anti-social identity of traditional gentle graciousness), must fulfilled motherhood, in order to obtain support from husband and family members. These are specific gender issues on woman political participation. They consider themselves not only as descriptive representatives, but also active representatives. Assemblywomen identity as a woman, care about women's issues, standing on female vocal stance, and allocating political resources for women. They indeed enhance women's rights.

碩士
國立中興大學
歷史學系所
97
In the historical development of Taiwan, political personages that to be more quite outstanding once appear, they once showed up prominently in the political of Taiwan, write a glorious and magnificent chapter for the political history of Taiwan.However, among so many outstanding political personages, Hsieh tung-min can be regarded as quite representative historical personage. Hsieh tung-min ''s life, develop with the history and politics of modern Taiwan closely bound uply, serving as the province specially during a Congressman and this section of the province president''s, it is just that Taiwan marches toward the important period developing in various fields. So pass Hsieh tung-min ''s siudies, can build and construct modern history and politics of Taiwan to develop, and then understand the modern Taiwanese train of thought of historical development. “The study of Hsieh Tung-min:Center on the provincial assembly and presided the provincial” is the subject of this article. First, it takes Hsieh tung-min ''s family social standing of Hsieh tung-min ''s educate and take on public office,during two province of Congressman not to is it make for the background to go through. Second, article takes the two province parliament and asked policy period and province president for period these two themes . This article takes theme in the province parliament from his mainly the policy and behavior in charge for the province policy can be described, into it parliament ask motion, policy of period and province president period manage government affairs the influence on the whole Taiwan to Taiwan in province.

Analisi ripartita in capitoli dell'amministrazione cittadina e provinciale e dei meccanismi di potere nell'Italia di IV-V secolo, dopo la divisione dioclezianea in province. Con particolare riguardo alle relazioni tra centro e periferia. Seguono appendici e indici.

by Susan Blumberg Liu.
Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 112-116).
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
ABSTRACT
DECLARATION
CHAPTER
Chapter I. --- NTRODUCTION --- p.1
Civil Society as a Theoretical Concept
Relevance of Thesis
Organization of Thesis
Chapter II. --- CIVIL SOCIETY AND LATE IMPERIAL CHINA --- p.11
Habermas and the Public Sphere
Habermas as Applied to the Chinese Case
Recent Debate on Civil Society in Late-Qing China
Rankin versus Wakeman
Rowe versus Wakeman
Recent Discussion on Civil Society in Contemporary China
The Question of Autonomy
Civil Society with Chinese Characteristics
Gathered Comments
Chapter III. --- THE DYNAMICS OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE LATE-QING ERA --- p.44
The Emergence of a New Public
Social Class Correlation
The Constitutionalists
Women in Late-Qing China
The Press and Public Opinion
Chapter IV. --- THE MOVEMENT FOR ESTABLISHING PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES --- p.63
Getting Started
The Elections
Chapter V. --- THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES COMMENCE --- p.75
The Nature of the Assemblies
Interaction and Organization of the Assembly Members
Chapter VI. --- TWO CASE STUDIES FROM THE PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES --- p.83
The Jiangsu Assembly
Organization and Preparation
The Assembly Commences
Zhang Jian: Example of the New Gentry in Late-Qing China
The Hubei Assembly
Organization and Preparation
The Assembly Commences
Chapter VII. --- CONCLUSION --- p.107
The Fate of the Assemblies
Analysis of Findings
Lasting Implications of Civil Society in China
BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.112

碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
政治學研究所
93
In a period of five year, seven month, and ten days begins in May 1, 1946, the Taiwan Provincial Assembly and its successor Taiwan Provincial Interim Assembly regularly held 11 semiannual meetings to review Taiwan Provincial Government work, to discuss the Province senator proposals, and to investigate on petition requests from public in Taiwan Province. According to the archive record published by the Secretary of Taiwan Provincial Assembly, a total of 277 petition cases was discuss, concluded and turned to the province administrative office to carry out the orders from Assembly. Taiwan Provincial Assembly tried hard in indemnifying people life and to protect human right of liberty. Under the framework of parliamentary democracy, the Assembly set up a committee with five to seven committee members to continuously take pubic petition request when regular Taiwan Provincial Assembly session were off. In this study, digitized archive of the Assembly history record is used to draw a picture of the development on Taiwanese People Petition Right. There are total of 1,743 petition cases, with 1,272 accepted, 194 dismissed, 277 were ruled favor to plaintiff. For example, in the eighth semiannual meeting of Taiwan Provincial Assembly, record shows that 44.51% of cases were accepted and ruled favor to plaintiff, 21.95% were taken into further investigation, 19.51% can carried out legally, and obstruct difficult transact cases were about 14.03%. In another words, about two third of all petition requests were successfully resolved or processed under supervision of Assembly. It has been a long way for Taiwan to learn the value of petition right. Recent history shows that Taiwan people experienced the transition of political power after World War II, the 228 society’s incident, ROC government relocation from Mainland China to Taiwan, temporary provisions effective during the period of Communist rebellion and strict authority govern. Aiming at stabilizing society, Taiwan Provincial Assembly senses the importance of giving people a way to petition. The development of the petition, democracy, and constitution in Taiwan is such a valuable history testimony, especially when society was under pain and strictly control.

碩士
國立成功大學
台灣文學系
104
This study is aimed at the identity of Taiwan political elites in early post-war period, the time range of early post-war is from 1945 to 1951. For this time is just the provincial assembly session, meanwhile, there's very complicated and delicate relation between the provincial government and provincial assembly, which are the two essential elements of provincial political affairs system, the analysis of the provincial assembly' s identity is quite concernment. The present study aims to reveal these complex problems, it mainly includes: the relationship between Taiwan political elites, include the Puann-Suann and the Proper, and Kuomintang, the history of Taiwan provincial assembly, which will both have a significant impact on the development of the national identity; the process of the formation and change of Taiwanese political elites' national identity.

博士
國立中正大學
政治學研究所
99
This dissertation focuses on the role of non-KMT elite (non-partisan elite) in Taiwan Provisional Assembly during the 1950s-1960s by examining how the seed of democratization was planted in one of the darkest periods of political history in Taiwan. The dissertation is an in-depth case study of Li Wan Chu, a key member of non-KMT elite nicknamed “five dragons one phoenix” in the Assembly. Li, an epitome of non-partisan elite in hard authoritarianism, once served as an adviser to the provincial government during the take-over period. He was later elected as Vice Chairman of 1st Provincial Assembly and remained an outspoken member thereafter. He made use of the Assembly as a platform where he systematically advocated the idea of democracy, rule of law, human rights and freedom of press and speech etc. He also criticized the authoritarian rule of the KMT. He made speeches in numerous sessions (including question sessions) in the Provincial Assembly, helping create a discursive arena for critical thoughts and facilitating the growth of civil society in Taiwan. This dissertation chooses to make discursive analysis of Li’s speeches and exchanges in the Assembly in order to illuminate the dynamic process of democratization in Taiwan. To work on theoretical implications, it adopts the following three theories: Antonio Gramsci’s cultural hegemony theory, Jürgen Habermas’ communicative action theory, and Hannah Arendt’s speech act theory

碩士
國立中興大學
國家政策與公共事務研究所
102
Taiwan Provincial Assembly had been lasted for the past fifty-two years till twentieth of December in 1998 and it had been removed because of people redundancy since then. Before Taiwan congress turned to direct election, Taiwan Provincial Assembly was the highest government organization represents of public opinion. Taiwan Provincial Councilors who worked in Taiwan Provincial Assembly were the elites and leaders from Taiwan local association. Taiwan Provincial Assembly was the core government organization of Taiwan local politics and the influence is timeless. This dissertation focuses on analyzing the process of the 10th public issues proposal in a perspective of public choice theory using large amounts of Taiwan Provincial Assembly proposal documents, the foundation of the 10th of Taiwan Provincial Assembly and the framework of public issue、content analysis for the 1st to 8th periodical congress, the design for the mechanism of proposal deliberation and the current status of practical operation. From public choice theory to investigate the change factor for instituting proposals of public issues, the motivation of self-benefit、rational behavior of group decision、 achieving mutual benefits and the influence and impact from gaining the maximum benefits. Through the process of institution of public choice to exam if it fits all the scenarios and also exam if the behavior for investment commissioners fit the principle of legislation. For these issues to propose research results and suggestions. Public opinion is like water. With the change of the time, public opinion has been changing constantly along with the changes of environment. The public opinion for the 10th proposal of public issues in Taiwan Provincial Assembly is very complex. In this multi-elemental society, most of the public opinion has considered that the importance of public issue will deeply affect the public selection for the investment commissioners. How to achieve results through the process of congress deliberation and affect the voting behavior for the public, it’s an important indicator for the commissioners to institute proposal through the public selection theory, the rational behavior of group decisions to achieve mutual benefits and maximum benefits. In addition, it can be anticipated that preservation of the history by the minutes of Taiwan Provincial Assembly and communique will be valued. Secondly, explore the institution process for the 10th proposal of public issues in Taiwan Provincial Assembly; it will be helpful to the researcher and the people to understand the operation of Taiwan Provincial Assembly during that period. It also reflects that the actual changes of politics and society in Taiwan. Thirdly, many congress scenarios can provide good references for the operation of central and local legislation department.

Este trabalho resulta de uma investigação realizada no âmbito da minha Dissertação de Mestrado intitulada “ O Papel das Assembleias Provinciais na Fiscalização da Acção Governativa Local e no Reforço da Participação Política dos Cidadãos. O caso de Sofala”, apresentada e a ser defendida na Universidade Católica de Moçambique em convénio com o Instituto de Estudos Políticos da Universidade Católica Portuguesa. As Assembleias Provinciais entraram em efectividade de funções no país em Fevereiro de 2010, na sequência dos resultados eleitorais de 2009. O presente estudo incide sobre o seu papel, e enfoca o caso da Província de Sofala, abrangendo o período de 2010 a 2011. O mesmo relaciona as suas atribuições legais e seu funcionamento real no terreno de modo a aferir na realidade a pertinência do seu papel que tenha justificado a sua introdução no actual xadrez político moçambicano. A pesquisa parte de uma revisão conceptual sobre a democracia, descentralização e participação política. Apresenta-se uma breve caracterização da Província de Sofala do ponto de vista histórico, geográfico e político, de modo a compreeder o actual ambiente político da Província, muitas vezes caracterizada por ser a que mais confronta o poder político instituído, facto que lhe valeu a atribuição de vários nomes, tais como a “Província dos reaccionários.” A abordagem metodológica baseia-se na investigação explorativa e, nesse âmbito, desenvolve um estudo de caso, com base na combinação de instrumentos de colecta de dados, nomeadamente a observação directa às sessões, entrevista a 20 membros da Assembleia Provincial e inquérito a 50 cidadãos escolhidas aleatoriamente nos bairros da cidade, tendo sido escolhida a Assembleia Provincial de Sofala. Os resultados desta pesquisa indiciam uma percepção de um órgão que fora criado mais para “acomodar” alguns indivíduos do que propriamente para um órgão de fiscalização dos actos do Governo por excelência e de facto, a avaliar pelos limites legais que lhe foram impostos, retirando-lhe a necessária competência de facto para agir em caso de qualquer desvio da parte do governo. Um dos problemas identificado neste estudo é que factores como a demasiada disciplina partidária intimamente ligada a eleição dos membros através de listas partidárias, a fraca qualificação técnico-profissional dos membros em áreas específicas tais como a contabilidade e finanças, aliada ao baixo nível acadêmico de uma boa parte deles, a exiguidade financeira, entre outros, contribuem de alguma forma, para a baixa qualidade de prestação dos membros e consequentemente da fiscalização ao Governo Provincial. A investigação pretende contribuir para o aprofundamento e alargamento do espaço democrático, através da participação popular na governação e no controlo dos actos dos governantes e influenciar para a necessidade de haver transparência e prestação de contas.

碩士
國立成功大學
歷史學系碩博士班
97
Taiwan was handed over to China after its victory over the Anti-Japanese War. Chen Yi, administer of the then Taiwan Provincial Executive Office, based on the Guideline Governing Takeover of Taiwan submitted in March 1945, by the Taiwan Investigation Committee of the Bureau of Policy Design of Central Government, began to launch a series of campaigns to cater to the civilians, combining with education and culture policies aiming at solidifying the national consciousness in the shortest possible period, expecting the islanders to identify with the motherland’s culture, and as a member of the Republic of China. During this period, the public opinion was undoubtedly voiced via Taiwan Provincial Assembly, the highest legislative institution at the time. Starting operating on May 1, 1946, Taiwan Provincial Assembly represented the first the highest legislative institution well organized after the colonial governance of the imperial Japan. From the initially energetic and active stage, the Assembly went through the silent bleakness of the 2-28 Incident, and eventually ended in the period of anti-communist & resistant to Russia. During this period of turning point for the Nationalist government since taking over Taiwan, the Assembly had contributed a lot by playing the role of linking bridge between the people and government in upholding and safeguarding their rights and interests. Taiwan found itself in a very complex and conflicting situation in terms of space and time when it officially entered the parliamentary politics. Targeting the Sinoization policy the government promoted to free itself from the subject status of the imperial Japan, and the culture and education policies related to anti-communist & resistant to Russia, the present study intends to observe the interactions between and the positions held by the government and the Assembly. The attitude changes of the Assembly were evidenced from its activeness to the obedience and from the strong arguments against enslavement to the silent cooperation with the Martial Law. Finally an assessment will be conducted on the effectiveness of monitoring and execution of education and culture policies by the Assembly stricken within a limited authority, through compilation of related archives and records of council meeting.