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1
Suslov, Aleksey Yu. "Vitamin D Levels in Residents of Arkhangelsk During Different Seasons of the Year." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (May 1, 2024): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v331.
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The article dwells on the assassination of V.V. Vorovsky, head of the Soviet delegation at the international conference in Lausanne, on May 10, 1923 and on the trial of M. Conradi and A.P. Polunin as viewed by Russian socialist émigrés, i.e. members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and social democrats (Mensheviks). This paper aimed to study the attitude of the socialist community of Russian émigrés towards individual political terror during the 1920s. The methodology is based on the principles of intellectual history, which allow us to shed some light on the perception of the 1923 Lausanne trial by analysing the confrontation and ideological struggle of certain political figures and civic groups for attention. The paper provides a brief description of the main works of Russian and foreign historians who studied the assassination of Vorovsky and the trial of his murderers. The context of the trial, the reaction of different émigré camps and the organization of Conradi and Polunin’s defence are analysed. The official response of the Foreign Delegation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, reflected in the Revolutionary Russia journal, is noted. Particular attention is given to the unpublished article “Both Are Worse” (1923) by leader of the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party V.M. Chernov on the results of the trial in Lausanne. Chernov’s argumentation and his views on the fundamental differences between the pre-revolutionary Socialist Revolutionary terror and the assassination of Vorovsky are analysed. Chernov points out that Socialist Revolutionary and Narodnaya Volya’s terror stayed within a strict moral and ethical framework that forbade political assassinations on the territory of free democratic countries. Socialist Revolutionary terrorists had never followed the path of least resistance, proclaiming the idea of selfsacrifice. Chernov emphasizes that only those not involved in the White Terror can hold others accountable for the Red Terror. The paper considers the response of Russian social democrats abroad, in particular, leader of the émigré Mensheviks F.I. Dan’s article dedicated to the Lausanne trial. His thesis about the exclusive right of socialist parties to fight the Bolshevik dictatorship, without involving the White movement, is emphasized. A conclusion is drawn that Russian socialists abroad held a fundamentally unified position on resisting political terror.
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Méndez Lara, Francisco Iván. "Monitor and censor. Intelligence networks and journalistic censorship in revolutionary Mexico, 1911-1923." Latin-American Historical Almanac 33, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-33-1-143-169.
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Controlling information and keeping an eye on enemies were two fun-damental activities for the different revolutionary factions in the revolu-tionary decade (1910-1920) and in the early years of the post-revolutionary stage. The armed struggle has aspects that have been little explored and that reflected the concern to watch over and censure its en-emies. Francisco I. Madero failed in his attempts to neutralize the op-position forces; Venustiano Carranza, on his part, managed to monopo-lize information and build the foundations of intelligence networks that would make it possible for the Carrancistas to stop possible uprisings. The assassination of Carranza in May 1920, far from ending these prac-tices, led the new group in power ― headed by Generals Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles, as well as Adolfo de la Huerta ― to improve their confidential intelligence services and closely monitor the opposition press.
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Marcinkiewicz, Stefan Michał. "Zamach na esesmanów pod Ełkiem." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 68, no. 1 (March 20, 2024): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2024.68.1.3.
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On 31 October 1943, a fifteen-person strong unit of the Home Army, under the command of Władysław Świacki “Sęp” (1900–1972), with intelligence support from Czesław Nalborski “Dzik” (1910–1992), was to carry out a successful strike to take out an SS execution squad commanded by Haupsturmführer Stammer in East Prussia, on the road between Lyck (Ełk) and the village of Neuendorf (Nowa Wieś Ełcka). The German squad was said to have carried out a mass execution of Italian prisoners of war, held at the camp in Bogusze. On 28 October 1989, an obelisk with a plaque commemorating this operation was unveiled in Nowa Wieś Ełcka. The spectacular strike is recorded in the documentation of the ZBoWiD (the Society of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy), but has not been confirmed in any source unconnected to its supposed participants. The execution of the Italians, assassination of Stammer, and even the date of the operation (31 October 1943) were all contrived by a writer based in Białystok, Aleksander Omiljanowicz (1923–2005). The information board erected in 2017 presents a compilation of Świacki’s recollections, Omiljanowicz’s fiction, and selectively chosen historical facts. The monument in Nowa Wieś Ełcka is a troublesome legacy, as too are the heroic and martyrological stories of former Home Army members belonging to the ZBoWiD.
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Faulhaber, Priscila. "Repensando a historicidade discursiva no exame das trajetórias políticas de dois líderes nacionalistas da Colômbia." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 5, no. 3 (December 2010): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1981-81222010000300004.
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O trabalho parte do exame de textos literários e biográficos que evocam aspectos das trajetórias do general Rafael Uribe Uribe (1859-1914) e do líder político Jorge Eliecer Gaitán (1898-1948). Gabriel García Márquez (1928-) se inspirou em Uribe para a criação do protagonista do romance "Cem Anos de Solidão". Márquez iniciou sua carreira de escritor em 1948, ano da morte de Gaitán. O assassinato desse líder resultou na chamada 'Violência', catalisada com a impossibilidade, no campo político colombiano, de transformação social de 'baixo para cima', proposta por Gaitán. É interessante considerar, na historicidade de mitos e práticas da cultura política colombiana, as circunstâncias singulares dos assassinatos desses dois líderes.
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Goldin, Vladislav I., and Aleksey Yu Suslov. "A New Book on the History of Individual Political Terror During the Civil War in Russia." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (February 17, 2023): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v236.
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This article analyses the modern historiography of individual political terror in Russia during the Civil War in 1918. The role and significance of the terrorist acts of the summer of 1918 for the formation of Soviet penal policy are emphasized. There is a long historiographical tradition concerning these topics, which is based, on the one hand, on the traditional Soviet version, originating in the famous 1922 trial of the leaders of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, and, on the other hand, on alternative interpretations that were, at some point, presented in émigré and foreign historical literature. The focus of attention is the work of the famous Russian historian, Honoured Professor of Kazan University A.L. Litvin, who studies the assassination attempts on Vladimir Lenin in 1918. In addition, the paper touches upon various aspects related to the assassinations of V. Volodarsky and M.S. Uritsky. The authors examine the works of historian K.N. Morozov devoted to various aspects of the 1918 assassination attempts and the role of B.V. Savinkov and F. Kaplan in them. The publications of I.S. Ratkovsky and A.V. Shubin are noted. It is concluded that modern historical literature contains various assessments of those events: the assassins had personal but no direct political motives (A.L. Litvin); B.V. Savinkov’s organization was linked to the terrorist acts against V.I. Lenin and M. Uritsky in 1918 (K.N. Morozov). In addition, the article studies sources that have recently been introduced into scholarly discourse; it is noted that the current level of knowledge is insufficient for scholars to make final conclusions and thus calls for further research.
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Abramson, Henry. "Jewish Representation in the Independent Ukrainian Governments of 1917-1920." Slavic Review 50, no. 3 (1991): 542–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499851.
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The experience of Ukrainian Jewry from 1917 to 1920 is a paradox in modern Jewish history. At the same moment that the leaders of the Ukrainian revolutionary movement extended unprecedented civil rights to Ukrainian Jews, pogromists operating in the name of that same movement brutally terrorized hundreds of Jewish communities with violence and robbery. This strange incongruity has not been satisfactorily addressed; studies of the period have either concentrated on the pogroms or focused on Jewish socialists in Ukrainian politics. Linguistic barriers and subsequent developments, notably the 1926 assassination of Symon Petliura, have further polarized an already dichotomous history. This article attempts to synthesize these two trends.
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James, David, and Urmila Seshagiri. "Metamodernism: Narratives of Continuity and Revolution." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 1 (January 2014): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.1.87.
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The task for contemporary literature is to deal with the legacy of modernism.—Tom McCarthy (2010)A century separates us from an iconic moment of aesthetic metamorphosis: 1914 witnessed the appearance of James Joyce's Dubliners, Gertrude Stein's Tender Buttons, Mina Loy's “Parturition,” and the vorticist journal Blast. It was the year Dora Marsden and Harriet Shaw Weaver, aided by Ezra Pound, started the literary review the Egoist in London and Condé Nast and Frank Crowninshield launched Vanity Fair in New York. Arnold Schoenberg's atonal symphonic works assaulted classical sonorities; Wassily Kandinsky elevated the purity of geometric form above the functional work of visual representation. Most crucially, 1914 saw the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo and the subsequent outbreak of the First World War. Cutting a bloody, four-year swath across Europe, the war took almost forty million lives and rendered all subsequent formal innovation inseparable from cultural devastation: thus the intricate, ruptured literary architectures of The Waste Land (1922), Ulysses (1922), and To the Lighthouse (1927).
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Wai-Chor, So. "The Origins of the ‘Wang—Chiang Cooperation’ in 1932." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 1 (February 1991): 175–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015882.
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In January 1932 Wang Ching-wei and Chiang Kai-shek came to an agreement and formed a joint leadership in the Kuomintang (KMT) Government. The alliance between the two men lasted until December 1938 when Wang defected to the Japanese side during the Sino-Japanese War. Chinese historians often term this period as the era of ‘Wang-Chiang cooperation’ (Wang Chiang ho-tso). In fact, this was not the first time when these two men came to ally with each other in the party. The first time when Wang and Chiang formed a joint leadership was in August 1925 after the assassination of Liao Chung-k'ai. The death of Liao at that time had great repercussions throughout the party and both Wang and Chiang eventually emerged as the beneficiaries in the ensuing power struggle; for a time they jointly ruled the party. However, this alliance did not last long. The outbreak of the March Twentieth Incident in 1926 made Wang Ching-wei decide to let Chiang have his way and he later led a self-imposed exiled life in Europe. It was not until April 1927 when the KMT was seriously divided on the communist issue that Wang went back to China. Immediately after that was a split in the party with Wuhan and Nanking as the two rival centres, each of which claimed to be the legitimate Party Central. Wang and Chiang respectively became the leaders of these two Party Centrals.
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Gilley, Christopher. "The assassination of Symon Petliura and the trial of Scholem Schwarzbard 1926–1927: A selection of documents." East European Jewish Affairs 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2017.1313660.
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Rajic, Suzana. "The Russian secret service and King Alexander Obrenovic of Serbia (1900-1903)." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243143r.
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The period of 1900-1903 saw three phases of cooperation between the Rus?sian Secret Service (Okhrana) and King Alexander Obrenovic of Serbia. It is safe to say that the Secret Service operated in Serbia as an extended arm of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, i.e. of its diplomatic mission in Belgrade. Its goal was to fortify the position of Russia in Serbia after King Alexander?s wedding and the departure of his father, ex-King Milan (who abdicated in 1889 in favour of his minor son), from the country. The Serbian King, however, benefited little from the cooperation, because he did not receive assistance from the Secret Service when he needed it most. Thus, the issue of conspiracy against his life was lightly treated throughout 1902 until his assassination in 1903. In the third and last period of cooperation, from the beginning of 1902 until the King?s assassination on 11 June 1903,1 the Russian ministries of Internal and Foreign Affairs forbade the agents to receive money from the Serbian King and relieved them of any duty regarding the protection of his life.
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Clarke, J. F., and N. Riley. "Alec David Young. 15 August 1913 — 27 January 2005." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 53 (January 2007): 401–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2007.0004.
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Alec Young, one of the UK's most distinguished twentieth–century aerodynamicists, was brought up in Stepney, where his father was a furrier. He was the sixth of eight children; both of his parents were refugees fleeing, in the late 1880s with their respective mothers, the pogroms and vicious anti-semitism that characterized the Russian empire after the assassination of Alexander II in 1881. The fate of Alec's grandfathers is not known.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "Storm over Serbia the rivalry between civilian and military authorities (1911-1914)." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 307–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344307b.
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As a new force on the political scene of Serbia after the 1903 Coup which brought the Karadjordjevic dynasty back to the throne and restored democratic order, the Serbian army, led by a group of conspiring officers, perceived itself as the main guardian of the country?s sovereignty and the principal executor of the sacred mission of national unification of the Serbs, a goal which had been abandoned after the 1878 Berlin Treaty. During the ?Golden Age? decade (1903-1914) in the reign of King Peter I, Serbia emerged as a point of strong attraction to the Serbs and other South Slavs in the neighbouring empires and as their potential protector. In 1912-13, Serbia demonstrated her strength by liberating the Serbs in the ?unredeemed provinces? of the Ottoman Empire. The main threat to Serbia?s very existence was multinational Austria-Hungary, which thwarted Belgrade?s aspirations at every turn. The Tariff War (1906-1911), the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (1908), and the coercing of Serbia to cede her territorial gains in northern Albania (1912-1913) were but episodes of this fixed policy. In 1991, the Serbian army officers, frustrated by what they considered as weak reaction from domestic political forces and the growing external challenges to Serbia?s independence, formed the secret patriotic organisation ?Unification or Death? (Black Hand). Serbian victories in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) enhanced the prestige of the military but also boosted political ambitions of Lt.-Colonel Dragutin T. Dimitrijevic Apis and other founding members of the Black Hand anxious to bring about the change of government. However, the idea of a military putsch limited to Serbian Macedonia proposed in May 1914 was rejected by prominent members of the Black Hand, defunct since 1913. This was a clear indication that Apis and a few others could not find support for their meddling in politics. The government of Nikola P. Pasic, supported by the Regent, Crown Prince Alexander, called for new elections to verify its victory against those military factions that acted as an ?irresponsible factor? with ?praetorian ambitions? in Serbian politics. This trial of strength brings new and valuable insights into the controversial relationship between the Young Bosnians and the Black Hand prior to the Sarajevo assassination in June 1914.
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Baksheev, Andrey Ivanovich, Mikhail Dmitrievich Severyanov, Vladislav Nikolaevich Vorontsov, Sergei Tihonovich Gaidin, Alexander Georgievich Rogachev, and Sergey Alekseevich Safronov. "USSR policy of 1920 in relation to people forced to emigrate to Asian countries after the end of the civil war of 1917-1922." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 72 (March 7, 2022): 799–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4072.48.
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It examines the military activities of white emigration in China, especially in Manchuria, evaluates attempts to influence the situation in the neighboring regions of the Soviet Union in the 1920s, and further characterizes the reaction of the Soviet authorities. General scientific methods (analysis, synthesis) and general historical (historical-genetic, historical-comparative; problem-based and chronological, historical-systemic) are used. The authors dwell on the background and reconstruction of the general context of the facts. Vivid and extensive quotations from various witnesses are provided. By way of conclusion, the hypothesis of the study is confirmed that the influence of white emigration on the life of the Soviet population, which is undesirable for the Soviet authorities, is eliminated by a combination of measures of force and propaganda: the creation of borders, troops, campaigns, and the assassination of emigrated leaders. The actions of the paramilitary units of the White emigration hinder the life of the local population and are neutralized thanks to the policy of the Soviet authorities.
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Heilman, Jaymie. "The Demon Inside: Madre Conchita, Gender, and the Assassination of Obregóón." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 18, no. 1 (2002): 23–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2002.18.1.23.
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This article considers the role of gender in the conviction and subsequent exoneration of Madre Conchita, a Mexican abbess accused of being the intellectual author of the 1928 assassination of President-elect Alvaro Obregóón. By examining the discourse of state prosecutors, the essay demonstrates that the Mexican state mobilized arguments about gender to avoid the politically charged topic of religion during the final phases of the Cristero Rebellion. Conchita, in turn, used her own gendered discourse to assert her innocence in the years following her conviction. Conchita's case shows that gender was a useful and tremendously flexible political tool. En este artíículo se seññala el papel del géénero en la condenacióón y exoneracióón de la Madre Conchita, una abadesa mexicana acusada de ser la autora intelectual del asesinato del Presidente-electo Alvaro Obregóón en 1928. A travéés de un anáálisis del discurso de los fiscales del gobierno, en el ensayo se demuestra que el estado mexicano utilizóó argumentos sobre el géénero para evitar el uso políítico de la religióón durante las úúltimas fases de la rebelióón cristera. Conchita, por otro lado, usóó su propio discurso del géénero para declarar su inocencia en los añños posteriores a su condenacióón. Al final, el géénero fue una herramienta políítica sumamente maleable y eficaz.
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Schargel, Sergio. "Para rechaçar o estigma de prosa panfletária: resenha de o papel de parede amarelo e outras histórias, de Charlotte Perkins Gilman." CLIO: Revista de Pesquisa Histórica 41, no. 1 (May 2, 2023): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.22264/clio.issn2525-5649.2023.41.1.09.
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No dia 26 de dezembro de 1929, a intelectual Sylvia Serafim assassinou o irmão de Nelson Rodrigues, Roberto Rodrigues, motivada por uma matéria de capa do jornal A Crítica, no mesmo dia, que mostrava seu suposto adultério. O assassinato entrou à memória coletiva, e permanece mobilizando afetos e disputas ainda hoje. Entretanto, Serafim passou a ser tratada sempre como assassina, tendo sua produção literária, jornalística e política abandonada e esquecida. O assassinato foi apropriado como disputa política e ideológica, mobilizando paixões entre conservadores e progressistas.
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BARINOV, I. I. "Death in Constantinople: new versions of the assassination of General Romanovsky, 1920." Historical Expertise 4, no. 21 (December 25, 2019): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31754/2409-6105-2019-4-275-286.
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Sampaio, Leandson Vasconcelos. "Albert Camus e a recusa do assassinato legitimado em O Homem Revoltado (1951)." Kalagatos 15, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 179–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.23845/kgt.v14i3.133.
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O filósofo franco-argelino Albert Camus (1913-1960) critica em seu ensaio O Homem Revoltado (1951) as filosofias políticas totalitárias que tentavam justificar os crimes de Estado em nome de sociedades perfeitas no futuro. O trabalho busca analisar em que sentido o diagnóstico camusiano de sua época tem como consequência a recusa do assassinato legitimado pela filosofia. O horizonte ético-político camusiano contrapõe-se às tentativas de justificação teórica do assassinato através de filosofias totalitárias. Este tema foi tratado anteriormente em seus Editoriais presentes em Nem Vítimas, Nem Carrascos (1948), entretanto, o trabalho visa mostrar estas questões a partir apenas de O Homem Revoltado.
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Hart, Peter. "Michael Collins and the assassination of Sir Henry Wilson." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 110 (November 1992): 150–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010695.
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On the morning of 22 June 1922 Field-Marshal Sir Henry Wilson left his home in London to unveil a war memorial at Liverpool Street railway station. When he returned at 2.30 that afternoon, two young men, Reginald Dunne and Joseph O’Sullivan, were waiting for him. What happened next is best described in Reggie Dunne’s own words: Joe went in a straight line while I determined to intercept him [Wilson] from entering the door. Joe deliberately levelled his weapon at four yards range and fired twice. Wilson made for the door as best he could and actually reached the doorway when I encountered him at a range of seven or eight feet. I fired three shots rapidly, the last one from the hip, as I took a step forward. Wilson was now uttering short cries and in a doubled up position staggered towards the edge of the pavement. At this point Joe fired once again and the last I saw of him he [Wilson] had collapsed.Dunne and O’Sullivan subsequently shot three pursuers (two policemen and a civilian) in their attempt to escape, but, fatally slowed by Joe O’Sullivan’s wooden leg, they were caught shortly afterwards. They were tried, convicted and, on 10 August, hanged in Wandsworth Prison.
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Greenleaf, Monika. "Fathers, Sons and Impostors: Pushkin’s Trace in The Gift." Slavic Review 53, no. 1 (1994): 140–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500329.
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(When a human being dies, his portraits change.)–Anna Akhmatova, 1940Nabokov’s The Gift opens with the mock specificity of a date: 1 April 192-, which immediately, we are informed, calls attention to the Russian novelistic practice of “honest fictionality.” The long metaliterary excursus draws attention away from the specificity of one particular date, which the author, as it were, refuses to complete: on 1 April 1922 Nabokov’s father, the respected statesman Vladimir Dmitrievich Nabokov, was buried in Berlin, three days after his heroic, though fortuitous death in a right-wing assassination attempt on a former Kadet ally, P.N. Miliukov.
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RAMET, SABRINA P. "Vladko Maček and Croatian History: An Introduction." Contemporary European History 16, no. 2 (May 2007): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307003785.
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Vladko Maček (1871–1964) became the leader of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia after the assassination of Stjepan Radić (1871–1928). In this capacity, he played a pivotal role in Croatian and Yugoslav politics during the critical years 1928–41, when the clouds of war were gathering over Europe, and during the first phase of World War Two. Today he is best remembered for having negotiated the Cvetković-Maček Sporazum (agreement) in August 1939; the Sporazum created a so-called banovina (province) of Croatia with considerable autonomy, and was intended to contribute to the calming of Serb–Croat frictions in royal Yugoslavia. The Banovina comprised 26.6 per cent of the territory of Yugoslavia and had some 4.4 million inhabitants, 28.6 per cent of the total population of the kingdom.1 However, it lasted only until April 1941, when an Axis invasion resulted in the occupation and partition of Yugoslavia.
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Białokur, Marek. "Pierwsze lata batalii o miejsce Gabriela Narutowicza w pamięci historycznej." Polish Biographical Studies 5, no. 1 (2017): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2017.02.
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This articles discusses what actions were undertaken to commemorate the first president in the Polish history. Gabriel Narutowicz was elected the President in December 1922 and assassinated by a political fanatic just a few days later, on the second day of holding the office. The death of the chief of state was a climax of fierce political war fought on the Polish political arena in 1922. Right after his assassination for some communities in the Second Polish Republic President Narutowicz became a symbolic victim of Polish national fanaticism, as left-wing formations used him as a tool to fight with right-wing groups in Poland. Their activities included fundraising to commemorate the President by erecting statues, naming streets and public institutions after him, organizing anniversary special events or publishing books, just to name a few. Not only did the results of such actions turn to be effective, they also proved to be incredibly long-lasting.
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Savich, Aleksandr A. "A Belarusian Trace in the Murder of Voikov in Historiography and New Sources." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 69, no. 1 (2024): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2024.111.
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The article examines how the assassination of the Soviet ambassador to Poland P. Voikov in Warsaw on June 7, 1927 is reflected in the Belarusian historiography in the context of the Belarusian national liberation movement as part of interwar Poland. Currently, the widely known information about Voikov’s involvement in the murder of the royal family and the availability of unfavourable information about his character and diplomatic career have overshadowed the image of Voikov an ardent revolutionary and Soviet diplomat. Modern Belarusian authors view Voikov negatively as a person involved in the murder of the royal family, and as an unlucky, unscrupulous and unsuccessful diplomat. As far as the circumstances of Voikov’s assassination are concerned, Belarusian authors address the ethnicity and ideological and political beliefs of his killer, B. Koverda; they disagree with his interpretation as a Russian emigrant, a member of the White Guard and monarchist. There are opposing views regarding his commitment to the Belarusian revolutionary liberation ideals. The article presents the main motives of the murder of Voikov, including the version about the involvement of the Soviet special services in his elimination, which is confirmed by the archival documents identified by the author. Archival documents reveal the existence of contradictions within the community of representatives of Soviet political, diplomatic, and intelligence structures in Poland, which could also have led to the physical elimination of P. Voikov.
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Yenen, Alp. "The Talat-Tehlirian Complex: Contentious Narratives of Martyrdom and Revenge in Post-Conflict Societies." Comparative Studies in Society and History 64, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 394–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417522000019.
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AbstractThe assassination of Talat Pasha by Soghomon Tehlirian on 15 March 1921 in Berlin, as well as Tehlirian’s trial and acquittal on 2–3 June 1921, have contributed to the formation of conflicting legacies of the Armenian Genocide. Though minuscule in terms of violence and legal ramifications, these events and their reimagination in contentious narratives have shaped a dominant prism of sensemaking in Turkish-Armenian relations. In the imagination of rival groups, Talat and Tehlirian compete for the very same normative categories of hero and victim at once and each are demonized as a villain and perpetrator. Moreover, it is each figure’s embodiment of martyrdom and revenge that explains why their heroizations have proved so enduring and effective across time and space. This mutual framework of sensemaking, which I call the Talat-Tehlirian complex, ultimately denies the chances of historical reconciliation. In terms of its theoretical implications, this case study explains how a martyr-avenger complex can continuously demand solidarity, sustain grievances, and sacralize violence in post-conflict societies. Based on a thick description of what happened in Berlin in 1921 and its contentious narratives across different generations, this paper calls for a transition to a post-heroic age in Turkish-Armenian relations.
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Mehl, Scott. "An Unsolved Mystery: The Paragraphs Omitted from Edogawa Ranpo’s “The Human Chair”." Japanese Language and Literature 56, no. 2 (September 30, 2022): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jll.2022.266.
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A comparison between a translation and its original sends the author on a quest to explain a seeming discrepancy between the two versions. Edogawa Ranpo’s 1925 story “Ningen isu” contains four paragraphs that have been silently omitted from James B. Harris’s 1956 translation, “The Human Chair.” The omitted passage treats the theme of political assassination, and it is plausible that the omission is not accidental. Investigation into the matter, however, has not yet clarified how the passage came to be omitted. The author of the present paper describes how he structured a lesson on Edogawa’s text, summarizes his students’ contributions to a discussion of the omitted passage, and offers some observations on the benefits of disseminating seemingly inconclusive research results.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Policing Yugoslavism." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 1 (February 2009): 34–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408326789.
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From its proclamation on 6 January 1929 to the assassination of King Aleksandar on 9 October 1934, his dictatorship systematically strove to indoctrinate the diverse Yugoslav population into a rejection of their previous identities in favor of a unitary Yugoslav national identity. Through a combination of massive new legislation and zealous use of the state's repressive organs, the regime's agents monitored and coerced the entire population of the country. Extensive archival documentation permits a depiction of the effects of the regime on ordinary Yugoslav citizens, hitherto almost completely neglected in histories focusing on political and social elites. Ultimately, King Aleksandar's Yugoslav project, unique in Yugoslav history, resulted more in the construction of an elaborate police state and arguably severely damaged the long-term prospects for a voluntarily held unitary Yugoslav identity.
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Pavlin, Tomaž, and Zrinko Čustonja. "Sokol." Kinesiology 50, no. 2 (2018): 260–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26582/k.50.2.15.
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The Sokol gymnastic movement was an important part of civil societies of Slavic nations. The first Sokol society within Yugoslavian nations (Slovenes, Croats, Serbs) was founded in 1863 in Ljubljana and in a few decades, it spread throughout the Slovene, Croatian, and Serbian territories. In the Austro-Hungarian period before WWI, Sokol valued itself as a national, liberal and emancipation-seeking movement, based on the Tyrsch’s gymnastics and national and pan-Slavic idea. In 1919, following the end of WWI and with the formation of the Yugoslav state, the national Sokol organisations merged in the centralised Yugoslav Sokol Union. The Yugoslavian state went through difficult political situations and confrontations in the first decade, which culminated in the summer of 1928 with shooting in the parliament in Belgrade. In attempting to solve the situation, King Aleksandar Karadjordjević proclaimed the so-called Sixth January Dictatorship (1929). Consequently, the government, with the approval of the King, adopted, on the 4th of December 1929, the law on establishing of a new all-state gymnastic organisation Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The new Sokol organisation, based on the Sokolism of the former Yugoslav Sokol (Sokol’s gymnastics, principles, national-liberal and Slavic idea) was constituted at the beginning of 1930. It was supported by the King and government and the King’s son, Prince Petar became the leader of the Sokol organisation. After the assassination of king Aleksandar (1934), in the filling-in period of Prince Pavle (1935-41) and government of the Prime Minister Milan Stojadinović (1935-39), Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia fell out of political grace in the western Roman-Catholic regions and it had to defend its position. Due to drasticall changes in international policy (German revisionist policy, the “Anschluss” in 1938 and the Czechoslovakian crisis in 1938/39), more militaristic practices were included in the Sokol’s professional work to preserve a free and independent state. During tense diplomatic events in March 1941, when Yugoslavia entered the Nazi- Fascist camp, Sokol supported a military putsch and stepped into the front lines of demonstrations. In that mood, Sokol faced the Nazi-Fascist attack on Yugoslavia in April 1941 and the beginning of WWII in the Yugoslav territory.
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Kotelnikov, Konstantin D. "Attempt upon the Life of P. N. Milyukov and Assassination of V. D. Nabokov in Berlin (1922): Testimony of the Accused Monarchist P. N. Schabelsky." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2018): 867–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-3-867-881.
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This publication introduces document on preparation and realization of the terrorist act of far-right Russian monarchists P. N. Shabelsky-Bork and S.V. Taboritzky into the scientific use and offers their analysis. On March 28, 1922 Shabelsky-Bork and Taboritzky attempted to assassinate P. N. Milyukov in Berlin. In the attempt Taboritsky killed V. D. Nabokov, several people were wounded. This political murder was a result of the split within Russian emigration that sprang from contradictions inherited from Russian political life in the revolutionary 1917. Despite common hostility towards the Soviet regime, the Kadet leaders targeted by the assassins and the monarchists, to whom the latter belonged, were in harsh opposition and blamed one another for the catastrophe of the revolution, the following victory of the Bolsheviks, and the crash of old Russia. The introductory article assesses the person of Shabelsky, the investigation, and the changes of his testimonies in the course of inquiry and trial. Defendants attempted to acquit Taboritsky; it was more difficult to prove his guilt. Changing his testimonies, Shabelsky irritated the court and was sentenced longer than the prosecution insisted. The court made use of the evidence of witnesses and the testimony of the accused obtained on March 29, which was judged most truthful. The investigation and the court found no trace of accomplices. According to the testimonies of the accused, they committed the crime on the grounds of personal hate towards Milyukov and organized the assassination themselves, without accomplices. From the moment of assassination attempt until today there have been many doubts about the official version. However, the published document and other evidence (testimonies of witnesses), as well as the court decision corroborate it. This allows to consider it reasonable that the assassins acted for themselves and there was no monarchist plot against the Kadets, as many contemporaries assumed.
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Milton‐Edwards, Beverley. "Review: Political Violence in Egypt 1910–1925: Secret Societies, Plots and Assassinations Malak Badrawi." Journal of Islamic Studies 14, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 88–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/14.1.88.
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Wilson, Tim. "‘The most terrible assassination that has yet stained the name of Belfast’: the McMahon murders in context." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 145 (May 2010): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400000079.
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At the beginning of 2001 the First Minister of Northern Ireland, David Trimble, found himself confronted with more than his fair share of intractable diffculties: having narrowly survived an internal vote of the Ulster Unionist Party on whether to continue in government, Trimble surveyed an unpromising political landscape dominated by the rise of the rival Democratic Unionist Party and the I.R.A.’s continued refusal to decommission all its weapons. Despite all this, in late January 2001 Trimble devoted considerable time to attacking the B.B.C. for having made the Rebel Heart drama series. Claiming to be loosely based on real events, the programmes implied that the Belfast police had killed six members of the McMahon household on 24 March 1922.
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Shakuova, R. A. "Press coverage of the consequences of famine in Kazakhstan and Ukraine: com- parative analysis." Bulletin of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. JOURNALISM Series 132, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7174-2020-132-3-40-45.
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One of the most tragic events in history was the artificial famine of 1929-1933 amongthe countries of the Soviet Union. As a result of the decision of the Communist Party to resettleKazakhs and forced collectivization, the country suffered from hunger and mass exhaustion.People, deprived of their property, food and water, experienced terrible events. The people ofUkraine did not escape such a fate either. The two countries that gained independence at thesame time reveal the secrets and truths of those dark years. In 2006, the Ukrainian parliamentdeclared the 1929-1933 famine «genocide», calling it a deliberate assassination attempt on thepeople. Scientists are looking for evidence of historical justice and damage to the people andproperty of the country. Kazakhstani historians and researchers also continue to work on therestoration of historical justice. President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev instructed to create a specialstate commission to clarify the history of these years and establish historical justice. All this willhelp convey the true and reliable history of our sovereign country to the younger generation, paytribute to the innocent victims of the famine, as well as justify the names of the Kazakh intelligent’swho suffered from political repression. This article describes the tragic years in Kazakhstan andUkraine, which suffered the most from famine during the Soviet era.
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Znamenski, Andrei. "Joseph Grigulevich: A Tale of Identity, Soviet Espionage, and Storytelling." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 44, no. 3 (September 7, 2017): 314–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-20171267.
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This paper explores the life of Joseph Grigulevich (1913–1988), a famous early Soviet illegal intelligence operative, who conducted various “special tasks” on behalf of Stalin’s foreign espionage network. These included the murder of dissident Spanish communist Andreas Nin (1938), a participation in the assassination of Leon Trotsky (1940), posing as a Costa Rican ambassador (1949–1952), and an abortive project to assassinate Joseph Bros Tito (1952). In contrast to conventional espionage studies that are usually informed by diplomatic, political, and military history approaches, I employ a cultural history angle. First, the paper examines the formation of Grigulevich’s communist and espionage identity against his background as a cosmopolitan Jewish “other” from the interwar Polish-Lithuanian realm. Second, it explores his role in the production and invention of intelligence knowledge, which he later used to jump start his second career as a prominent Soviet humanities scholar and a bestselling writer of revolutionary non-fiction.
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REHDING, ALEXANDER. "On the record." Cambridge Opera Journal 18, no. 1 (March 2006): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586706002102.
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The score of Kurt Weill's Zeitoper, Der Zar läßt sich photographieren (1928), is void at its centre: the musical and dramatic climax, the ‘Tango Angèle’, only exists as a gramophone recording, played on stage, while the orchestra falls silent. Just as the perennial themes of love and death are relentlessly updated in this farcical opera into their anti-metaphysical modern-day equivalents – sex and political assassination – so the music avails itself of modern media to bring across its McLuhanesque point: the medium is the message. The sound medium matters in two ways: first, the gramophone emphatically teleports the tango – a fashionable and sexually loaded dance – into the realm of opera; second, the recorded performance constitutes its exclusive musical reality. As if to underscore this point, parts and score of the ‘Tango Angèle’ were lost shortly after Weill produced the recording for the première: only the recording remained. This article reconstructs the nexus between popular music, modern sound media and operatic aesthetics in Weimar Germany: while the recording is an expression of Zeitoper's demand for radical up-to-dateness, the sound of the record, paradoxically, locks it forever in 1928. A relatively obscure work nowadays, Der Zar remains perhaps the most far-reaching response to the Opernkrise of the mid-1920s, reconfigured here as a crisis of musical writing.
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Wiling, Michael. "Competition for the Chair for Pharmacology at the University of Dorpat in 1882 between Hans Horst Meyer and Gustav von Bunge." Acta medico-historica Rigensia 15 (2022): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/amhr.2022.xv.01.
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The study focuses on the first position held by pharmacologist Hans Horst Meyer (1853–1939) 1 as a professor of pharmacology, dietetics, and the history of medicine at the University of Dorpat (today, Tartu University, Estonia) from 1882 to 1884. Meyer is known as the founder of pharmacology as an independent academic discipline in Vienna (Austria). 2 He competed with the well-known physiologist Gustav Piers Alexander von Bunge (1844–1920) for the position of the chairman of the department in 1881. Meyer was given the position of a professor in Dorpat instead of Gustav von Bunge (1844–1929). The outcome of the competition raises several research questions: why Meyer was allocated the chair in 1881; which arguments spoke in favour of Meyer and what was against him, what spoke against von Bunge; which historical events influenced university life in Dorpat; under which political and ideological currents the decision for the new professor was made. Events such as the Russification of the university and the assassination of Alexander II (1818–1881) significantly impacted teaching at the University of Dorpat from 1875 to 1885. During that period, both professors formed the basis of their outstanding academic careers. The arti- cle provides biographical analysis of Hans Horst Meyer based on Meyer’s files from the University’s of Tartu archive. Since Meyer competed with Gustav von Bunge for his first position as a chairholder, the biography of Gustav von Bunge has also been studied, contextualising it with the significant changes in the organisation of the University of Dorpat. Individual academic achievements of both scholars have been identified and listed using such platforms as Web of Science, Neurotree, the pharmacological journal “Naunyn-Schmiedeberg’s Archives of Pharmacology”, The Online Books Page, and WorldCat. Afterward, the conclusions about the individual scientific portfolios of the two applicants for the chair- man of the department have been made. Finally, contributing factor to why Hans Horst Meyer was successful with his application has been identified.
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Kotelnikov, Konstantin D. "Attempt upon the Life of P. N. Milyukov and Assassination of V. D. Nabokov in Berlin (1922): Testimony of the Accused Monarchist S.V. Taboritzky." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2018): 1163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-4-1163-1174.
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This publication introduces into scientific use and analyses a document on the planning and realization of the assasination attempt on P.N. Milyukov and the murder of V.D. Nabokov on March 28, 1922. The criminals, far-right Russian monarchists P.N. Shabelsky-Bork and S.V. Taboritzky were arrested on the crime scene (the Berlin Philarmonic Hall, where P.N. Milyukov had a public lecture). On the next day, on March 29, 1922, they gave testimonies to the Berlin criminal police. The published document is the testimony of S.V. Taboritsky, who was accused of murder of V.D. Nabokov, one of the leaders of the Constitutional Democratic Party, which was in opposition to the right monarchists. Nabokov wasn't the target of this act of terrorism; his murder wasn't planed, it was unintentional. Trying to prove Taboritzky's innocence, Shabelsky and Taboritzky tried to justify their actions and kept changing their testimonies during the inquiry and trial. Taboritzky wasn’t to shoot Mliyukov or any others Kadets. He came, primarily, to give his moral support to Shabelsky. V.D. Nabokov was killed in struggle, when turmoil and panic spread. Thus, the most important questions facing the investigation was whether it was S. Taboritzky who shot Mliyukov and whether he had any weapon on himself that day. However, numerous witnesses confirmed Taboritzky's guilt. The published testimonies contain evidence unfavourable to Taboritzky and also some accurate data on the attempt preparation. Relying on information from the witnesses and these testimonies of Taboritzky (and disregarding his later testimonies) the court convicted him. He shot V. Nabokov, when he seized P.N. Shabelsky who attempted to kill Milyukov. His behavior during the investigation and trial caused much irritation in the Berlin penal court, and Taboritzky was sentenced to 14-years imprisonment. On other questions reviewed in court (motives of crime, accomplices, role P.N. Shabelsky, events of evening on March 28, 1922) S. Taboritzky repeated the earlier testimonies of Shabelsky.
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Vedoe, Douglas. "Diary and recovered note cast new light on defection and assassination on Fiala-Ziegler Polar Expedition, 1903–05." Polar Record 39, no. 3 (June 26, 2003): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247403003061.
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An article by Walter Sullivan in The New York Times of 30 January 1969 speculated that a note discovered by a Russian party on Rudolf Island, Franz Josef Land, was evidence of defection by three members of the Fiala-Ziegler Polar Expedition, 1903–05. Sullivan indicated that the Soviet Novosti news service had reported that the partially decayed note, which was dated 2 July 1904, started: ‘We the opposition’ and was signed by ‘Tess, Veddy, and Ralliet.’ Examinations of the diaries of a member of the expedition and of expedition leader Anthony Fiala's book Fighting the polar ice show that it was impossible for these men to have been together on 2 July 1904, but that they were together a year later, and that they left a note then, at the place where Novosti reported the Russian party to have found one. Fiala and the diary show that the reported version of the note is not consistent with the circumstances at the purported time of the writing. When the note of 1905 was written, the trio was on a mission to assist Fiala. Defection and dissent by this group are contrary to available documents and publications, as well as the text of what is undoubtedly the original note, newly brought to light. In addition, the foundation for the issue of assassination and defection as raised by William Hunt, who referenced Sullivan's story in his book To stand at the Pole, is challenged.
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Zec, Dejan. "The Sokol Movement from Yugoslav Origins to King Aleksandar’s 1930 All-Sokol Rally in Belgrade." East Central Europe 42, no. 1 (August 8, 2015): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04201003.
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The Yugoslav Sokol movement was one of the most influential non-governmental organizations in the interwar Yugoslav Kingdom. In the course of the 1920s, it moved from an independent and idealistic organization which celebrated brotherhood between the South Slavs to being a still independent but Serb-centered organization whose version of Yugoslav integration pushed away Croats in particular. But it was only from 1929, when King Aleksandar’s royal dictatorship brought a reconstituted organization under direct state control, that it became a vehicle for official propaganda and an exponent of assimilating Serbs as well as non-Serbs under the banner of integral Yugoslavism. These efforts by the royal dictatorship in Belgrade from 1929 did not survive the king’s assassination in 1934. Helping to widen the political divide, particularly between Serbs and Croats, this official Sokol became a well-known focal point for Serb confrontation with non-Serb majorities in western and southern Yugoslavia. This article moves from the often neglected initial promise of the movement to concentrate on its role as a centerpiece in Aleksandar’s campaign to impose a Serbian-inspired Yugoslavism from Belgrade. And the centerpiece of that campaign was the all-Sokol rally organized at great expense and with great fanfare in Belgrade in 1930. This single event usefully illustrates the ambitions of the royal dictatorship to use Belgrade as a focal point for drawing the country together under a single authority.
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Palmer, Steven. "Carlos Fonseca and the Construction of Sandinismo in Nicaragua." Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034725.
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Ernesto “Che” Guevara hoy, Augusto Cesar Sandino ayer, marcan con heroismo la indispensable rota guerrillera que habra de conducir a los pueblos victimas del imperialismo a la posesión absoluta de sus propios destinos. Carlos FonsecaSandino, guerrillero proletarioCarlos Fonseca's unequivocal bracketing of Augusto Sandino's political project with that of Latin America's premier Marxist revolutionary would have shocked most readers when it was written in 1972. In this and other seminal essays, one of the three founders of Nicaragua's Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) formally integrated Sandino the historical figure into the ideology of their revolutionary struggle. Sandino had fought a six-year guerrilla war against the U.S. forces occupying Nicaragua between 1927 and 1933. His assassination in 1934 by Anastasio Somoza's henchmen ushered in a forty-five-year dynastic dictatorship by a succession of Somozas. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, until Fonseca died in combat against the Guardia Nacional in 1976, his writings guided the FSLN's resurrecting and reconstructing of the image of Sandino in order to reshape it into the dominant symbol of a powerful revolutionary ideology.
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Milošević, Borivoje. "ЂАЧКЕ ДЕМОНСТРАЦИЈЕ У САРАЈЕВУ 1912. ГОДИНЕ И СУДСКИ ПРОЦЕС ПЈАНИЋ–ЉУБИБРАТИЋ." Историјски часопис, no. 72/2023 (December 30, 2023): 493–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2372493m.
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The student demonstrations of February 1912 in Sarajevo were the first significant joint action of Serbian and Croatian high school youth as a reaction to the regime of Croatian Ban Slavko Cuvaj. The demonstrations in Sarajevo lasted several days and came to an end only when the police and the army intervened. The student demonstrations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, after the Annexation Crisis (1908) and Žerajić’s assassination (1910), were a new warning signal that the provinces, due to the unregulated state-legal position and unresolved agrarian issue, became the neuralgic point of Austria-Hungary. The epilogue of the student demonstrations was the Pjanić-Ljubibratić trial held in the spring of 1913 against the members of the Serbo-Croatian Progressive Youth organisation. It was the first in a series of processes against high school students gathered within the heterogeneous movement known today as Mlada Bosna. The Balkan Wars, which started in the meantime, further complicated the political situation in the Balkans, radicalised the youth and raised a wave of revolutionary mood among high school and university students
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Oliveira, William Vaz. "Índio do Brasil: um sujeito entre o discurso jurídico e o discurso médico-psiquiátrico." Revista Maracanan, no. 23 (January 17, 2020): 206–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/revmar.2020.43190.
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No ano de 1927, o assassinato de dois jovens na Ilha do Ribeiro, perto da Estrada da Tijuca, marcaria a história da justiça criminal brasileira. Dadas as características semelhantes dos dois crimes, que ocorreram num intervalo de poucos dias, a polícia armou investigação chegando a um suspeito: Febrônio Índio do Brasil. O mais interessante neste caso é que o que estava em jogo não era a pessoa de Febrônio, mas as regras sociais e as doutrinas que formavam a complexa relação entre ciências jurídicas e médicas no Brasil naquele período. Neste sentido, a história de Febrônio Índio do Brasil nos possibilita pensar não somente a relação entre crime e loucura, mas, sobretudo, o lugar assumido pela medicina mental na justiça criminal brasileira naquela época.
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Gaponenkov, Alexey A. "P. A. Stolypin in the journal Russkaya Mysl’ (Russian Thought)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. Philology. Journalism 22, no. 2 (May 23, 2022): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1817-7115-2022-22-2-210-216.
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The journal Russkaya Mysl’ (Russian Thought) was not a “Cadet monthly” and positioned itself as a journal of the “national Russian culture”. P. A. Stolypin was comprehended on its pages not only as a sharply political and controversial figure (P. B. Struve, A. S. Izgoev, A. A. Kizevetter, A. A. Kaufman, etc.), but as a reformer and creator of a new cultural way of life under the battle-cry of building Great Russia. Stolypin’s name first appears on the pages of the journal in reviews of Duma discussions in 1907 and in connection with the analysis of the revolutionary disturbance of 1905. In Letters from the Taurida Palace (1907), the historian A. A. Kizevetter launches the offensive against the government, noticing the “constitutional mask on the bureaucrat” Stolypin. It is the position of the Cadet faction (headed by P. N. Milyukov) in the State Duma, the majority of which did not allow the idea of joint constructive work with him. Struve thought differently and was present at a closed meeting with the Prime Minister on the night of June 3, 1907. Stolypin’s agrarian reform was covered in detail by the economist Kaufman in Russkaya mysl’ (Russian Thought), who warned that the main reason for the unresolved land issue in Russia is the lack of land against the backdrop of a rapidly growing population. Struve, after the assassination of the Prime Minister, publishes the` article Criminal and Victim (1911), in which there are several theses. The political face of Stolypin was determined by “rational constitutionalism.” He was against the restoration of absolute monarchy. But relying on the nobility and bureaucracy of the empire, entering into a dialogue with the public, Stolypin worked for the national idea. He had to retreat. Stolypin’s fate depended on the political situation in which he was involved and the victim of which he became. An insightful historical and psychological portrait of the assassinated Stolypin, his dual image, and his relationship with Nicholas II, takes on a finished form in Struve’s publications from the émigré newspaper Vozrozhdeniye (Revival) in 1925–1926.
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Sousa, Thalita Ruth, and Naiara Sales Araújo Santos. "A PROTOFICÇÃO CIENTÍFICA BRASILEIRA E SUA HIBRIDIZAÇÃO ATRAVÉS DO FANTÁSTICO: UMA ANÁLISE DO CONTO “A SOMBRA” DE COELHO NETO." Caderno de Letras, no. 34 (October 24, 2019): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/cdl.v0i34.16987.
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A Protoficção Científica compreende obras produzidas antes da formação da Ficção Científica, mas que possuem fundamentos ligados ao desenvolvimento tecno científico. Caracterizada pelo hibridismo, a ProtoFC, por vezes, apresenta afinidades com outros gêneros. Este é o caso do conto A sombra (1927) do escritor Coelho Neto, que tem proximidades com o Fantástico. Nele, o personagem Avellar, um bacteriologista, mata a esposa Celúta através de um experimento com injeções de vírus e bacilos. Após isto, ele é perseguido por uma sombra até que confessa o assassinato. Observa-se que a experiência científica provoca o medo do desconhecido, culminando num evento sobrenatural, rompendo com a realidade. A ciência, portanto, mostra-se falível e incapaz de fornecer explicações para tudo. Considerando as mudanças no cenário nacional devido ao progresso científico apregoado no início do século XX, objetiva-se analisar, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, a representação da ciência no conto A sombra (1927) e sua relação com a sociedade da época. A presente pesquisa visa também averiguar como a hibridização se constitui através do Fantástico na narrativa. Para tanto, são utilizados os apontamentos de Mary DelPriore (2014), Raul Fiker (1985), Isaac Asimov (1979) e David Roas (2018), entre outros. Palavras chave: Protoficção Científica; fantástico; Coelho Neto.
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Sbardella, Ellton Luis. "VIOLÊNCIA, SEGUNDO RENÉ GIRARD, NOS RELATOS DE CAIM E ABEL, SACRIFÍCIO DE ISAAC E JOSÉ DO EGITO." INTERAÇÕES 18, no. 1 (June 22, 2023): e181t09. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.1983-2478.2023v18n1e181t09.
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A Sagrada Escritura é peculiar no tratamento do tema violência, afirma René Girard (1923-2015). Segundo ele os textos bíblicos defendem as vítimas e denunciam a violência sobre elas; diferente das mitologias que justificam a perseguição e condenação das vítimas. Na Bíblia, para Girard, Deus não é aliado da violência como mostram, de início, três textos do livro de Gênesis: Caim e Abel (4, 1-24), Sacrifício de Isaac (22, 1-19), e José do Egito (37-50). O objetivo deste artigo é apresentar a leitura girardiana destes textos bíblicos, que mostram o registro do assassinato fundador (Caim e Abel); o vestígio dos sacrifícios humanos (Sacrifício de Isaac) e as etapas do ciclo mimético da violência: perseguição e morte-expulsão da vítima (José do Egito). A metodologia adotada é a pesquisa bibliográfica a partir das obras de Girard que tratam sobre o tema da violência e sua interpretação bíblico-teológica, concernente aos textos citados do livro de Gênesis, com o auxílio de um comentador das obras de René Girard, dos verbetes de um dicionário bíblico e diretamente dos textos bíblicos. Concluímos que é fundamental aprofundar o conhecimento de como a Sagrada Escritura trata o tema da violência, determinante para a práxis cristã na atualidade.
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Masyutin, Alexander S. "Vyatka Revolutionaries in the “Government Facility”: 1905—1913." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2018): 793–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-3-793-808.
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The article analyses various aspects of the life in prison of political prisoners of the Vyatka gubernia. Unpublished documents from the archives of Kirov and Moscow, on which this study is based, designate the subject of the study; that is, they allow to establish forms of resistance of political prisoners to prison regime, to identify patterns of their escapes, to trace dynamics in occupancy of political prisons in the Vyatka gubernia, to establish instances of interaction between representatives of different left parties while in penal institutions. The timeframe of the study is the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1908, when prisons ceased to be the tenement of few and far between ardent revolutionaries from the privileged strata of society, and swarmed with much less versed ideologically masses of the discontented. Thus, in view of a participant of the revolutionary events of 1905-1908, Socialists-Revolutionary Maximalist G. A. Nestroev, the ideological grounding of the political prisoners deteriorated significantly. The author, however, believes that this ‘diversity’ of prisoners allows to conduct a more thorough analysis of their public activity in prison and to better link the activities of prisoners with the people on whose behalf the revolutionary forces acted. The author focuses on the Socialists-Revolutionaries, as their percentage among prisoners was much higher than that of the Socialists-Democrats. Known for several high-profile assassinations, the former were considered more dangerous state criminals than the Socialists-Democrat ‘propagandists,’ and thus were subject to more severe punishments. After the October revolution 1917, the Bolsheviks created an extensive mythologized literature on fellow party members who served time in tsarist prisons but mentioned only several Socialists-Revolutionaries, and these were politically harmless, or deceased (like E. S. Sazonov), or attached to the Bolshevik party (like V. N. Rukhlyadev). Findings and conclusions of the article can be used in research of the later periods in the history of Russia and the Soviet Union, particularly, for comparison of the prisoners’ struggle with the prison administration and of the forms of assistance to prisoners from the outside in tzarist Russia and later.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "The road to democracy: The development of constitutionalism in Serbia 1869-1903." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738133b.
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After the swiftly abolished liberal Constitution of 1835 and the imposed 'Turkish' one of 1838 (imposed by the Russians and Ottomans, guarantors of Serbia's autonomy granted in 1830, to limit the princely power), the development of constitutionalism in modern Serbia went through several phases. As elsewhere in the Balkans, constitutions usually resulted from a compromise between the ruler and the elites rather than from the will of the people. The 1868 Constitution drew to an extent upon the early nineteenth-century German constitutional monarchies, but, under pressure from the politically mobilized population, the 1888 Constitution, proposed by the Radical Party in response to the egalitarian aspirations of the nation's agrarian majority, adopted a French constitutional model - with a unicameral system and frequent coalition governments. Shaped on the model of the Belgian Constitution of 1831, which in its turn was a modified version of the French Charte of 1830, it restored a French influence, expressed for the first time in the 1835 Constitution. The 1888 Constitution was passed by the Grand National Assembly with its five-sixth majority of Radicals, representatives of the agrarian majority. It was soon annulled by the coup d'?tat of 1894 and the Court-imposed Constitution of 1869 was reinstituted. The Constitution of 1901 was an attempt to introduce a bicameral system as a means of upholding the influential role of the ruler, while limiting that of the Radical Party, which had enjoyed an ample electoral support since the 1888 Constitution. After the assassination in 1903 of the last Obrenovic ruler king Alexander, and his wife, queen Draga, the liberal Constitution of 1888 with minor modifications was reinstituted. Under this Constitution - which is commonly known as the 1903 Constitution and which, during the democratic reign of king Peter I Kardjordjevic, was no longer challenged - Serbian democracy remained fragile, because there was no upper house to counteract as it did in the French Third Republic, the predominantly party-biased way of running the affairs of state.
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Gifford, Jayne. "Extracting the Best Deal for Britain: The Assassination of Sir Lee Stack in November 1924 and the Revision of Britain’s Nile Valley Policy." Canadian Journal of History 48, no. 1 (April 2013): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.48.1.87.
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Lamberti, Marjorie. "The Search for the “Other Germany”: Refugee Historians from Nazi Germany and the Contested Historical Legacy of the Resistance to Hitler." Central European History 47, no. 2 (June 2014): 402–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938914001290.
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During his visit to the Federal Republic of Germany in the summer of 1954, Fritz Stern, a young history professor at Columbia University, witnessed in Berlin the memorial service for the victims of the July 20, 1944, revolt against Hitler. His feelings were stirred at the sight of the sorrowful faces of the widows and children of the conspirators who were executed in the aftermath of the failed assassination attempt, and by President Theodor Heuss's speech, recalling the anguish and courage of the Germans who made the decision to rebel in an act of atonement. Born in Germany in 1926 to Protestant parents of Jewish ancestry, Stern experienced racist antisemitism in the Third Reich firsthand before his family emigrated in 1938. He returned to Germany with conflicted emotions. During World War II, when the magnitude of the annihilation of European Jewry was uncovered, he felt intense hatred toward National Socialism. The distinction between German and Nazi became blurred. And yet, he could not bring himself to hold the German people collectively guilty for such crimes and to reject his native land. At the ceremony he struggled with his own feelings, saying to himself at first that “their purposes had not been ours.” Then a sense of shame for his indiscriminate hatred overwhelmed him. He left Germany in August “purged of hatred—though not disloyal to the feelings of the past, and full of forebodings about the future.”
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Moir, Nathaniel L. "To Each His Turn … Today Yours, Tomorrow Mine: François Sully’s Turn in History." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 30, no. 3 (August 22, 2023): 274–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30030005.
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Abstract François Sully (1927–1971) is an underreported figure in the critical period of U.S.-South Vietnamese relations between 1960 and 1963. As one of the earliest journalists the First Republic of Vietnam expelled in 1962, his reporting introduced Vietnam to American readers, and his journalism influenced a generation of Western reporters covering the intervention of U.S. forces in Vietnam. However, despite his extensive reporting for Newsweek and other outlets, little is known about Sully or how his contentious relationship with President Ngo Dinh Diem of the Republic of Vietnam contributed to political turbulence before Diem’s assassination on 2 November 1963. This is the first article to focus exclusively on Sully’s reporting on Vietnam and the first to assess his efforts using primary sources. It argues that Vietnamese Studies and Vietnam War scholars have underestimated or overlooked his journalism due to the “Vietnamese turn” in their scholarship. In supporting this argument, this article places Sully in the broader context of the media’s coverage – both in the East and the West – of the Vietnam War, and it focuses on Sully’s role in the political divisions between Diem and U.S. authorities. As the first article to provide a historical account of Sully’s journalism, it provides a basis for a more informed understanding of his writing. Such understanding is a precondition for analyzing his biases and perceived contributions to orthodox interpretations of the Vietnam War.
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Msambya, Joseph Apolo. "De la République Démocratique du Congo voulue indépendante À la République Démocratique du Congo qui commémore ses fêtes d’indépendance." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 69, no. 1 (June 27, 2024): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2024.1.05.
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From the Democratic Republic of Congo Seeking Independence to the Democratic Republic of Congo which Commemorates Its Independence Celebrations. On June 30, 1960, the independence of the Belgian Congo, once personal possession for 23 years of the Belgian King Leopold II, was proclaimed as the “Republic of the Congo”. Emery-Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961) played a capital role in this emancipation which resulted in the consecration of Joseph Kasavubu as first President of the Republic of Congo and himself, Emery Patrice Lumumba, as Prime Minister. Congo has proclaimed its independence, but the new country remains plagued by violence and infighting. Belgian troops and peacekeepers from the United Nations intervene in the territory as a standoff begins between Kasavubu and Lumumba. On September 14, 1960, Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu led a first coup d’état which was followed by the arrest and assassination of Lumumba. The following years would be punctuated by rebellions and fighting interspersed with ceasefires in protest against the dictatorship established by the Mobutu regime after its second coup d’état, five years later, during a new political crisis. After thirty-two years of unchallenged reign, Mobutu was ousted from power by Mzee Laurent Désiré Kabila in May 1997 and since then, it has been difficult to speak of the real independence of the country, which became the Democratic Republic of Congo. Keywords: formal independence, real independence, Independence Day, Zaïre, Democratic Republic of Congo, colonization, decolonization, political emancipation, sovereignty.
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Loupas, Athanasios. "Interethnic rivalries and bilateral cooperation: Aspects of Greek-Serbian relations from the assassination of Alexander Obrenovic to the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina (1903-1908)." Balcanica, no. 51 (2020): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2051105l.
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This paper seeks to summarize the main aspects of bilateral relations between the Kingdom of Greece and the Kingdom of Serbia during a turbulent period characterized by fierce guerrilla warfare in Macedonia, the efforts made by the Great Powers for the implementation of the reforms provided by the M?rzsteg Program and various domestic changes in both countries.
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Pramasto, Arafah, Wira Alvio, and Sapta Anugrah. "PERSIA DI BAWAH DINASTI QAJAR DALAM PEMERINTAHAN NASHIRUDDIN SHAH PADA TAHUN 1848-1857." RUSYDIAH: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.35961/rsd.v3i1.410.
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Abstrak
Nashiruddin Shah merupakan penguasa keempat dari Dinasti Qajar yang memerintah Persia (sekarang Iran) selama 48 tahun yakni dari 1848 hingga 1896. Melalui metode penelitian sejarah dengan langkah-langkahnya yakni heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan penyajian berbentuk historiografi, penelitian ini berusaha mengungkap peristiwa-peristiwa penting yang terjadi di Persia dalam rentang waktu kekuasaannya hingga tahun 1857. Hasil riset ini menemukan sejumlah kejadian yang tergolong krusial di masa itu yakni terbunuhnya tokoh reformis Perdana Menteri Amir Kabir karena usahanya dalam memberangus korupsi, meskipun ia sangat berperan dalam menjamin Nashiruddin naik takhta dan reformasi kemiliterannya membuat Qajar berhasil menundukkan pemberontakan Salar (1851) dan kerusuhan Babiyah (1852). Bagaimanapun, akibat intervensi Inggris, Persia juga harus menanggung kehilangan klaimnya atas wilayah Afghanistan, pendudukan Inggris atas Bushehr hingga tahun 1913, dan melepaskan Khorramshahr / Mohammerah yang lalu berdiri sebagai wilayah otonomi independen. Kurun waktu tersebut (1848-1857) relatif memengaruhi corak kebijakan Nashiruddin untuk masa-masa berikutnya yang tetap dipengaruhi isu-isu reformasi internal, gerakan perlawanan rakyat, dan intervensi asing.
Kata Kunci: Dinasti Qajar, Nashiruddin Shah, Persia
Abstract
Nashiruddin Shah was the fourth ruler of Qajar Dynasty who ruled Persia (Iran in present times) for 48 years since 1848 until 1896. Historical research method is deployed through its steps such as heuristic, critics, interpretation, and historiography, due to reveal important occurances in Persia during his reign until the year of 1857. The research proves some important events which are considered as crucial, in example was assassination of the first Nashiruddin’s Prime Minister, a reformist named Amir Kabir caused by his action to eradicate corruption problem, even though he had big role in Nashiruddin ascension to the throne, and Amir’s military reforms had an impact on the defeats of Salar Rebellion (1851) and Babis Riots (1852). However caused by British intervention, Persia had to lose her claim over Afghanistan’s region, occupation of Bushehr by British until 1913, and surrendered Khorramshahr / Mohammerah which later proclaimed as an independent autonomous region. These years (1848-1857) would relatively determine the pattern of his policies in following years that full of some issues such as internal reforms, civil resistance movements, and foreign interventions.
Keywords: Qajar Dynasty, Nashiruddin Shah, Persia