Relevant bibliographies by topics / Assassination, 1923

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Assassination, 1923'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 29 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Assassination, 1923"

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Suslov, Aleksey Yu. "Vitamin D Levels in Residents of Arkhangelsk During Different Seasons of the Year." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (May 1, 2024): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v331.

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The article dwells on the assassination of V.V. Vorovsky, head of the Soviet delegation at the international conference in Lausanne, on May 10, 1923 and on the trial of M. Conradi and A.P. Polunin as viewed by Russian socialist émigrés, i.e. members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and social democrats (Mensheviks). This paper aimed to study the attitude of the socialist community of Russian émigrés towards individual political terror during the 1920s. The methodology is based on the principles of intellectual history, which allow us to shed some light on the perception of the 1923 Lausanne trial by analysing the confrontation and ideological struggle of certain political figures and civic groups for attention. The paper provides a brief description of the main works of Russian and foreign historians who studied the assassination of Vorovsky and the trial of his murderers. The context of the trial, the reaction of different émigré camps and the organization of Conradi and Polunin’s defence are analysed. The official response of the Foreign Delegation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, reflected in the Revolutionary Russia journal, is noted. Particular attention is given to the unpublished article “Both Are Worse” (1923) by leader of the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party V.M. Chernov on the results of the trial in Lausanne. Chernov’s argumentation and his views on the fundamental differences between the pre-revolutionary Socialist Revolutionary terror and the assassination of Vorovsky are analysed. Chernov points out that Socialist Revolutionary and Narodnaya Volya’s terror stayed within a strict moral and ethical framework that forbade political assassinations on the territory of free democratic countries. Socialist Revolutionary terrorists had never followed the path of least resistance, proclaiming the idea of selfsacrifice. Chernov emphasizes that only those not involved in the White Terror can hold others accountable for the Red Terror. The paper considers the response of Russian social democrats abroad, in particular, leader of the émigré Mensheviks F.I. Dan’s article dedicated to the Lausanne trial. His thesis about the exclusive right of socialist parties to fight the Bolshevik dictatorship, without involving the White movement, is emphasized. A conclusion is drawn that Russian socialists abroad held a fundamentally unified position on resisting political terror.
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Méndez Lara, Francisco Iván. "Monitor and censor. Intelligence networks and journalistic censorship in revolutionary Mexico, 1911-1923." Latin-American Historical Almanac 33, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-33-1-143-169.

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Controlling information and keeping an eye on enemies were two fun-damental activities for the different revolutionary factions in the revolu-tionary decade (1910-1920) and in the early years of the post-revolutionary stage. The armed struggle has aspects that have been little explored and that reflected the concern to watch over and censure its en-emies. Francisco I. Madero failed in his attempts to neutralize the op-position forces; Venustiano Carranza, on his part, managed to monopo-lize information and build the foundations of intelligence networks that would make it possible for the Carrancistas to stop possible uprisings. The assassination of Carranza in May 1920, far from ending these prac-tices, led the new group in power ― headed by Generals Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles, as well as Adolfo de la Huerta ― to improve their confidential intelligence services and closely monitor the opposition press.
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Marcinkiewicz, Stefan Michał. "Zamach na esesmanów pod Ełkiem." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 68, no. 1 (March 20, 2024): 55–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2024.68.1.3.

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On 31 October 1943, a fifteen-person strong unit of the Home Army, under the command of Władysław Świacki “Sęp” (1900–1972), with intelligence support from Czesław Nalborski “Dzik” (1910–1992), was to carry out a successful strike to take out an SS execution squad commanded by Haupsturmführer Stammer in East Prussia, on the road between Lyck (Ełk) and the village of Neuendorf (Nowa Wieś Ełcka). The German squad was said to have carried out a mass execution of Italian prisoners of war, held at the camp in Bogusze. On 28 October 1989, an obelisk with a plaque commemorating this operation was unveiled in Nowa Wieś Ełcka. The spectacular strike is recorded in the documentation of the ZBoWiD (the Society of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy), but has not been confirmed in any source unconnected to its supposed participants. The execution of the Italians, assassination of Stammer, and even the date of the operation (31 October 1943) were all contrived by a writer based in Białystok, Aleksander Omiljanowicz (1923–2005). The information board erected in 2017 presents a compilation of Świacki’s recollections, Omiljanowicz’s fiction, and selectively chosen historical facts. The monument in Nowa Wieś Ełcka is a troublesome legacy, as too are the heroic and martyrological stories of former Home Army members belonging to the ZBoWiD.
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Faulhaber, Priscila. "Repensando a historicidade discursiva no exame das trajetórias políticas de dois líderes nacionalistas da Colômbia." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 5, no. 3 (December 2010): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1981-81222010000300004.

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O trabalho parte do exame de textos literários e biográficos que evocam aspectos das trajetórias do general Rafael Uribe Uribe (1859-1914) e do líder político Jorge Eliecer Gaitán (1898-1948). Gabriel García Márquez (1928-) se inspirou em Uribe para a criação do protagonista do romance "Cem Anos de Solidão". Márquez iniciou sua carreira de escritor em 1948, ano da morte de Gaitán. O assassinato desse líder resultou na chamada 'Violência', catalisada com a impossibilidade, no campo político colombiano, de transformação social de 'baixo para cima', proposta por Gaitán. É interessante considerar, na historicidade de mitos e práticas da cultura política colombiana, as circunstâncias singulares dos assassinatos desses dois líderes.
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Goldin, Vladislav I., and Aleksey Yu Suslov. "A New Book on the History of Individual Political Terror During the Civil War in Russia." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 1 (February 17, 2023): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v236.

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This article analyses the modern historiography of individual political terror in Russia during the Civil War in 1918. The role and significance of the terrorist acts of the summer of 1918 for the formation of Soviet penal policy are emphasized. There is a long historiographical tradition concerning these topics, which is based, on the one hand, on the traditional Soviet version, originating in the famous 1922 trial of the leaders of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, and, on the other hand, on alternative interpretations that were, at some point, presented in émigré and foreign historical literature. The focus of attention is the work of the famous Russian historian, Honoured Professor of Kazan University A.L. Litvin, who studies the assassination attempts on Vladimir Lenin in 1918. In addition, the paper touches upon various aspects related to the assassinations of V. Volodarsky and M.S. Uritsky. The authors examine the works of historian K.N. Morozov devoted to various aspects of the 1918 assassination attempts and the role of B.V. Savinkov and F. Kaplan in them. The publications of I.S. Ratkovsky and A.V. Shubin are noted. It is concluded that modern historical literature contains various assessments of those events: the assassins had personal but no direct political motives (A.L. Litvin); B.V. Savinkov’s organization was linked to the terrorist acts against V.I. Lenin and M. Uritsky in 1918 (K.N. Morozov). In addition, the article studies sources that have recently been introduced into scholarly discourse; it is noted that the current level of knowledge is insufficient for scholars to make final conclusions and thus calls for further research.
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Abramson, Henry. "Jewish Representation in the Independent Ukrainian Governments of 1917-1920." Slavic Review 50, no. 3 (1991): 542–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2499851.

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The experience of Ukrainian Jewry from 1917 to 1920 is a paradox in modern Jewish history. At the same moment that the leaders of the Ukrainian revolutionary movement extended unprecedented civil rights to Ukrainian Jews, pogromists operating in the name of that same movement brutally terrorized hundreds of Jewish communities with violence and robbery. This strange incongruity has not been satisfactorily addressed; studies of the period have either concentrated on the pogroms or focused on Jewish socialists in Ukrainian politics. Linguistic barriers and subsequent developments, notably the 1926 assassination of Symon Petliura, have further polarized an already dichotomous history. This article attempts to synthesize these two trends.
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James, David, and Urmila Seshagiri. "Metamodernism: Narratives of Continuity and Revolution." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 129, no. 1 (January 2014): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2014.129.1.87.

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The task for contemporary literature is to deal with the legacy of modernism.—Tom McCarthy (2010)A century separates us from an iconic moment of aesthetic metamorphosis: 1914 witnessed the appearance of James Joyce's Dubliners, Gertrude Stein's Tender Buttons, Mina Loy's “Parturition,” and the vorticist journal Blast. It was the year Dora Marsden and Harriet Shaw Weaver, aided by Ezra Pound, started the literary review the Egoist in London and Condé Nast and Frank Crowninshield launched Vanity Fair in New York. Arnold Schoenberg's atonal symphonic works assaulted classical sonorities; Wassily Kandinsky elevated the purity of geometric form above the functional work of visual representation. Most crucially, 1914 saw the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Sarajevo and the subsequent outbreak of the First World War. Cutting a bloody, four-year swath across Europe, the war took almost forty million lives and rendered all subsequent formal innovation inseparable from cultural devastation: thus the intricate, ruptured literary architectures of The Waste Land (1922), Ulysses (1922), and To the Lighthouse (1927).
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Wai-Chor, So. "The Origins of the ‘Wang—Chiang Cooperation’ in 1932." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 1 (February 1991): 175–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015882.

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In January 1932 Wang Ching-wei and Chiang Kai-shek came to an agreement and formed a joint leadership in the Kuomintang (KMT) Government. The alliance between the two men lasted until December 1938 when Wang defected to the Japanese side during the Sino-Japanese War. Chinese historians often term this period as the era of ‘Wang-Chiang cooperation’ (Wang Chiang ho-tso). In fact, this was not the first time when these two men came to ally with each other in the party. The first time when Wang and Chiang formed a joint leadership was in August 1925 after the assassination of Liao Chung-k'ai. The death of Liao at that time had great repercussions throughout the party and both Wang and Chiang eventually emerged as the beneficiaries in the ensuing power struggle; for a time they jointly ruled the party. However, this alliance did not last long. The outbreak of the March Twentieth Incident in 1926 made Wang Ching-wei decide to let Chiang have his way and he later led a self-imposed exiled life in Europe. It was not until April 1927 when the KMT was seriously divided on the communist issue that Wang went back to China. Immediately after that was a split in the party with Wuhan and Nanking as the two rival centres, each of which claimed to be the legitimate Party Central. Wang and Chiang respectively became the leaders of these two Party Centrals.
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Gilley, Christopher. "The assassination of Symon Petliura and the trial of Scholem Schwarzbard 1926–1927: A selection of documents." East European Jewish Affairs 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2017.1313660.

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Rajic, Suzana. "The Russian secret service and King Alexander Obrenovic of Serbia (1900-1903)." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 143–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243143r.

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The period of 1900-1903 saw three phases of cooperation between the Rus?sian Secret Service (Okhrana) and King Alexander Obrenovic of Serbia. It is safe to say that the Secret Service operated in Serbia as an extended arm of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, i.e. of its diplomatic mission in Belgrade. Its goal was to fortify the position of Russia in Serbia after King Alexander?s wedding and the departure of his father, ex-King Milan (who abdicated in 1889 in favour of his minor son), from the country. The Serbian King, however, benefited little from the cooperation, because he did not receive assistance from the Secret Service when he needed it most. Thus, the issue of conspiracy against his life was lightly treated throughout 1902 until his assassination in 1903. In the third and last period of cooperation, from the beginning of 1902 until the King?s assassination on 11 June 1903,1 the Russian ministries of Internal and Foreign Affairs forbade the agents to receive money from the Serbian King and relieved them of any duty regarding the protection of his life.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Assassination, 1923"

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Tisdale, John Rochelle 1958. "Medgar Evers (1925-1963) and the Mississippi Press." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278976/.

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Medgar Evers was gunned down in front of his home in June 1963, a murder that went unpunished for almost thirty years. Assassinated at the height of the civil rights movement, Evers is a relatively untreated figure in either popular or academic writing. This dissertation includes three themes. Evers's death defined his life, particularly his public role. The other two themes define his relationship with the press in Mississippi (and its structure), and his relationship to the various civil rights organizations, including his employer, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Was the newspaper press, both state and national, fair in its treatment of Evers? Did the press use Evers to further the civil rights agenda or to retard that movement, and was Evers able to employ the press as a public relations tool in promoting the NAACP agenda? The obvious answers have been that the Mississippi press editors and publishers defended segregation and that Evers played a minor role in the civil rights movement. Most newspaper publishers and editorial writers slanted the news to promote segregation but not all newspapers editors. The Carters of Greenville, J. Oliver Emmerich of McComb and weekly editors Ira Harkey and Hazel Brannon Smith denounced the segregationist groups. Evers, too, is not easily defined. His life's work produced few results but his mere presence in the most racist state in the country provided other civil rights organizers with an example of personal strength and fortitude unmatched in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The dissertation reviewed the existing primary and secondary source material, and included personal interviews with primary participants in the Jackson boycotts of 1963. Evers compares with Abraham Lincoln in that both received little credit for their accomplishments until more than thirty years after their assassinations. Both represented the democratic philosophy of the common man's ability to achieve deeds not possible in a caste system.
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Hussain, Majid Salman. "British policy and the nationalist movement in Egypt 1914-1924." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361323.

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Gualtieri, Clara A. "Effects of National Tragedy on Some Arizona Newspapers: The John F. Kennedy Assassination, November 22 & 23, 1963." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292204.

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Dias, Allister Andrew Teixeira. "'Dramas de sangue' na cidade: psiquiatria, loucura e assassinato no Rio de Janeiro (1901-1921)." reponame:Repositório Institucional da FIOCRUZ, 2010. https://www.arca.fiocruz.br/handle/icict/6095.

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Made available in DSpace on 2013-01-07T15:55:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) 22.pdf: 1358732 bytes, checksum: 2728a2675c29f1ff014ec2a448dc4e2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010
A presente dissertação tenciona investigar algumas práticas, saberes e categorias psiquiátricas em jogo em três experiências individuais que envolveram loucura, assassinato e simulação de loucura no Rio de Janeiro do início do século XX (entre 1901 e 1921). Os atores médicos envolvidos nestes casos ligavam-se aos principais espaços e instituições da psiquiatria na cidade: o Serviço Médico-Legal da Polícia, o Pavilhão de Observações do Hospício Nacional de Alienados, o Hospício Nacional de Alienados e a sua Seção Lombroso, embrião do Manicômio Judiciário do Rio de Janeiro. Procuramos, todavia, não esquecer a experiência desses sujeitos enredados pela psiquiatria, suas trajetórias evivências, percepções e sofrimentos, assim como os discursos de outros atores acerca desses casos, como a imprensa e intelectuais de expressão do período. Tentamos, por um lado, compreender alguns dos principais influxos sócio-culturais sobre a prática psiquiátrica produzida nos espaços citados. Por outro, buscamos situar alguns conflitos e questões internas à psiquiatria do período, analisando suas estratégias na construção do diagnóstico de simulação de loucura e sua heterogeneidade de concepções em jogo na construção de algumas categorias de doença mental. Os casos aqui focados, embora com elementos diversos, possuem alguns ingredientes comuns como: o crime de homicídio, a intervenção da imprensa, a comoção pública, o trágico e, principalmente, o intercurso do saber médico-psiquiátrico.
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Doudoukjian, Gregory. "Oral history an intergenerational study of the effects of the assassination of Archbishop Leon Tourian in 1933 on Armenian-Americans /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.

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Wasson, Haidee. "In the beginning-- there was the image : Walter Benjamin, JFK and the Phantasmagoria." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26356.

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This thesis begins by situating the work of Walter Benjamin in its historical complexity and examining the conceptual underpinnings of his phantasmagoria. Benjamin's Arcades Project is considered in light of his attempts to resituate primary structuring dichotomies in a fluid and dynamic configuration. These dichotomies include the political and the apolitical, the material and the immaterial, and the past and the present. The phantasmagoria-as-metaphor is then employed as a methodological framework for analyzing the ever-circulating images of John F. Kennedy.
This thesis is primarily concerned with the conceptual tools necessary to argue that an image is more "real" than its real-life counterpart, that is, real enough to carry resonances that extend beyond both its diminutive "artifice", and its original context. The relations between the immaterial image and its material referent are discussed as complementary and shifting, rather than oppositional and static. This thesis explores the possible and the actual convergence of the image and its material counterparts.
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Lauchlan, Angus. "Constructing white Texas maleness : from the Texas Centennial of 1936 to the aftermath of President John F. Kennedy's assassination in 1963." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1445655/.

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This thesis demonstrates how the popular image of white Texas masculinity was constructed and used for political purposes in the period between the Texas Centennial in 1936 and the assassination of John F. Kennedy in Dallas, Texas, in 1963. The image of white Texas maleness was reconstructed in the 1930s by a group of Texas writers/academics led by J. Frank Dobie, J. EvettsTlaley and Walter PrescottJVebb. Their version of Texas male mythology gave a degree of intellectual credence to the stereotyped version of Texas manhood, which was founded on the problems and exploits of stronanaconfident individualistic men and their attempts to maintain or to wrest power. This manner of Texas maleness had its root in the mix of truth and mythology which popularly represented nineteenth century Texas history. These writers were profoundly influenced by the political environment of their time and their* perspective on Texas maleness reflected this. 1 Other writers, most notably Edward Anderson and Nelson Agren, with an equally distinct but separate political agenda, challenged the basis of the white Texas male's iconic status and offered a radically different view of Texas manhood. Therefore, two ideologically distinct versions of white Texas maleness, one based on those with societal power and influence, and the other based on those without, were created. The societal import of the concept of white Texas maleness was reflected in the attitude of the state's press and the adoption of the stereotypical image by those in Texas who wielded socio-economic and political power. Central to the thesis is how conflicting arms of the Texas press, liberal and conservative, saw and addressed the image of the state's men. The thesis will also discuss how the obvious political potential of the stereotyped image was employed in film and literature during politically sensitive periods in American history. For example, the hnageof white Texas maleness in film and literaturejjeerjgrated in the aftermath of the Kennedy killing and the subsequent Presidency of the Texan, Lyndon Johnson, when many writers and film-makers saw Texas and its manhood as representing all that they believed to be wrong with American society.
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Sanchez, Sierra Juan Carlos. "Worshiping Leadership: Morality, Revolutionary Values, and the Politics of Magnicidio (Assassination) in the Case of Camilo Torres and Fabio Vásquez with the ELN, Colombia 1963-1978." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27786.

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This research explores cult formation and sect-like worship in the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), around the figures of both the priest and guerrilla fighter Camilo Torres (1929-1966), and Fabio Vásquez, leader and founder of the group in 1963-1978. I examine the relationship between authority and obedience that shaped political leadership in Colombia since the late 19th century. In particular, I consider how collective moral and individual values become ritualized in daily practices and moral discourses fostered by leaders that promoted drastic social change along Colombian history. This analysis of authority and obedience facilitates interpretations into how leaders create allegiances and legitimize violence as a strategy to bring about change in Colombian politics. I argue that the politics of magnicidio demonstrates how the formation of leadership is hampered by the use of selective violence, as a strategy to dismantle or deter political opponents from participation. This happens in both mainstream politics and within insurgent groups. In this vein, I argue that by approaching the figure of Camilo Torres and the reverence to his memory, it is possible to understand the importance of leadership and authority both in a guerrilla group, and in social mobilization, particularly the student movement, intellectual sectors, and the youth. I sustain that reverence to Camilo Torres has been fostered primarily outside the ELN. Although the ceremonies around his figure and the revolutionary project progressively furnished the group with a consistent pattern of belief for individual and group interaction, his leadership in the groups was not substantial. I demonstrate how Camilo Torres surrendered to the leadership of Fabio Vásquez in an attempt to become a suitable guerrillero. I argue that beyond claims for Camilo Torres' political legacy, guerrilla fighters in the ELN used his thought to challenge and undermine Fabio Vásquez' personalistic leadership in 1967-1974. Although the figure of Camilo Torres created internal cohesion, the ELN‘s re-conceptualization of the revolutionary project used his life only as a paradigm of commitment, sacrifice and revolutionary redemption, ignoring the priest's political ideals and assertions on social justice, charity and love. I conclude by exploring Camilo Torres' thought and actions in order to demonstrate how the ELN selectively interprets his legacy, and thereby justify the last months of his life to legitimize radical left leaning fighting.
Ph. D.
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Brassinne, J. "Enquête sur la mort de Patrice Lumumba." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213109.

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Matondo, Jean-Clair. "Sociologie des coups d’état en République du Congo de 1958 à 1973." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100001.

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République du Congo, l’armée, en tant qu’ensemble de structures et de moyens militaires institutionnellement affectés à la mise en œuvre de la politique décidée par les autorités politiques pour assurer et garantir la défense nationale, est loin d’être l’auteur exclusif des coups d’Etat, même si, systématiquement, elle profite des conséquences politiques attachées à ceux-ci. En réalité, les coups d’Etat y sont la résultante d’une lutte entre plusieurs champs. Dans cette lutte, les acteurs des coups d’Etat, en fonction de leurs corpus idéologiques respectifs, mettent en place des stratégies dont la particularité n’est pas de se limiter au champ bureaucratique mais d’engager également la société appréhendée au regard de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux d’appartenance. Ainsi, mobilisent-ils, non seulement leurs propres capitaux (diplômes, profession), mais aussi les ressources de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux en vue de réaliser la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir. Par le jeu complexe des solidarités idéologiques, ethniques ou corporatistes, les acteurs politiques tissent des alliances et, selon le cas, participent ou s’opposent à l’exécution des coups d’Etat. Sous ce rapport, les coups d’Etat, qui supposent une importante mobilisation stratégique, politique et matérielle de la part de ceux qui en forment le projet, se confondent à un mode de conquête du pouvoir assimilable formellement à l’élection, et s’inscrivent dans ce que Marcel Mauss nomme les faits sociaux totaux. Les leaders politiques appartenant aux ethnies minoritaires, ne pouvant accéder au pouvoir par voie démocratique, élaborent une stratégie de conquête de pouvoir prenant appui sur l’armée. Ainsi, détournée de sa mission traditionnelle de protection du territoire national face aux agressions extérieures, l’armée voit sa valeur opérationnelle diminuée
In Republic of Congo, the army, as a whole of structures and average soldiers institutionally assigned to the implementation of the policy decided by the political authorities to ensure and guarantee national defense, is far from being the exclusive author of the coups d'etat, even if, systematically, it benefits from the political consequences attached to those. Actually, the coups d'etat are there the resultant of a fight between several fields. In this fight, the actors of the coups d'etat, according to their respective ideological corpora, set up strategies whose characteristic is not to limit themselves to the bureaucratic field but to also engage the company apprehended taking into consideration their ethnic or regional group of membership. Thus, they mobilize, not only their own capital (diplomas, profession), but also resources of their ethnic or regional groups in order to carry out the conquest or the conservation of the power. By the complex play of ideological solidarity, ethnic or corporatists, the political actors weave alliances and, according to the case, take part or are opposed to the execution of the coups d'etat. Under this report, the coups d'etat, which suppose an important strategic mobilization, political and material on behalf of those which form the project of it, merge with a mode of conquest of the power comparable formally to the election, and fit in what Marcel Mauss names the total social facts. The political leaders belonging to the minority ethnic groups, not being able to reach the power by democratic way, work out a strategy of conquest of fascinating power support on the army. Thus, diverted its traditional mission of protection of the national territory vis-a-vis the external aggressions, the army sees its decreased operational value
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Books on the topic "Assassination, 1923"

1

Thomas, Gordon. The assassination of Robert Maxwell: Israel's superspy. London: Robson, 2003.

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Giannasi, Andrea. L'eccidio Tellini: Da Gianina all'occupazione di Corfù (agosto-settembre 1923). Civitavecchia (Roma): Prospettiva, 2007.

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Twohig, Patrick J. The dark secret of Béalnabláth. Ballincollig, Co. Cork: Tower Books, 1991.

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Vardges, Eghiaean, Arabean Ara, Gabujean Vahe, and Geghamyan Seyranuhi, eds. Misakʻ Tʻoṛlakʻyani datavarutʻyuně. Erevan: Graber, 2008.

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Remembrance, Center for Armenian, ed. The case of Soghomon Tehlirian. 2nd ed. Glendale, Calif.?]: Center for Armenian Remembrance, 2006.

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Papaphlōratos, Iōannēs S. Hē Hellēnoïtalikē krisē tou 1923: To epeisodio Tellini - Kerkyras. Athēna: Ekdoseis Ant. N. Sakkoula, 2009.

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Avakian, Lindy V. The cross and the crescent. 3rd ed. Fresno, Calif: Golden West Publishers, 1998.

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Ryan, Meda. The day Michael Collins was shot. Swords, Co. Dublin, Ireland: Poolbeg, 1989.

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Tʻēhlirean, Soghomon. Verhishumner: Tʻaleatʻi ahabekumĕ. Erevan: Hayastani GAA Hratarakchʻutʻyun, 1993.

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Tessa, Hofmann, Gesellschaft für Bedrohte Völker, and Prussia (Germany). Landgericht (Berlin : III), eds. Der Völkermord an den Armeniern vor Gericht: Der Prozess Talaat Pascha. 3rd ed. Göttingen: Die Gesellschaft, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Assassination, 1923"

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Heise, Julius. "6.9.2 Assassination of Olympio (1963)." In Postcolonial Studies, 362–65. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839473061-066.

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Kolinsky, Martin. "Assassination and Ideological Conflict." In Law, Order and Riots in Mandatory Palestine, 1928–35, 189–208. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375659_10.

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Calloni, Marina. "Libertà, giustizia, lavoro nel socialismo liberale." In Idee di lavoro e di ozio per la nostra civiltà, 1261–67. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0319-7.144.

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Liberal Socialism was written by Carlo Rosselli during his confinement on the island Lipari, from where he escaped in 1929. In Paris he continued his struggle against fascism until his assassination in 1937 with his brother Nello. Carlo's death impeded the postwar reception of liberal socialism in the affirmation of the communist and catholic parties. Rosselli’s idea of liberty – which referred to the tradition of the Labour Party - was meant as a basic principle for socialism against a centralized conception of the party. For that he was strongly criticized. The paper is aimed at stressing that Rosselli did not undermine the importance of labour towards workers’ struggles. Liberty and labour are not antagonistic principles. They interact in form of moral revolution and social justice. We need to be free to work unexploited.
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Skinner, Kate. "A Different Kind of Union: An Assassination, Diplomatic Recognition, and Competing Visions of African Unity in Ghana-Togo Relations, 1956–1963." In African Histories and Modernities, 23–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52911-6_2.

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Hart, Peter. "Michael Collins and the Assassination of Sir Henry Wilson." In The I.R.A. at War 1916-1923, 194–220. Oxford University PressOxford, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199252589.003.0011.

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Abstract Joe went in a straight line while 1 determined intercept him (Wilson) from entering the door. Joe deliberately levelled his weapon at four yards range an<l fired twice. Wilson made for the dour as best he could and actually reached the doorway when 1 encountered him at a range of seven or eight feet. I fired three shots rapidly, the last om: from the hip, a I took a step forward. Wilson was now uttering short cries and in a doubled up position staggered towards the edge of the pavement. At this point Joe fired once again and the last I saw of him he (Wilson) had collapsed.’
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Met, Philippe Charles. "Do Automatons Have a “Gender”? The Graft of Art and Science." In Artificial Body in the World Intellectual and Artistic Culture, 479–92. A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/978-5-9208-0719-9-479-492.

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The present study examines the intersection of art and science, as well as gender ambiguity, crystallizing in the figure of the artificial creature, from two classic French examples variously adapted to the screen: “The Bloody Doll / The Assassination Machine” (1923/1924) by Gaston Leroux, a novel that became a television mini-series in 1976 thanks to Marcel Cravenne; and “The Hands of Orlac” (1920) by Maurice Renard, brought to the cinema in particular by Robert Wiene (“Orlacs Hände”, 1924) and Karl Freund (“Mad Love”, 1935). Verbal art reacts to scientific and technological progress, which has become the dogma of Enlightenment Europe, by highlighting the tragedy of scientific and technological creativity in culture. Literature and cinema show how the spirit creates monsters (killers, puppets, automatons), shifting the boundaries between the artificial and the natural, the imaginary and the rational. Science fiction transforms gender difference by fetishizing the gender ambiguity of the doll and recalling religious cultural stereotypes.
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Lubin, David. "Kennedy Assassination, Dallas, 1963." In Getting the Picture, 85–87. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003103547-24.

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"Assassination in Berlin, 1921." In Justifying Genocide, 226–33. Harvard University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvjhzrbq.14.

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"ERUPTION, ASSASSINATION (NOVEMBER 1963)." In Island Zombie, 119–20. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv10crcx8.48.

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"Eruption, Assassination (November 1963)." In Island Zombie, 119–20. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691208978-046.

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Conference papers on the topic "Assassination, 1923"

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Đorđević, Miroslav. "LEGITIMITET VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA – IDEALIZAM BEZ REALNOG UPORIŠTA." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.027dj.

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The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (KSHS) of 1921 had for its goal to constitutionalize the organization of the new state, created after the end of the First World War: its organization of government, human and minority rights and freedoms, etc. and also to establish a new nation – the so called "nation with three names" or "three-tribe nation", i.e. – Yugoslavs, as the bearer of the identity of the new state. KSHS was to reconcile not only the nations with different history, mentality and language, but also nations who fought each other fiercely just until a few years back before the adoption of the Vidovdan Constitution. The constitutionalization of a unitary state in which the official language is "Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian" (which as such simply does not exist), ignored clear signals that the essential legitimacy for such state does not exist in a significant part of the country. The analysis of the political activities of the parties, their programs and the election results in the western territories of what was soon to become KSHS (especially in Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia – back then within the Austro-Hungary) shows a distinct anti-Serbian and especially anti-Yugoslav narrative since the middle of the 19th century and the political actions of Ante Starčević, Eugen Kvaternik, later Ivo Pilar and others. It is also clear that such chauvinist, extreme political standpoints, present to a far greater extent to be simply ignored, would turn out to be too much of a burden for the new state and nation, as well as for the Vidovdan Constitution itself, indirectly leading to its infamous end, declaration of dictatorship, assassination of King Alexander Karađorđević and finally the disintegration of the state and horrendous atrocities and genocide against Serbs in the Independent state of Croatia (NDH). In a certain way, the Vidovdan Constitution, due to the shortcomings in its legitimacy, traced the road to hell – paved with good intentions.
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Filgueiras Nunes, Flávio, Cláudio Roberto Santos, Nélson Rezende Júnior, Renata Menezes de Jesus, and Johnny Marcelo Hara. "A VIOLAÇÃO DE DIREITOS INDÍGENAS NO BRASIL E A DECISÃO DA CIDH NO CASO DO POVO XUCURU." In Congresso Brasileiro Online de Direito. Congresse.me, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54265/kwql9184.

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Em 2018, a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos (CIDH) condenou o Brasil pela violação aos direitos do povo indígena Xucuru e seus membros. A subordinação dos Estados a sistemas protetivos de direitos humanos se torna indispensável quando há risco de as instituições internas se mostrarem falhas, omissas ou viciadas. O caso do povo Xucuru foi levado à Corte pela Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos em 2016, após descumpridas as recomendações feitas ao Estado Brasileiro. A análise do caso girou em torno da violação dos direitos de propriedade coletiva desta comunidade indígena, do direito às garantias judiciais e de proteção judicial e dos direitos à integridade pessoal dos Xucuru: todos previstos na Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos e na Declaração da ONU sobre direitos dos povos indígenas. A população indígena dos Xucuru se encontra no município de Pesqueira, agreste de Pernambuco. Como resultado da ineficiência do Brasil em garantir à essa população indígena a demarcação das suas terras frequentemente invadidas por posseiros, inúmeros assassinatos de membros da comunidade indígena e de outras pessoas que os auxiliavam foram cometidos. O objetivo da pesquisa foi analisar a referida decisão da CIDH e verificar a eficiência ou não de decisões do Tribunal Interamericano em casos de violações de direitos humanos de povos indígenas comparativamente a outras duas decisões: o Caso Povo indígena Kichwa de Sarayaku, envolvendo o Equador, com sentença de 2012 e o caso da Comunidade Indígena Xákmok Kásek, envolvendo o Paraguai, em 2010. Destaque-se que outras decisões envolvendo violações a comunidades indígenas foram identificadas a partir da análise minuciosa das decisões da Corte, entretanto, todas as demais estavam fora do período estabelecido para a pesquisa, ou seja, há mais de dez anos contados da decisão do caso Xucuru. A pesquisa foi qualitativa, bibliográfica e documental. Os casos em análise envolvem a violação de propriedade coletiva, com menção expressa nas decisões da Corte aos direitos previstos nos arts. 21 e 25 da Convenção Americana, daí a necessidade de se analisar o direito à propriedade como um dos direitos humanos. Dos Estados envolvidos na pesquisa, o que reconheceu a jurisdição da Corte mais tardiamente foi o Brasil, apenas em 1998. O Paraguai reconheceu a jurisdição da CIDH em 1993 e o Equador em 1984. Considerando a existência de outros casos semelhantes, em decisões anteriores à da sentença que condenou o Brasil, e, principalmente, considerando a eficácia obrigatória dos fundamentos determinantes das decisões da Corte, conforme reconhece o próprio Tribunal Interamericano ao afirmar a força vinculante dos seus precedentes, a violação aos direitos de proteção judicial e de propriedade coletiva dos membros da comunidade indígena Xucuru pelo Brasil corresponde à violação grave que contraria não só os preceitos de jus cogens previstos no Pacto de São José da Costa Rica, mas também contraria o sistema de precedentes da própria Corte. A vinculação aos fundamentos das decisões da Corte Interamericana corrobora a importância dos preceitos da Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos e reforça, indubitavelmente, a autoridade da Corte como órgão de proteção aos direitos humanos. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: DIREITOS HUMANOS, INDÍGENAS, SISTEMA AMERICANO PROTETIVO
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