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Journal articles on the topic 'Assange, Julian'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 July 2024

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1

Olmos, Emilio, and Javier Avila. "Julian Assange: ¿transparencia invertida?" CIC. Cuadernos de Información y Comunicación 26 (June 17, 2021): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/ciyc.75815.

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En un hecho inusitado, el 11 de abril del 2019, el presidente ecuatoriano, Lenín Moreno, decidió retirar el asilo político al fundador de WikiLeaks: Julian Assange. A raíz de este hecho, se analizan los reajustes políticos globales que esto trajo consigo, inicialmente se hace un análisis del perfil de Julian Assange y WikiLeaks, posteriormente se expone el contexto del Estado en el Ecuador, con ello, ubicamos el problema político de la transparencia. Se integran en el análisis los modelos, sobre todo, de Biopolítica en Michel Foucault y de Psicopolítica en Byung-Chul Han, para entender, el escenario neoliberal contemporáneo, así como proyecciones para una realidad política futura.

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2

Glass, Robert L. "All About Julian Assange." Information Systems Management 29, no. 2 (March 2012): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10580530.2012.662108.

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3

Luther, Catherine A., and Ivanka Radovic. "Newspapers Frame Julian Assange Differently." Newspaper Research Journal 35, no. 1 (January 2014): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/073953291403500106.

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4

Cohen, David, and Julian Assange. "Julian Assange: The end of secrets?" New Scientist 207, no. 2773 (August 2010): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(10)61977-x.

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5

Guzik, Barbara. "Azyl dyplomatyczny jako instytucja właściwa dla krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej na przykładzie sprawy Juliana Assange'a." Ameryka Łacińska. Kwartalnik analityczno-informacyjny, no. 102 (2018): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.36551/20811152.2018.102.02.

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Julian Assange, założyciel portalu WikiLeaks, w dniu 19 czerwca 2012 r. wszedł do Ambasady Ekwadoru w Londynie i jednocześnie wystąpił do rządu ekwadorskiego o udzieleniu mu azylu dyplomatycznego. Starania o azyl miały zapobiec ekstradycji Assange’a do Szwecji, gdzie był poszukiwany w związku z zarzutami o molestowanie seksualne i gwałt. Assange obawiał się, że ekstradycja do Szwecji pociągnie za sobą ekstradycję do Stanów Zjednoczonych w związku z zarzutami związanymi z działalnością WikiLeaks. W oparciu o wyżej przedstawiony stan faktyczny, w niniejszym artykule przeprowadzona zostanie analiza kwestii prawnych związanych z udzieleniem azylu dyplomatycznego, a w szczególności zostanie wyjaśnione, czym jest azyl dyplomatyczny oraz jakie są jego podstawy prawne w prawie międzynarodowym. Celem artykułu jest również wskazanie, iż udzielanie azylu dyplomatycznego jest praktyką specyficzną dla krajów Ameryki Łacińskiej, co znajduje oparcie w traktatach wielostronnych tychże państw - jedynych takich umowach na świecie regulujących azyl dyplomatyczny w formie traktatowej. Omówione zostaną również postanowienia tychże traktatów.

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6

Guerlain, Pierre. "Julian Assange pourchassé pour crime de journalisme." Recherches Internationales 115, no. 1 (2019): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rint.2019.1695.

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7

Jacob, Wallace. "Julian Assange (2011). Julian Assange The Unauthorised Autobiography, Canongate, Great Britain. Price: £14.99; Pages 343, Softbound, ISBN: 9780857863850." Metamorphosis: A Journal of Management Research 11, no. 2 (July 2012): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972622520120208.

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8

Harrington, Carol. "Feminist Killjoys and Women Scorned: An Analysis of News and Commentary on the Sexual Violence Allegations Against Julian Assange." Feminist Criminology 13, no. 1 (April 27, 2016): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557085116646194.

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This article examines digital media debate over sexual violence by analyzing news reports and reader comments on the rape allegations against WikiLeaks founder, Julian Assange. Through analysis of the Guardian and New York Times, the article shows how this case became a flash-point for debate about feminist constructions of sexual violence. News reports amplified Assange’s defense that the allegations stemmed from feminist influence on Swedish law and would not be criminalized in England, provoking feminist and anti-feminist commentary. Thus, this article illuminates the salience of feminist constructions of sexual violence for digital news and points to broader social contestation over the meaning of rape fostered by digital media.

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9

Spence, Edward H. "Government Secrecy, the Ethics of Wikileaks, and the Fifth Estate." International Review of Information Ethics 17 (July 1, 2012): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/irie214.

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This paper aims to systematically explore and provide answers to the following key questions: When is government secrecy justified? In a conflict between government secrecy and the public’s right to be informed on matters of public interest, which ought to take priority? Is Julian Assange a journalist and what justifies his role as a journalist? Even if Julian Assange is a journalist of the new media, was he justified in disseminating classified information to the public? Who decides what is in “the public interest”? Is it only journalists of the Fourth Estate who decide that or also journalists of the Fifth Estate (new media)? This paper will answer the aforementioned questions by arguing that the media in the form of both the Fourth and Fifth Estates should inform the public on matters of public interest truthfully and ethically, even if sometimes they have to breach government secrecy.

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10

Boenisch, Gilles. "Julian Assange, Jacob Appelbaum, Andy Müller-Maguhn, Jérémie." Questions de communication, no. 24 (December 31, 2013): 308–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/questionsdecommunication.8830.

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11

Frost, Stephen, Lissa Johnson, Jill Stein, and William Frost. "End torture and medical neglect of Julian Assange." Lancet 395, no. 10226 (March 2020): e44-e45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(20)30383-4.

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12

Larrea Naranjo, Carlos Alberto. "Enfoque de la detención de Julian Assange abordada por la prensa digital de tres continentes." #PerDebate 5, no. 1 (November 12, 2021): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18272/pd.v5i1.2256.

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Este artículo investigó el tratamiento informativo que tuvo la detención de Julian Assange luego de que el presidente de Ecuador, Lenin Moreno, le retirara el asilo político. Analizó las ediciones digitales de los diarios Komsomolskaya Pravda, El País, The New York Times y The Sun. Empleó una metodología mixta (cualitativa y cuantitativa); mediante la revisión documental recogió la información relacionada, determinando como muestra 88 contenidos. La sustentación teórica está en medios de comunicación y autores expertos. Los resultados evidencian un medio a favor de Assange, uno en contra y dos que se acercan a la imparcialidad.

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13

DEN HEIJER, MAARTEN. "Diplomatic Asylum and the Assange Case." Leiden Journal of International Law 26, no. 2 (May 3, 2013): 399–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000095.

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AbstractThis article traces the place and development of diplomatic asylum in international law in close connection with the more specific questions raised by the case of Julian Assange, who was granted asylum in the Ecuador embassy in London on 16 August 2012. After discussing the historical rise and decline of diplomatic asylum, the article reviews the current status of diplomatic asylum in international law and its implications for the triangular legal relationship between the United Kingdom, Ecuador, and Mr Assange. The article submits that, although there would not seem to be a title in general international law or human rights law for Ecuador to grant asylum to Assange, there is no obvious legal route for the United Kingdom to terminate the asylum. The fate of Assange resembles that of a long series of historical precedents where diplomatic asylum resulted in protracted stays. Although this may seem an unsatisfactory result from the perspective of international law, the uneasy balance between territorial sovereignty and diplomatic inviolability also engenders incentives to avoid disputes or to resolve them through diplomatic channels.

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14

Barbosa, Carlos Eduardo, and Thiago César da Costa Carneiro. "O silenciamento (do) político de Julian Assange na mídia nacional." Letras & Letras 36, no. 1 (June 27, 2020): 80–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/ll63-v36n1-2020-5.

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Após sete anos em asilo político na embaixada do Equador, em Londres, Julian Assange – fundador do WikiLeaks – foi preso no dia 11 de abril de 2019. Acusado como criminoso desde 2010, o ativista estamparia mais uma vez os jornais de todo o mundo. Dessa forma, propomos uma análise discursiva das matérias referentes ao dia de sua prisão no meio jornalístico nacional, explorando questões como o silenciamento e as formações imaginárias acerca da figura de Assange. O que percebemos é o silenciamento (do) político no discurso midiático, (re)configurando a imagem do capital e do político. Para tanto, usamos da Análise do Discurso pecheuxtiana, na qual o discurso é entendido como “efeito de sentido entre interlocutores” (PÊCHEUX, 2014). Mobilizamos, ainda, as noções de silenciamento (ORLANDI, 2007), formações imaginárias (PÊCHEUX, 2014) e a representação do político (CORTEN, 1999; CAZARIN, 2004), buscando compreender o espaço virtual e o capital como reguladores de sentidos.

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15

Parreño-Rivera, Mauricio, and Diego Coca-Chanalata. "Derecho al asilo y la responsabilidad del estado ecuatoriano: caso de estudio Julián Assange." 593 Digital Publisher CEIT 7, no. 5-1 (September 25, 2022): 483–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.33386/593dp.2022.5-1.1388.

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El asilo es una entidad de protección universal en los derechos humanos, cuyo origen moderno se encuentra en el derecho interamericano, pero su alcance es universal, en virtud de los principios de no devolución, de igual protección de la ley y de no discriminación. En América Latina, el derecho de asilo es, por tanto, un derecho humano reconocido como tal en la declaración americana de derechos y deberes del hombre, de 1948; en la Convención Americana de derechos humanos, de 1969; y, en la Convención de Caracas sobre Asilo Diplomático, de 1954, y en otros instrumentos regionales suscritos por el estado ecuatoriano a lo largo del siglo XX y desde finales del siglo XIX. El estado ecuatoriano, mediante declaración de asilo, de 16 de agosto de 2012, reconoció el derecho del señor Julián Assange de buscar, recibir y gozar del asilo en cualquier país luego de considerar justificados sus fundados temores de encontrarse enfrentando una amenaza real y potencial persecución políticamente motivada por haber reivindicado los derechos de libertad de expresión e información. Ajustándose a esta norma de derecho internacional, el Ecuador decidió reconocer la nacionalidad ecuatoriana al señor Julián Assange, otorgándole carta de naturalización, teniendo presente que la constitución ecuatoriana proclama ciertos principios de movilidad humana que no pueden dejar de invocarse en este caso de asilo, tales son los principios de ciudadanía universal y de la supresión paulatina de la condición de extranjero, derechos que están garantizados por nuestra constitución. Conforme a este antecedente, el señor Julian Assange, obtuvo la nacionalidad ecuatoriana y con ello adquirió derechos frente al Estado Ecuatoriano, así como obligaciones ante el mismo. Posteriormente, cuando el Estado de manera unilateral y sin establecer el procedimiento adecuado, le retiró la nacionalidad, genero varios conflictos jurídicos, entre ellos se vulneró el debido proceso, la seguridad jurídica del ciudadano; ya que, para retirarle la nacionalidad, en primer lugar, se debía declarar lesivo el acto que origino este derecho, mediante el recurso de lesividad y por medio de un proceso ante el tribunal contencioso administrativo. Finalmente, se analiza el proceso de otorgamiento de la carta de naturalización por parte del estado Ecuatoriano a favor de Julian Assange como un derecho adquirido, su conexión con el derecho a la identidad y la veracidad sobre la responsabilidad que tuvo Ecuador al tomar decisiones frente a una persona asilada y posterior naturalizado como ecuatoriano; mediante el desarrollo de un método de investigación jurisprudencipartir de una investigación descriptiva explicativa con un enfoque cualitativo para llegar a las conclusiones sobre este caso.

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16

Da Silva, Alexandre Pereira. "O CASO DO ASILO DIPLOMÁTICO DE JULIAN ASSANGE: TRÊS ANOS DEPOIS." RFD- Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UERJ, no. 30 (December 12, 2016): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rfd.2016.18388.

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O objetivo do artigo é analisar o caso do asilo diplomático de Julian Assange, concedido pelo governo do Equador em sua representação diplomática no Reino Unido. Em razão da controvérsia criada entre os dois Estados sobre o reconhecimento desta modalidade de asilo no Direito Internacional, surgiu um impasse entre as duas posições, que consiste em que o Equador rejeite entregar Assange às autoridades britânicas para cumprimento da ordem de extradição, enquanto o Reino Unido recusa-se a expedir o salvo-conduto para que o australiano possa deixar a embaixada com garantias de que não será preso. O presente trabalho, portanto, examina as posições dos dois Estados desde o início do caso há mais de três anos atrás, passando pelos desdobramentos subsequentes e as possíveis soluções para a situação em tela, até o momento atual, em que a situação parece ainda longe do fim.DOI: 10.12957/rfd.2016.18388

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17

Ricketson, Matthew. "REVIEW: Julian Assange: Persecuted and abused for exposing dirty secrets of the powerful." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 28, no. 1 & 2 (July 31, 2022): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v28i1and2.1260.

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The Trial of Julian Assange: A Story of Persecution, by Nils Melzer. Brooklyn, NY: Verso. 2022, 368 pages. ISBN 9781839766220 IT IS easy to forget why Julian Assange has been on trial in England for, well, seemingly forever. Didn’t he allegedly sexually assault two women in Sweden? Isn’t that why he holed up for years in the Ecuadorian embassy in London to avoid facing charges? When the bobbies finally dragged him out of the embassy, didn’t his dishevelled appearance confirm all those stories about his lousy personal hygiene? Didn’t he persuade Chelsea (formerly Bradley) Manning to hack into the United States military’s computers to reveal national security matters that endangered the lives of American soldiers and intelligence agents? He says he is a journalist, but hasn’t The New York Times made it clear he is just a ‘source’ and not a publisher entitled to First Amendment protection? If you answered yes to any or all of these questions, you are not alone. But the answers are actually no. At very least, it’s more complicated than that.

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18

Kampmark, Binoy. "Julian Assange, the UN and the limits of Detention." Theory in Action 11, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 57–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.1804.

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19

Hogan, William, Stephen Frost, Lissa Johnson, Thomas G. Schulze, E. Anthony S. Nelson, and William Frost. "The ongoing torture and medical neglect of Julian Assange." Lancet 396, no. 10243 (July 2020): 22–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(20)31444-6.

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20

Narváez, Galo. "El australiano y yo, una novela sobre Julian Assange." Kipus: Revista Andina de Letras y Estudios Culturales, no. 56 (June 28, 2024): 187–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.32719/13900102.2024.56.11.

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21

Sangarasivam, Yamuna. "Cyber Rebellion: Bradley Manning, WikiLeaks, and the Struggle to Break the Power of Secrecy in the Global War on Terror." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 12, no. 1-2 (2013): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341243.

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AbstractFollowing the release of thousands of diplomatic cables which revealed the human rights abuses and networks of corruption that sustain the US-sponsored global war on terror, the US Justice Department has invoked the 1917 Espionage Act to indict both Bradley Manning, the US soldier who released the classified documents to WikiLeaks, and Julian Assange, the editor and publisher of WikiLeaks. While censorship serves as an economic signal, as Assange asserts, how does the torture and prosecution of Pvt. Bradley Manning serve as a cultural signal which reveals the lessons of a patriotism that promotes a dystopic democracy? This article examines the spatio-temporal predicament of secrecy, surveillance, and censorship in the face of cyber rebellion.

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22

Richardson, Nick. "The Trial of Julian Assange: A Story of Persecution, Nils Melzer and Oliver Kobold (2022)." Australian Journalism Review 44, no. 2 (November 1, 2022): 274–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajr_00112_5.

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Review of: The Trial of Julian Assange: A Story of Persecution, Nils Melzer and Oliver Kobold (2022) London: Verso Books, 354 pp., ISBN 978-1-83976-622-0, h/bk, AUD 39.99 ISBN 978-1-83976-625-1, US e-book, USD 8.99 ISBN 978-1-83976-624-4, UK e-book, GBP 12.00

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23

Cook, Jonathan. "War on Palestine: How the fates of Gaza and Julian Assange are sealed together." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 30, no. 1and2 (June 1, 2024): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v30i1and2.1345.

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Commentary: Were they being properly reported, two critically important court hearings in February 2024, in London and The Hague, would expose the US ‘rules-based order’ as a hollow sham. Both posed globe-spanning threats to our most basic freedoms. Neither received more than perfunctory coverage in Western establishment media such as the BBC. One was a week-long hearing by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over a United Nations General Assembly request for an advisory opinion over Israel’s illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories and the other was a last-ditch appeal of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange against efforts by the United States to extradite him so that he can be locked away for the rest of his life. EDITORIAL NOTE: After the editorial of Pacific Journalism Review and the lead article in this edition (Vol 30, No 1&2) about the fate of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange were printed, the Australian journalist was set free and he arrived back in Australia after a plea bargain. The winner of his country’s Walkley Award for journalism excellence, Assange was freed by a US federal court in Saipan, Northern Mariana Islands, on 26 June 2024 after a plea bargain to plead guilty to one charge of violating the US Espionage Act and the judge sentenced him to 62 months, jail time already served in the UK on remand. His 14-year struggle for freedom was over, but his lawyers say they will press for a full US presidential pardon.

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24

Cook, Jonathan. "War on Palestine: How the fates of Gaza and Julian Assange are sealed together." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 30, no. 1 & 2 (June 1, 2024): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v30i1.1345.

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Commentary: Were they being properly reported, two critically important court hearings in February 2024, in London and The Hague, would expose the US ‘rules-based order’ as a hollow sham. Both posed globe-spanning threats to our most basic freedoms. Neither received more than perfunctory coverage in Western establishment media such as the BBC. One was a week-long hearing by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) over a United Nations General Assembly request for an advisory opinion over Israel’s illegal occupation of the Palestinian territories and the other was a last-ditch appeal of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange against efforts by the United States to extradite him so that he can be locked away for the rest of his life. EDITORIAL NOTE: After the editorial of Pacific Journalism Review and the lead article in this edition (Vol 30, No 1&2) about the fate of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange were printed, the Australian journalist was set free and he arrived back in Australia after a plea bargain. The winner of his country’s Walkley Award for journalism excellence, Assange was freed by a US federal court in Saipan, Northern Mariana Islands, on 26 June 2024 after a plea bargain to plead guilty to one charge of violating the US Espionage Act and the judge sentenced him to 62 months, jail time already served in the UK on remand. His 14-year struggle for freedom was over, but his lawyers say they will press for a full US presidential pardon.

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25

Roy, Rianka. "Digital Dissent on WikiLeaks." Glimpse 20 (2019): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/glimpse2019209.

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This paper is a review of WikiLeaks—a prominent name in digital dissent. It was founded by Julian Assange in 2006. Since its inception, the organization has been exposing classified state and corporate documents on its website to common users of the Internet. Anonymous whistleblowers provide WikiLeaks with content. It creates a new methodology of uniting digital media and journalism. It uses information in an unprecedented way to reveal state and corporate transgressions. This paper analyses how WikiLeaks contributes to information-based capitalism. While the site is a commendable venture to reveal state and corporate secrets, WikiLeaks is not free from its flaws. This paper critiques the way Assange robs whistleblowers of their identities and voices and presents himself as a surrogate hero.

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26

Ross, Gary. "Espionage, the First Amendment, and the Case Against Julian Assange." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 33, no. 4 (February 25, 2020): 747–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2020.1716431.

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27

Ambos, Kai. "El caso de Julian Assange: orden de detención europea versus asilo diplomático." Nuevo Foro Penal 9, no. 81 (March 20, 2015): 116–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/nfp.9.81.4.

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En este artículo el autor da cuenta de la situación jurídica de Julian Assange luego del pedido en extradición realizado por el gobierno sueco, acorde a las disposiciones generales del derecho internacional y, específicamente, las que refieren a las normas de la comunidad Europea. Así mismo, analiza las posibles soluciones para terminar con el asilo del mismo en la embajada ecuatoriana, y las consecuencias que las mismas podrían representar

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28

Attenborough, Frederick. "Rape is rape (except when it’s not)." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 2, no. 2 (October 28, 2014): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.2.2.01att.

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This article contributes to a body of research in which media reports of violence against women are analysed for the ways they gloss precisely what it is that constitutes ‘violence against women’ in the event under report. To catch this glossing in flight, as it were, mediated reports of violence are conceptualised as recontextualisations; that is, reports that may differ in rhetorically consequential ways from those provided by victims of, or witnesses to, that violence. A mediated stylistic analysis of press reportage of the charges of rape made against Julian Assange, the founder of WikiLeaks, in 2010, subsequently shows that and how Assange’s allegedly violent actions were recontextualised such that their status as violent was readably downgraded, mitigated or even deleted. The article ends by calling for more attention to be paid to the various techniques of recontextualisation via which reports of violence against women are presented in the media.

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29

Gutiérrez Almazor, Miren. "WikiLeaks: un debate necesario para el periodismo y la libertad de prensa." Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales 18, no. 2 (May 4, 2021): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/tekn.74189.

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Se trata de la sinopsis de dos coloquios sobre la libertad de prensa, WikiLeaks y el proceso contra su fundador, Julian Assange, con diez expertos y expertas en periodismo de investigación, filtradores y filtradoras, y personas cercanas a este. Las ideas que surgieron del debate se centran en el impacto de WikiLeaks, que inauguró un modelo pionero de periodismo y puso encima de la mesa nuevos debates sobre la libertad de expresión y la protección de los filtradores que arriesgan sus vidas para exponer crímenes y manipulación. Asimismo, se habló de relevancia del ‘caso Assange’ para el periodismo. Tres asuntos preocupan a los y las expertas reunidas en estos coloquios: el acceso a los datos de forma directa y sin adulterar por parte de la ciudadanía, la posibilidad de ejercer el periodismo de investigación sin impedimentos y el amparo del derecho a filtrar datos relevantes.

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30

Grohmann, Rafael. "Novos dispositivos de comunicação e censura: internet, vigilância e controle no capitalismo atual." Paradoxos 1, no. 1 (September 26, 2018): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/par-v1n1-2016-41627.

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O artigo propõe a reflexão sobre os novos dispositivos de comunicação e censura na contemporaneidade. Para tanto, apresenta: a) um panorama sobre a "censura clássica" ou "de Estado"; b) as mudanças ocorridas desde os anos 1990 no capitalismo e na comunicação; c) as conceituações de vigilância e do controle a partir de Foucault e Deleuze; d) como podemos pensar os novos dispositivos de comunicação e censura na Internet a partir de dois autores atuais: Julian Assange e Christian Fuchs.

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31

Christensen, Christian. "The links that bind: WikiLeaks, Twitter, and the Julian Assange case." Popular Communication 14, no. 4 (October 2016): 224–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2016.1234268.

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32

Kipnis, Laura. "Leaking All over the Page." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 4 (October 2011): 1085–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.4.1085.

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“We were warned to expect ‘dirty tricks,‘” he tweeted. “now we have the first one.” He'd been set up, he told reporters. His lawyer attributed the allegations to “dark forces,” part of a “greater plan” to discredit him (Harnden). The “we” (and “he”) in question was Julian Assange, a thirty-nine-year-old Australian and founder of the guerrilla media organization WikiLeaks, which dedicates itself to embarrassing governments and corporations through strategic leaks of classified and secret documents to the media. Assange has yet to be formally charged with anything, although he's currently under house arrest at the English country estate of one of his supporters and facing extradition to Sweden after allegedly sexually assaulting two women there. The women, both WikiLeaks supporters, did consent to have sex with him, but apparently not the kind of sex he had in mind. As one of them put it, “Not only was it the worst screw of my life, it was also violent” (qtd. in Davies).

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Christofoletti, Rogério. "Ethical Risks, Informers, Whistleblowers, Leaks and Clamor for Transparency." Brazilian Journalism Research 12, no. 2 (August 28, 2016): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.25200/bjr.v12n2.2016.889.

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Leaks and whistleblowers have been increasingly used for the production of large media coverage. Characters like Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning, Julian Assange and informers of “Operation Car Wash” in Brazil have become not only useful for the process of transparency and accountability, but also signal traps to reporters and newsrooms. In this article, I present the concept of Ethical Risk and I list a number of its forms in contemporary journalistic production, driven by WikiLeaks, Panama Papers and transformations of democratic societies

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Saunders, Edward. "Celebrity, Scriptedness and Alleged Sexual Violence in Ghost-Written Autobiographies by Julian Assange and Samantha Geimer." European Journal of Life Writing 4 (May 2, 2015): VC85—VC107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5463/ejlw.4.159.

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This article explores issues relating to the way scripts of sexual violence are employed or rejected in auto/biographical writing. It addresses ghost-written autobiographical responses to two famously unresolved cases of alleged male–female rape: those of Julian Assange and Roman Polanski. In both cases, the alleged perpetrator was a famous man and the allegation of rape has not conclusively been proven in court. The article looks at rape as a narratological problem beyond the definition or symbolic meaning of the crime, and contrasts the narration from the perspective of an alleged perpetrator (Assange) with that of a victim (Samantha Geimer), addressing the way the act of sexual violence becomes a point of orientation in the lives of both – perhaps disproportionately so. In both cases, the management of the autobiographical account through the use of ghost-writers focuses attention on the constructed nature of the life narrative. In cases relating to famous men, reflecting the impact of media reporting is a necessary counterpart to the consideration of the auto/biographical text. This article was submitted to the European Journal of Life Writing on 7 July 2014 and published on 2 May 2015.

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Zanola, Gisele, and Otto Sanchez-Crespo da Rosa. "Tecnologias da informação e da comunicação, vigilância e neoliberalismo." Primeiros Escritos 11 (April 1, 2021): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2594-5920.primeirosescritos.2021.180684.

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Em vista da discussão acerca da legitimidade do emprego de tecnologias de vigilância em massa no combate à pandemia do novo coronavírus, este artigo pretende investigar aquilo que, no fenômeno da vigilância, não é fruto de seu uso contextual, mas decorre da própria estrutura da produção e do consumo das Tecnologias da informação e comunicação, como argumenta Julian Assange. Nossa exposição considera que essas tecnologias operam segundo a racionalidade do neoliberalismo, entendida aqui no sentido de Dardot e Laval, enquanto expansão da lógica de mercado para todos os âmbitos da vida.

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Arnell, Paul, and Andrew Forrester. "Extradition and mental health in the spotlight ‐ The case of Julian Assange." Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health 31, no. 2 (April 2021): 77–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/cbm.2195.

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Touchton, Michael R., Casey A. Klofstad, Jonathan P. West, and Joseph E. Uscinski. "Whistleblowing or leaking? Public opinion toward Assange, Manning, and Snowden." Research & Politics 7, no. 1 (January 2020): 205316802090458. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020904582.

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The release of classified documents through outlets like WikiLeaks has transformed American politics by shedding light on the innerworkings of governments, parties, and corporations. The high-profile criminal cases associated with such releases – those of Julian Assange, Chelsea Manning, and Edward Snowden – have highlighted important questions about journalism, government secrecy, and the public’s “right to know.” Scholars have focused on the journalistic and legalistic implications but have yet to explore how the public views those who release classified materials, and what factors affect those views. Using data from the 2018 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we provide results from three embedded experiments testing the effects of two forms of framing on favorability ratings toward Assange, Manning, and Snowden. The first frame addresses partisanship (i.e., which party is injured by the release) and the second addresses how the action is framed (i.e., did the person “leak” or “blow the whistle”). The data show that both the party and leaking/whistleblowing frames significantly affect favorability in expected ways. The release of classified materials comes with both costs and benefits, but public opinion appears to be more sensitive to its implications for partisan competition.

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Poier, Salvatore. "Fughe di notizie, trasparenza e potere. A proposito di Wikileaks." SOCIOLOGIA DEL DIRITTO, no. 1 (July 2011): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sd2011-001005.

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In questo articolo cercherň di dimostrare come il caso Wikileaks - e il suo fondatore e portavoce Julian Assange - usi il tema della sicurezza delle informazioni in Rete per creare quella che definisco qui unadi potere. Attivando il sospetto e la paranoia, Wikileaks cerca di assestare la propria credibilitŕ e legittimitŕ nel pubblico, senza perň fornire alcuna certezza sulla propria giustezza ed equitŕ. Questo non solo crea un certo scetticismo - di per sé un valore rilevante nel rapporto con l'autoritŕ - ma piuttosto spinge ad un antagonismo verso l'autoritŕ costituita solo al fine di legittimarne una, raggiungendo il paradossale risultato di mettere a rischio la libertŕ di informazione.

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Bruns, Axel. "Towards Distributed Citizen Participation: Lessons from WikiLeaks and the Queensland Floods." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 4, no. 2 (December 19, 2012): 142–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v4i2.135.

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This paper examines the rapid and ad hoc development and interactions of participative citizen communities during acute events, using the examples of the 2011 floods in Queensland, Australia, and the global controversy surrounding Wikileaks and its spokesman, Julian Assange. The self-organising community responses to such events which can be observed in these cases bypass or leapfrog, at least temporarily, most organisational or administrative hurdles which may otherwise frustrate the establishment of online communities; they fast-track the processes of community development and structuration. By understanding them as a form of rapid prototyping, e-democracy initiatives can draw important lessons from observing the community activities around such acute events.

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Scariot Esquivel, Nelson. "¿Qué es la cultura hacker?" Question/Cuestión 3, no. 71 (May 10, 2022): E660. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/16696581e660.

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¿Qué motiva el comportamiento de Anonymous y Hacktivistas? ¿Por qué Edward Snowden denunció los planes de vigilancia masiva de la Agencia Central de Inteligencia (CIA) y de la Agencia de Seguridad Nacional (NSA) de los Estados Unidos? ¿Bajo qué convicciones Julian Assange creó Wikileaks? En efecto, el siguiente artículo - basado en el segundo capítulo de mi tesina de grado La cultura hacker como filosofía de vida en la era del capitalismo cibernético. Una aproximación al caso en Mendoza – busca dar respuestas a estas preguntas. Para responderlas es preciso comprender los valores, la ética y las acciones que dan vida a la cultura hacker, tanto a nivel internacional como en la provincia de Mendoza.

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Oliveira, Caio Guimarães. "Securitizar para controlar." Revista de Iniciação Científica em Relações Internacionais 7, no. 13 (May 19, 2020): 36–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22478/ufpb.2318-9452.2020v7n13.49233.

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A Wikileaks realizou diversos vazamentos de documentos confidenciais de Estados e empresas desde sua criação, em 2006, por Julian Assange. Esses vazamentos geraram repercussões que possuem potencial desestabilizador no Sistema Internacional podendo levar a mudanças. Como aporte teórico utilizaremos a teoria da Securitização para analisar se houve alguma campanha no sentido de comprometer a atuação da Wikileaks perpetrada pelo ator mais interessado na manutenção do status quo internacional, os Estados Unidos. Essa investigação se baseia na análise do discurso de pessoas ligadas ao governo dos Estados Unidos e da mídia. Ao verificarmos que essas falas demonstram a Wikileaks como uma ameaça existencial para os Estados Unidos, concluímos que a organização sofreu um processo de securitização.

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Chernenko, Julia A. "Three faces of Trickster in modern politics: Donald Trump, Alexey Navalny and Julian Assange." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 756–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-4-756-764.

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Concerning current situation and media ecology actors of political communication should be fl exible to adapt their PR strategies to the fl uid agenda and mosaic thinking of their audience. The following article aims to describe one of the most multi-faceted archetypes used in political communications - the archetype of Trickster. Using the method of case study, the author argues that concerning information society and digital culture Trickster gains better opportunities to hold a successful PR campaign and to build a solid political image. The author describes the following archetype with the address to three fi gures of international and Russian politics that appear in agenda in 2010-2018: Donald Trump, Alexey Navalny, and Julian Assange. Using the notions of narrative politics and theory of archetypes, the author concludes vast potential of Trickster archetype in modern political communications, that can be even stronger than the traditional images of Hero or Wise Ruler. The author assumes that Trickster fi gure in modern politics became wider than classical image of Fool and Jester and now is also widely used in the aspects of “noble thug” and Shaman.

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Kirtley, Jane E. "A “Clear and Present Danger”: The Indictment of Julian Assange and the First Amendment." Journalism & Communication Monographs 21, no. 3 (August 5, 2019): 269–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1522637919859595.

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Nocetti, Julien. "WHEN GOOGLE MET WIKILEAKS, Julian Assange, New York/Londres, OR Books, 2014, 223 pages." Politique étrangère Automne, no. 3 (July 24, 2015): XVII. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/pe.153.0196q.

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Lehtinen, Virpi. "Luce Irigaray on Love and Political Behavior: Reading Enrico Berlinguer and the Julian Assange Affair." L'Esprit Créateur 52, no. 3 (2012): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esp.2012.0036.

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Santander-Moreno, Jessica Johanna, Pablo Miguel Vaca-Acosta, Fernando-De-Jesús Castro-Sánchez, and Patricio Secaira-Durango. "Revocatoria de los actos administrativos favorables y el procedimiento de lesividad en la legislación ecuatoriana." IUSTITIA SOCIALIS 7, no. 2 (November 26, 2022): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35381/racji.v7i2.2000.

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Se tiene por objetivo analizar la revocatoria de los actos administrativos favorables y el procedimiento de lesividad en la legislación ecuatoriana. De tipo descriptiva documental con diseño bibliográfico. En el caso de Julian Assange se evidencia la brecha que existe entre las dos instancias de la lesividad, porque la declaratoria de lesividad puede surtir efectos jurídicos, y tranquilamente en posterioridad se puede acudir a la fase judicial, cuando la normativa específicamente menciona las dos fases para poder concluir con la revocatoria del acto. Se considera necesario que se regule expresamente el procedimiento de lesividad en el país, con relación al proceso en sede administrativa al acto declaratorio de lesividad, y el proceso de aquellos efectos inmediatos cuando un acto se declarará lesivo en sede judicial, porque esta institución jurídica no cuenta con un desarrollo normativo en su totalidad.

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Anderson, Patrick D. "On Moderate and Radical Government Whistleblowing: Edward Snowden and Julian Assange as Theorists of Whistleblowing Ethics." Journal of Media Ethics 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2022): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23736992.2021.2014847.

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Galibina-Lebedeva, Elena. "Julian Assange persecution as a reflection of Ecuador's financial dependence on the United States." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 9 (2019): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0006153-7.

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Jutel, Olivier. "Affective Media, Cyberlibertarianism and the New Zealand Internet Party." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 15, no. 1 (March 27, 2017): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v15i1.781.

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The New Zealand Internet Party tested key notions of affective media politics. Embracing techno-solutionism and the hacker politics of disruption, Kim Dotcom’s party attempted to mobilize the digital natives through an irreverent politics of lulz. While an electoral failure the party’s political discourse offers insights into affective media ontology. The social character of affective media creates the political conditions for an antagonistic political discourse. In this case affective identification in the master signifier “The Internet” creates a community of enjoyment threatened by the enemy of state surveillance as an agent of rapacious jouissance. The Internet Party’s politics of lulz was cast as a left-wing techno-fix to democracy, but this rhetoric belied a politics of cyberlibertarianism. Dotcom’s political intervention attempted to conflate his private interests as a battle that elevates him to the status of cyberlibertarian super-hero in the mold of Edward Snowden or Julian Assange.

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Paradela López, Miguel, and Alexandra Jima González. "La evolución de la política exterior ecuatoriana durante el Siglo XXI: Análisis desde la teoría del Realismo Periférico." UNISCI Journal 21, no. 61 (January 15, 2023): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.31439/unisci-162.

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El presente artículo analiza la evolución de la política exterior ecuatoriana durante los gobiernos de Rafael Correa, Lenín Moreno y Guillermo Lasso a la luz de los postulados teóricos del Realismo Periférico, que sostienen que los pequeños y medianos Estados deben desarrollar una política de colaboración con las grandes potencias y reducir su oposición a aquellos eventos que directamente afectan a los intereses de sus nacionales. Para ello, se analizan momentos clave de cada uno de los siguientes gobiernos, incluyendo el cierre de la Base de Manta, la relación con el FMI, la entrega de Julian Assange o la compra de vacunas contra el Covid-19. El artículo concluye mostrando cómo los tres presidentes desarrollaron estrategias que no maximizaron los intereses ecuatorianos, en tanto que alternaron gobiernos donde el enfrentamiento con las grandes potencias fue generalizado con gobiernos que priorizaron el acercamiento con estos a costa de los intereses nacionales.

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