Academic literature on the topic 'Asia, Southeastern – Foreign relations – Great Britain'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Asia, Southeastern – Foreign relations – Great Britain.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Asia, Southeastern – Foreign relations – Great Britain"
1
Vietrynskyi, I. "Australian Foreign Policy during the World War II." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-3.
Full textAbstract:
The article is related to the establishment of Australian foreign policy tradition and becoming of Australia as a subject of international relations. The significant role of the dominions during First World War Great and their help for Great Britain victory, intensified their struggle for independence. As the result of long-term efforts, dominions reached the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration in 1926 by London, which was later confirmed by the Statute of Westminster (1931), which established the authority for dominions for an independent foreign policy. The development of Australian foreign policy before and during World War II was analyzed. The evolution of the relations of the Australia and Great Britain in the context of the events of the World War II is traced, in particular the peculiarities of the allied relations of the two countries. There is shown the regional dimension of the World War II within the Asia-Pacific region, in the context of Australia and the United States actions against Japanese aggression. There are analyzed the peculiarities of external threats effect on the transformation of the Australian foreign policy strategy, in particular in the national security sphere. The main threat for Australia in that period become Japanise aggressive and expansionist policy in the Asia-Pacific region. A lot of Australian soldiers and military equipment were sent to Great Britain to support traditional allie. But in actual strategic situation in Europe there were great doubts that British troops and the navy would be able to effectively help Australians in case of an attack by Japan. Politics of national security and defense of Australia in the context of its participation in World War II is considered. In the conditions of real threat of Japanese invasion, as well as the lack of sure to receive necessary support from Great Britain, the Australian government start to find a military alliance with the USA. There were identified the key implications of World War II for Australian socio-economic system.
2
Bayly, C. A. "South Asia and the ‘Great Divergence’." Itinerario 24, no. 3-4 (November 2000): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300014510.
Full textAbstract:
Indian nationalism was born out of the notion that India's poverty and backwardness was not a natural result of technical inferiority or inefficient use of resources, but that it was a consequence of colonial rule. Even before the development of scientific nationalist economics in the 1890s, the moralists of Young Bengal had called for a protectionist ‘national political economy’ on the lines advocated by Friedrich List in Germany, whom they had read as early as 1850. Bholanath Chandra asserted in 1873 that India had once been the greatest textile producer in the world and had initiated the industrial revolution. By 1970,.he predicted, Britain would be eclipsed by the United States and by India as the greatest industrial producers. This would be brought about by rigorous protectionism and by the growth of what he called ‘moral hostility’ to the consumption of foreign goods which had even polluted the materials used in the making of the sacred threads of orthodox Hindus. This emphasis on the culture of consumption and the structure of external economic relations was central to different varieties of Indian nationalist thought as they developed from Dadhabhai Naoroji through to Mahatma Gandhi.
3
Zhangabulova, Zhansaya M., and Makhsat A. Alpysbes. "CENTRAL AND SOUTH ASIA AS A PRIORITY OF RUSSIAN AND BRITISH FOREIGN POLICY IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURIES." Analele Universităţii din Craiova, seria Istorie 26, no. 2 (December 22, 2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52846/aucsi.2021.2.04.
Full textAbstract:
For centuries, world powers have struggled for influence in the geographical area formed by Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. Central Asia is the least explored world region and has long been a source of geopolitical tension. The aim of this study was to characterize Central and South Asia as a priority for Russian and British foreign policy in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Scientific and historiographic methods were used to analyze documented facts and ensure reliable results. Foreign policy relations of the Russian Empire and Great Britain during the great geopolitical confrontation were analyzed by comparison. The results support the hypothesis that there were influence spheres, contentious issues, and interests, which enabled the players to find compromises at the end of the ‘Great Game’ without resorting to force. These facts enriched diplomatic practices in buffer states, natural boundaries, de-escalation, and agreements for improving conflict management between competing foreign nations.
4
Kryuchkov, Igor V., Natalia D. Kryuchkova, and Ashot A. Melkonyan. "Внешняя торговля Британской Индии на рубеже XIX–XX вв. (по материалам дипломатических представительств России)." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 200–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-60-2-200-213.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The history of British Raj’s foreign economic activity development at the turn of the 20th century remains somewhat understudied both in Russian and foreign historiography. Since the 1880s, India significantly increased foreign trade to become Asia’s leader in this regard. Goals. The paper aims at examining dynamics of India’s export-import operations and foreign trade by countries. Materials and methods. The article analyzes reports and accounts of Russian diplomats to have worked in British Raj, the Near East, and Great Britain. The employed research methods include the historical/genetic, comparative historical, and historical/typological ones. Results. Britain had been India’s dominating trading partner. However, gradually other states also increased trade operations with the latter, especially import ones. The paper emphasizes Russia failed to become a key foreign trade partner of British Raj (except for export of kerosene and import of tea). The identified reasons are contentious British-Russian relations in Central Asia in the 1860s–1890s, poor knowledge of the Indian market, and geographical remoteness. British Raj turned an outpost of Great Britain’s economic strength in the Persian Gulf. At the same time, Indian goods displaced products from other countries — including Britain manufactured ones — in many ports of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula. The article stresses that the bulk of India’s foreign economic relations were maintained via maritime transport. This was due to complicated natural and climatic factors along land borders, instability in frontiers (Afghanistan and Persia). Nonetheless, British Raj was increasing its economic presence in Afghanistan, Persia, Nepal, Ceylon, Siam, and western provinces of China. An important place in India’s foreign trade was occupied by transit trade and re-export of goods from other states, which makes it difficult to accurately determine the actual volume of its foreign trade. Conclusions. The specifics of India’s national economic development can thus be traced in the structure of its foreign trade. The exports were dominated by raw materials and foodstuffs; manufactured products were only making their way to foreign markets. The difficulties were largely associated with the Great Britain’s colonial policy in India since the former sought to keep using the latter as a market for industrial products produced in the British Isles. On the eve of WW I, British Raj was building up its economic potential through strengthening its positions in world trade.
5
Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich, Sergey Olegovich Buranok, and Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Nesterov. "Colonial empires and USA policy in the South-East Asia after the 1945." Samara Journal of Science 9, no. 4 (November 30, 2020): 252–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv202094207.
Full textAbstract:
The following paper analyzes the characteristics of the US foreign policy decision-making process at the beginning of the Cold War, due to the active appeal of representatives of the political establishment, the military and the countrys expert community to the colonial experience of the European powers in terms of the prospects of applying their experience in ensuring colonial control in Southeast Asia before and after the end of the World War II as part of the US political course in this region. In addition, it is concluded that more attention should be paid to the role and, therefore, to the prosopographic profile of the experts (in the broad sense of the word), who collaborated with the departments responsible for the development of American foreign policy, such as the Department of State and the Pentagon, and formulated many of the conclusions, which, at least rhetorically, formed the basis of Washingtons course in Southeast Asia after 1945. Special attention is paid to interpretations of the role of colonial knowledge in the light of the unfolding Cold War in the third world, proposed by British diplomats and the military to their American colleagues in the logic of the special relations between Great Britain and the United States.
6
Magadeev, Iskander. "The “French factor” and the dynamics of the Chanak crisis (September–October 1922)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016116-4.
Full textAbstract:
The centenary of the Chanak crisis, which played significant role in the development of the Kemalist revolution and in the international transformations in the Asia Minor and the Near East, stimulates to analyse its underresearched aspects. The article aims to demonstrate the role of the “French factor” during the crisis. This “factor” is conceived as the actions of the French diplomacy, but also as their perception by the other international actors in September–October 1922. The author bases his conclusions on the evidence taken from the published French diplomatic documents and the archival materials of the French Ministry’s of the armed forces historical services. The documents taken from the National archives of the Great Britain were used in order to analyse the Anglo-French relations. The author concludes that the impact of the “French factor” during the crisis was ambivalent. At the one hand, R. Poincaré, French Prime Minister and Minister for foreign affairs, who aimed to exclude the growth of the Chanak crisis into the war and to make Paris the mediator between the British and the Kemalists, achieved some results and contributed to Ankara’s consent to the armistice negotiations. At the other hand, the desire of Poincaré to “sit on two chairs” and to develop the friendly relations with both Ankara and London was difficult to realise. By taking clearer though confrontational position, M. Kemal and British Secretary of State for foreign affairs G. Curzon gained more than Poincaré who hoped to effectuate more subtle diplomatic maneuvering.
7
Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-08.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
8
Leonova, Olga. "The Impact of the Strategic Partnership AUKUS on the Geopolitical Situation in the Indo-Pacific Region." International Organisations Research Journal 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2022-03-08.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the AUKUS strategic alliance is to develop cooperation between the member countries (U.S., UK and Australia) in the field of security and defence in the Indo-Pacific region. The agreement provides for the supply of submarines powered by nuclear reactors to Australia. The emergence of this new strategic alliance was caused by the following factors: the increased power of China in the region; the weakening of the U.S. position in the Indo-Pacific; the desire of the UK to implement the “global Britain” strategy in practice; and the need for the U.S. to have reliable allies to contain China. These factors reveal the true purpose of AUKUS—containment of China and opposition to its active policy in the region. In this article, the author uses comparative analysis to reveal the different goals and geopolitical interests of the AUKUS countries. The systematic approach helps to describe the essence of the complex developing geopolitical system of the Indo-Pacific region.The theories of new institutionalism and constructivism make it possible to identify both continuity and gaps in the security policy and foreign policy of regional actors. Australia’s participation in the AUKUS allows it to: strengthen its political ties with influential partners—the United States and Great Britain; receive additional security guarantees from them in the context of increased activity of Chinese policy in the region; raise the country’s status in the regional hierarchy; and strengthen its defence capability. Australia’s entry into the AUKUS means the formation of a new, anti-Chinese strategy in the region. For the UK, membership in the AUKUS allows it to: expand its naval presence in the Indo-Pacific region; strengthen its special relations with the United States; improve its image, which was shaken after the country’s exit from the EU; and restore traditional ties with Australia. For the United States, AUKUS is the implementation of the strategy of “pivot” to Asia and the creation of a new alliance that has greater opportunities for military-strategic cooperation in the face of the threat from China to use the Pacific Ocean to oust the United States from a leading position. There are some possible geopolitical consequences of creating AUKUS for the region. They are escalation of tension and the nuclear arms race of the opposing parties; a new cold war with China; expansion of the club of nuclear powers because of Australia; imbalance of geopolitical forces in the region; undermining transatlantic unity; and a common strategy in the foreign policy of European countries and the United States.
9
Улунян, А. А. "«Asian Backstage Diplomacy» in Building Bridges Between the USSR and Great Britain in 1924." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 38(2021) (January 13, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2022.2021.38.012.
Full textAbstract:
В статье исследуется роль и место «азиатской периферии» в период установления британо-российских отношений в 1924 г. Британские архивные документы позволяют сделать вывод о сохранявшейся значимости для британской стороны действий СССР в сопредельных с британской Индией странах. Одновременно британские дипломатические службы и разведывательное сообщество обращало особое внимание на складывавшуюся в советской Центральной Азии обстановку с целью выяснения возможного её влияния на британские позиции в регионе, а также советское продвижение на Восток в приграничные государства. В статье делается вывод о стремлении лейбористского правительства Макдональда избежать обострения взаимоотношений с СССР во имя достижения главной цели – подписания и ратификации договоров с Москвой несмотря на очевидные активные действия последней в индийском прикордонье. Автор приводит документальные свидетельства и оценки британскими дипломатами, а также военными действий СССР как в самой Центральной Азии, где советское руководство начинало проводить новую национально-территориальную политику, так и в приграничных с ней странах. The study examines the role of the Asian periphery in the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Great Britain in 1924. British archival documents suggest that the United Kingdom regarded Soviet activities in countries bordering British India as extremely important. At the same time, the British foreign office and intelligence were paying close attention to the situation that was unfolding in Soviet Central Asia, trying to assess its impact on the British standing in the region, as well as the possible Soviet expansion eastwards into the neighboring countries. The article concludes that MacDonald's Labour government wanted to avoid confrontation with the USSR in order to attain its main goal — signing and ratifying agreements with the Soviet state, despite it being rather active near the borders of India. The author cites documents and assessments by British diplomats and military officers. These sources cover both Soviet actions in Central Asia itself, where the USSR leadership was beginning to pursue a new national and territorial policy, as well as in the countries bordering that region.
10
"World Regional Studies as a Research Approach and Scientific School. Interview with Alexei D. Voskressenski, Professor, MGIMO University." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 356–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-2-356-366.
Full textAbstract:
Professor Alexei D. Voskressenski is a leading Russian expert in Asian Studies, IR and Politics, a famous sinologist and founder of scientific school of World Regional Studies. Alexei D. Voskressenski graduated from MSU Institute of Asian and African Studies in 1982, in the following years continued his education at Singapore National University (1983), Fudan University (1986), Beijing Linguistic University (1987). He worked as a guest researcher in France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Japan and the USA, defended his PhD and senior doctorate at the RAS Institute of Far Eastern Studies (1989, 1998) and the PhD thesis at the University of Manchester (1997). As the head of the Department of Asian and African Studies at MGIMO University (1999-2007) and the dean of the MGIMO College of Political Affairs and World Politics (2008-2017), he actively participated in the creation and conceptualization of educational programs in Regional Studies, Comparative Political Science, foreign policy analyses, history and contemporary issues of the Asia-Pacific region. Professor Voskressenski is the author of more than 500 academic works, including books published by Palgrave Macmillan, Rowman & Littlefield / Lexington Books, Cambridge University Press, etc. Professor Voskressenski is a member of the editorial boards of academic peer-reviewed journals: «Problems of the Far East», «Values and Meanings», «RSUH Bulletin», «International Trends», «Transbaikal State University Journal» and our journal (Vestnik RUDN), and some international journals «俄罗斯 学 刊» (Russian Studies), «International Journal of Russian Studies». In the interview, Alexei D. Voskressenski speaks about the history of formation and advantages of the World Regional Studies as a research platform, other approaches in Social Sciences, compares approaches of the leading Russian academic schools of Regional Studies and analyzes the positive and negative aspects of the Western, Non-Western and national academic schools. The interview contains a theoretical analysis and understanding of the conceptual content of scientific knowledge in the field of international relations theory, humanities and social sciences in general.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Asia, Southeastern – Foreign relations – Great Britain"
1
Ioannidis, Eudoxia. "British foreign policy toward southeastern Europe and the restoration of the Dodecanese Islands to Greece." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61105.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the thesis is to analyze Britain's Mediterranean strategy and his relationship to the acquisition of the Dodecanese islands to Greece. Chapter I of this study includes a historical background of the islands prior to the Second World War. Chapter II examines British policy toward Greece and the Dodecanese between 1923-43. Chapter III provides an analysis of the role of the Dodecanese within British policy and military operations in the eastern Mediterranean. The last section deals with the actual restoration of the Dodecanese islands to Greece.
2
MÜLLER, Martin. "Civilization, culture, and race in John Crawfurd's discourses on Southeast Asia : continuities and changes, c.1814-1868." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/28045.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 7 June 2013Examining Board: Professor Sebastian Conrad, Freie Universität (Supervisor) Professor Jorge Flores, EUI Professor Michael Harbsmeier, Roskilde Universitet Dr. Christina Skott, University of Cambridge.
First made available online on 26 February 2015.
In this dissertation I examine the uses of the notions of civilization, race, and culture within a set of British 19th century discourses on especially Southeast Asian societies, their present state and history. Taking the point of departure in John Crawfurd's (1783-1868) publications, it contains a study of the many debates on economic, ethnological, historical, and linguistic issues in which he participated throughout six decades and to which he contributed significantly. Through this approach I aim at providing a densely contextualized analysis of the colonial, intellectual, political, and socio-cultural aspects of Crawfurd et al's knowledge production, its routes of transmission, receptions, and appropriations. The analytic focus is directed at the evaluative-descriptive qualities attributed to the terms civilization, race, and culture, and immanent in the concepts they refer to; on the surface claiming to be primarily descriptive, they nonetheless were normatively cogent in their inherent hierarchal and classificatory structures, as well as in providing a theoretical template delineating the naturalized historical trajectories. Arguing that the notions of civilization, race and culture were pivotal key concepts in this colonial knowledge production, I chart the intertwined dynamics between these notions / both in their conceptual framings and contextualized uses. During this quest I endeavour to demonstrate the interpretive primacy of the concept of civilization throughout the entire period, even though racial concerns clearly were on the ascendancy and by the 1860s constituted the major theme of discussion and dissent. Common to all the analysed discourses is that they were hinged upon these three fundamental notions and their ability to address the universal as well as the particular, their capacity to encompass the past, present and future within one interpretive framework, and not at least their provision of a conceptual common ground which also, however, facilitated the possibilities of fundamental dissent within the actual interpretations.
Books on the topic "Asia, Southeastern – Foreign relations – Great Britain"
1
1928-, Ewans Martin Sir, ed. The great game: Britain and Russia in Central Asia. New York: Routledge, 2003.
Find full text
2
1946-, Preston Paul, Partridge Michael, Ludlow Piers, and Great Britain Foreign Office, eds. British documents on foreign affairs: Reports and papers from the Foreign Office confidential print. Bethesda, MD: LexisNexis, 2005.
Find full text
3
1946-, Preston Paul, Partridge Michael, Best Antony 1964-, and Great Britain Foreign Office, eds. British documents on foreign affairs: Reports and papers from the Foreign Office confidential print. Bethesda, MD: LexisNexis, 2005.
Find full text
4
Britain's Persian connection, 1798-1828: Prelude to the great game in Asia. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992.
Find full text
5
Endgame: Britain, Russia, and the final struggle for central Asia. London: I.B. Tauris, 2002.
Find full text
6
Pickering, Jeffrey. Britain's withdrawal from east of Suez: The politics of retrenchment. New York: St. Martin's Press in association with Institute of Contemporary British History, 1998.
Find full text
7
Remme, Tilman. Britain and regional cooperation in South-East Asia, 1945-49. London: New York, 1995.
Find full text
8
Conflict and confrontation in South East Asia, 1961-1965: Britain, the United States, and the creation of Malaysia. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 2001.
Find full text
9
Jones, Matthew. Conflict and confrontation in South East Asia, 1961-1965: Britain, the United States, Indonesia and the creation of Malaysia. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
Find full text
10
The limits of British influence: South Asia and the Anglo-American relationship, 1947-56. London: Pinter Publishers, 1993.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Asia, Southeastern – Foreign relations – Great Britain"
1
Ng, Su Fang. "Introduction." In Alexander the Great from Britain to Southeast Asia, 1–46. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198777687.003.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the parallel literary traditions of the mythic Alexander the Great in the Eurasian archipelagic peripheries of Britain and Southeast Asia, focusing on how Alexander stories were transmitted from late antiquity through the medieval period and transformed by early modern authors. It looks at the global literary networks linking the British and Southeast Asian peripheries, along with their receptions of the Greek novel Alexander Romance. It also explores how Alexander was appropriated into English and Malay literatures and how both literary traditions connected him to the material culture and imagined presence of foreign others as part of their intercultural resonances. Finally, it describes how the myth of Alexander became intertwined with alterity and foreign relations at the two ends of the Eurasian trade routes, how he became associated with long-distance trade, and how he influenced the self-representation of emerging maritime empires.
2
Ng, Su Fang. "Millennial Alexander in the Making of Aceh." In Alexander the Great from Britain to Southeast Asia, 243–76. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198777687.003.0009.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines how the Acehnese appropriated Alexander the Great as a model of kingship and imitated Melaka in fashioning a royal mythic genealogy going back to Iskandar Zulkarnain. The discussion focuses on one Acehnese sultan, Sultan Iskandar Muda (r. 1607–36), whose name means Alexander the Younger and whose reign is considered Aceh’s golden age. The chapter explores Aceh’s parallel literary allusions to Alexander, incorporated into local literary genres, through an analysis of Iskandar Muda’s biography, Hikayat Aceh. It shows how Hikayat Aceh employs tropes of Timurid-Alexandrian kingship that are also found in diplomatic letters to European kings, including James I of England. It also describes Hikayat Aceh’s understanding of diplomatic relations as a complex entanglement and how the Acehnese turned to the global tradition of Alexander to reflect on intercultural relations with foreign others.
3
Tsurkan, Kristina V. "The problem of unification of the Romanian principalities in 1859 in Romanian historiography." In Slavs and Russia: Problems of Statehood in the Balkans (late XVIII - XXI centuries), 75–84. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2020.06.
Full textAbstract:
The study aims to describe one of the key and crucial events in the national history of modern Romania from the Romanian historiography's perspective. The author analyses the creation of a unitary state as a result of the unification of the Romanian Principalities of Moldova and Wallachia in 1859 under the leadership of Alexandru Ioan Cuza, who was elected as the ruler in each of those regions. This research provides valuable information on the issue of the Romania-Russia relations in the period of 1858–1862, when according to the Paris Convention of 7/19 August 1858 objective external conditions were created not only for the unification of the Romanian principalities, but also for the administrative reorganization and expansion of independence of the unitary Romanian state. The unification of the Romanian principalities, which in foreign policy terms was accompanied by a clash of interests of major powers (the Austrian, Ottoman, Russian Empires, Great Britain, and France), took place in those specific conditions that were not suitable for Russia's positions in Southeastern Europe and the Balkans. Nevertheless, the historiography does not question the role of Russian foreign policy as a factor that contributed to the international recognition of the young Romanian state, as well as the significance of the diplomatic activities of the Russian consuls in Bucharest and Jassy. That is why the introduction of Russian diplomatic reports that reflect the attitude of Russian consuls to Prince Cuza's policy and their connection with the Romanian elite is still a crucial task for historiography.