Journal articles on the topic 'Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement'
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1
Wu, Chien-Huei. "Brexit in the Eyes of East: How Will It Reshape EU/UK Trade Relations with East Asia?" European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Issue 3 (September 1, 2020): 357–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020028.
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Brexit reshapes not only the EU-UK relations but also impact their trade relations with Asia. This article explores possible directions of EU/UK trade relations with Asia, covering free trade agreements, bilateral investment treaty and the UK’s potential participation in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). This article argues that a sense of competitive liberalization motivates their pursuit for trade opportunities with East Asia. The EU has to prove its continuous relevance in the international economic relations as the Brexiters allege it as a constraint for the UK to pursue active and flexible trade relations. In contrast, the UK has to fulfill its promise of Global Britain by delivering measurable progress in trade negotiations instead of renegotiating back what it has already enjoyed under the EU free trade agreements (FTAs). Brexit, Global Europe, Global Britain, Free Trade Agreement, Bilateral Investment Treaty, Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-pacific Partnership, populism, disintegration
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Chia, Siow Yue. "The Emerging Regional Economic Integration Architecture in East Asia." Asian Economic Papers 12, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00179.
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This paper examines regional market integration through production networks and free trade agreements in East Asia and their attendant challenges and issues. It examines progress in the ASEAN Economic Community and in various ASEAN+1 free trade and economic integration agreements. It argues that there is a strong case for a region-wide agreement to maximize economic synergy and resolve emerging problems, including market fragmentation and the “noodle bowl” effect. It explores three possible paths to region-wide integration, namely, the East Asia Free Trade Area (encompassing ASEAN+3 [the People's Republic of China, Japan, and Korea]), the Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia (encompassing ASEAN+3 countries and Australia—New Zealand and India) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership, currently involving nine negotiating countries in the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation. The paper explores the economic and political benefits and challenges of forming these three regionwide agreements.
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Czesław Kozłowski, Stanisław. "Economic and Strategic Determinants of The Trans-Pacific Partnership." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 4, no. 44 (December 31, 2014): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2014.44.06.
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This article provides an economic and political analysis of the past and current state of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) project. The TPP talks, which have been ongoing since March 2010 and now involve 12 nations (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Chile, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, New Zealand, Peru, Singapore, the United States, and Vietnam), are aimed at lowering trade barriers across a much wider range of sectors than classical preferential trade agreements. Namely, it aims at not only removing tariffs on goods and services, but would also cover labor and the environment, intellectual property, government procurement and state- -owned enterprises. The latter are forced by the US as the cornerstone of the Obama Administration’s economic policy in the Asia Pacific. TPP is thus a vital part of a plan known as ‘Asia Pivot’ strategy and represents American attempts to re-engage Asia. If completed, TPP agreement could serve as a template for a future trade pact among 21 members of Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation regional group.
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Oh, Eunjung. "Digital Trade Regulation in the Asia-Pacific: Where Does It Stand? Comparing the RCEP E-commerceChapter with the CPTPP and the JSI." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 48, Issue 4 (October 1, 2021): 403–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2021032.
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Over the last two decades, the number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) including provisions on electronic commerce (e-commerce) or digital trade displayed explosive growth. This phenomenon was especially notable in the Asia-Pacific (APAC), a region that has demonstrated rapid development of e-commerce. This article provides an up-to-date review of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement, focusing on its e-commerce chapter (Chapter 12). By evaluating the change in trends and developments of APAC PTAs covering digital trade, it demonstrates where the RCEP stands. The RCEP E-Commerce chapter is compared to the one in the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), to assess the scope of coverage along with points of convergence and divergence. The article also investigates the World TradeOrganization (WTO)’s Joint Statement Initiative on e-commerce (JSI) and how the provisions in the latest text being negotiated compare to the e-commerce chapters in the RCEP and CPTPP. The article assesses the RCEP’s key implications. Its core value lies on it being an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) - driven negotiation that encompasses the three digital powerhouses of Northeast Asia (China, Japan and South Korea), promoting regional economic integration by bringing together many members who did not have prior common commitments while providing a flexible approach, through variations in schedules and broad exceptions to cater for national sensitivities. Electronic Commerce, Digital Trade, Asia-Pacific, Preferential Trade Agreements, RCEP, CPTPP, World Trade Organization, Joint State Initiative on E-commerce
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Lodoidamba, Galbadrakh. "ASIA-PACIFIC FREE TRADE AGREEMENT, REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTEGRATION AND MONGOLIA." Citi Science 4, no. 1 (March 20, 2024): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.60167/csj/v4i1.2024.07.
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Mongolia is believed to have great potential for simultaneous integration in many fields. Our natural resources and geographical location, such as having only two neighbours, being in the middle of two large markets, and having no direct border with a third neighbour and landlocked situation, can be considered an opportunity. Mongolia's economy needs an easily accessible market to process and sell its natural resources, which are considered crucial in the near future. Interest in purchasing Mongolia's raw material wealth is not limited to the US and the EU. The most interesting sales market is that in the coming years, economic development growth will be higher than that of the USA and the EU. For us, Japan, South Korea, and ASEAN countries, which are close by road and can be reached just around our "nose fence", and especially is a region that includes China. Another aspect is that Mongolia is geographically located in the centre of Northeast Asia, i.e. in the heart of it, which not only separates Russia's raw material and energy markets from China's production (China is now Russia's largest trade partner and (which is changing) is also geographically positioned as a bridge between China's industrialised northeastern provinces and the relatively less developed northwestern provinces. Of course, at the moment, Mongolia lacks the necessary funds to modernise and expand transportation and energy infrastructure. However, in the end, it leads to the conclusion that only regional integration will create significant real economic and political opportunities in the future of Mongolia.
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Xue, Hong. "The Newest UN Treaty to Facilitate Cross-Border Paperless Trade in Asia and the Pacific: An Insight Preview." Journal of World Trade 51, Issue 6 (December 1, 2017): 959–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2017038.
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The Framework Agreement on Facilitation of Cross-border Paperless Trade in Asia and the Pacific (Framework Agreement) is a new United Nations (UN) treaty adopted at the UN Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ESCAP) in May 2016. It is now open for the signature of the ESCAP Member States till September 2017. As the most recent UN treaty on trade and development, the Framework Agreement will be an important development as well as a complement to the World Trade Organization Agreement on Trade Facilitation (WTO TFA), which is effective since February 2017. The Framework Agreement creates unprecedentedly the new multilateral legal framework for facilitation of crossborder paperless trade. While maintaining the balance between international trade efficiency, transparency, regulatory compliance and development stimulation, the Framework Agreement crafts the legal mechanisms to harmonize the Member States’ national paperless trade facilities through implementing a common set of the general principles and the relevant international standards and legal instruments. Most significantly, the Framework Agreement creatively enables cross-border mutual recognition of trade-related data and documents in electronic form through its institutional arrangement and supporting operational mechanisms. The Framework Agreement also provides a dedicated intergovernmental platform for capacity building and technical assistance to enable developing countries (including the least-developed countries and landlocked developing countries) to benefit from paperless trade facilitation. The Framework Agreement will open up the new possibilities for trade facilitation and is particularly important for the development of crossborder e-commerce and global digital economy. Its impact and influence will not only be felt in Asia-Pacific region but in the whole world. There has been very few substantive research on this newest treaty law. The Author who has been the primary legal advisor of UNESCAP for the initial research, drafting, negotiation and implementation of the Framework Agreement since 2011 is able to provide the insights on both the legal texts and the in-depth designs of the Agreement.
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Tomilov, Mikhail V. "Integration potential of megaregional trade agreements in Asia-Pacific Region." World of Economics and Management 20, no. 2 (2020): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2542-0429-2020-20-2-84-103.
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Since the beginning of the XXI century, an increase in the number of new regional trade agreements has been recorded. At the same time, their quality content is changing significantly, which has led to the emergence of mega-regional trade agreements (MRTА). This process is particularly active in the fast-growing Asia-Pacific region (APR), where initiatives for the creation of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), The Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Free Trade Area of Asia-Pacific (FTAAP) have emerged during this period. However, it is still difficult to assess their effectiveness in terms of obtaining potential positive economic results. The article's aim is to assess integration potential of APR MRTA within two stages. At the first stage, methods of econometric analysis were used to determine the economic proximity of their participants. At the second stage, a gravitational model of foreign trade was constructed to assess all trade barriers (tariff, non-tariff, etc.) within the group of integrating countries. Based on the results of integration potential assessment, the author defines the most promising existing multilateral integration associations in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as a hypothetical group of countries in the region, which will receive the greatest trade and economic effects as a result of integration under the assumptions adopted in the study. In addition, an approach to assessing the integration potential and determining the optimal composition of the countries participating in MRTA based on the criteria of proximity of their economic development levels and the size of trade barriers within the group is proposed, methodically justified and implemented.
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Tomilov, M. V. "Prospects for deepening of trade integration between the EAEU participants and the Asia-Pacific countries." POWER AND ADMINISTRATION IN THE EAST OF RUSSIA 92, no. 3 (2020): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1818-4049-2020-92-3-32-43.
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Against the background of negotiations crisis within the World Trade Organization framework, as well as increasing competition in the world markets, an important element of the state's economic policy is the integration component. The Russian Federation has chosen the deepening of integration interactions within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) as a priority direction in this area. To improve the efficiency of trade integration, it is necessary to increase the total market size. Since the EAEU market has not yet reached the indicators of the other large integration associations (the European Union, etc.), the Union’s members need to conclude agreements with the third countries. The most interesting option in this regard is the rapidly developing Asia-Pacific region (APR). On the basis of results of the free trade agreement between the EAEU and Vietnam the article discusses the integration prospects of the Eurasian block and the Asia-Pacific countries. There are two scenarios: the conclusion of bilateral agreements with the individual regional states and negotiations with the regional integration associations. It was concluded that it is advisable to deepen the integration processes with the main trading partners in the Asia-Pacific region separately, or to conclude a general agreement with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), whose members are almost all the most important states for EAEU (in trade terms) in the region. However, in order to become a full-fledged participant in the negotiations, it is first necessary to sign such an agreement with the ASEAN countries. The results can be used in the economic model development of Russia's integration into the world system and in assessing the prospects for implementation of the national integration strategy.
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Chudinova, K. O. "THE IMPACT OF US POLICY ON ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN THE ASIA PACIFIC ON THE THRESHOLD OF THE THIRD DECADE OF THE 21ST CENTURY." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-2-71-87.
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The Trump administration’s economic policy has led to increased uncertainty, disruption to global value chains, decline in trade in the Asia-Pacific region. Amid the US withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership, revising NAFTA, imposing tariffs, decoupling from the Chinese economy, Japan, China and other economies in the Asia Pacific are trying to develop new mechanisms to increase stability in the region and protect their production networks. One way to improve the situation is to conclude intra-regional and inter-regional free trade agreements, the number of which is increasing. At present, there are two competing mega-FTA projects of China and Japan – the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership. The United States is with moderate success developing its own format of a free and open Indo-Pacific, which is partly a counterbalance to the RCEP. The US also concludes bilateral agreements, such as first phases of trade deals with Japan and China. However, winning the negotiating table, the United States can seriously lose in competitiveness, as regional integration develops further and often without the participation of America.
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Tung, Genevieve. "International Trade Law and Information Policy: A Recent History." International Journal of Legal Information 42, no. 2 (2014): 241–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500012051.
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In September 2008, the United States Trade Representative (USTR) announced the United States’ intention to join Singapore, New Zealand, Brunei, and Chile in what was then called the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, a preferential trade agreement. Since then, the agreement has grown in scope and ambition. The negotiations to create what is now known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) have expanded to include seven other nations. The USTR wants the TPP to be “an ambitious, next-generation, Asia-Pacific trade agreement that reflects U.S. economic priorities and values.” According to the USTR's webpage dedicated to the agreement, the administration is “working in close partnership with Congress and with a wide range of stakeholders, in seeking to conclude a strong agreement that addresses the issues that U.S. businesses and workers are facing in the 21st century.”
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P. Corning, Gregory. "ASEAN and the Regime Complex for Digital Trade in the Asia-Pacific." Journal of World Trade 56, Issue 6 (December 1, 2022): 915–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2022038.
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How does the complexity and fragmentation of digital trade governance shape the digital trade strategies of members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)? And how are these strategies, in turn, shaping digital governance in the region? Drawing on the regime complexity literature in international relations, this article examines the different digital strategies used by three ASEAN members – Singapore, Vietnam, and Indonesia – to navigate between the regulatory approaches of the United States and China. The article highlights the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA) as a key venue for increasing cooperation and consistency of digital trade rules in the Asia-Pacific. If the US pushes for a binding digital trade agreement as part of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), the loose, modular cooperation of DEPA would become more attractive to ASEAN members. Yet, even a modest DEPA that chooses to emphasize breadth of membership over deep liberalization would still represent progress in reducing regime complexity. digital trade, e-commerce, cross-border data flows, regime complex, ASEAN, Digital Economy Partnership Agreement, Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, Singapore, Vietnam, Indonesia
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Kostyunina, G. M. "Trans-Pacific Strategic Partnership: the Balance of Power and Role in the Formation of Regional Free Trade Area in Asia- Pacific." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(25) (August 28, 2012): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-4-25-94-100.
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The article describes the main provisions of existing agreement on the transpacific strategic economic partnership, the need for expansion and its importance to the future Asia-Pacific free trade area (FTAAP). It analyzes of the positions of the leading countries in the region on a Pacific free trade zone - the U.S., Japan and ASEAN.
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Agarwal, Vaishali, Ramanpreet Kaur, and Debdeep De. "Scenario Analysis of Textile Industry in Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA)." Procedia Computer Science 122 (2017): 685–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.procs.2017.11.424.
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CHO, Mee-Jin. "A Study on the Effectiveness of the Asia-Pacific Trade Agreement." INTERNATIONAL COMMERCE & LAW REVIEW 99 (August 31, 2023): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35980/krical.2023.8.99.103.
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Zhu, Zihao,. "The Strategic Shift of U.S. Economic Framework Toward Asia Pacific: From TPP to IPEF." Communications in Humanities Research 23, no. 1 (December 20, 2023): 134–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/23/20230862.
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The Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) represents a significant pan-regional economic endeavor by the United States in the Indo-Pacific region following its departure from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) in January 2017. The primary objective of the IPEF is to enhance and consolidate American economic influence within the Indo-Pacific region. One of the TPP objectives encompassed this aspect. The four critical pillars of IPEF are Trade; Supply Chains; Clean Economy; and Fair Economy. Member states can choose to participate in different areas as they wish, without committing to all areas. However, the accord's true efficacy is still in doubt because there are no legally enforceable trade agreements or processes. Today, the United States still has certain challenges competing in the Asia-Pacific area for geoeconomic benefits. The paper investigates the shift in U.S. economic policy towards the Asia-Pacific region, specifically analyzing the transition from the TPP to the IPEF. The research primarily concentrates on the fundamental aspects, distinguishing features, consequences, limitations, and prospective advancements of the IPEF.
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Duval, Y., T. Wang, C. Utoktham, and A. Kravchenko. "Next-generation Trade Facilitation for Asian Integration: Cross-border Paperless Trade." Journal of Asian Economic Integration 1, no. 1 (April 2019): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2631684618821473.
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Reducing trade costs is essential to achieve Asian integration. Trade costs in the Asian and the Pacific region remain high, in particular, between different Asian subregions. Significant progress has been made in implementation of trade facilitation measures between 2015 and 2017, particularly those included in the World Trade Organization (WTO) Trade Facilitation Agreement (TFA). However, progress in implementing of next-generation digital trade facilitation measures, such as cross-border paperless trade measures, has been more limited. Simulation results suggest that full implementation of such measures could nearly double trade costs reductions expected from WTO TFA implementation. A new regional United Nations (UN) treaty, the Framework Agreement on Facilitation of Cross-Border Paperless Trade in Asia and the Pacific, may accelerate progress in this area. JEL Codes: F13, F15, F17
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Kim, Soo Yeon, and Mark S. Manger. "Hubs of Governance: Path Dependence and Higher-Order Effects of Preferential Trade Agreement Formation." Political Science Research and Methods 5, no. 3 (January 28, 2016): 467–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.2.
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In this paper, we investigate the causes and consequences of institutional design choices in the liberalization of services trade and investment in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). We distinguish between a positive-list and a negative-list approach to services liberalization, and analyze PTAs signed by countries of the Asia-Pacific. We develop an information-based argument that explains why these different types induce path dependence in subsequent choices, and derive hypotheses that capture the “history” effect of choosing either institutional model. In doing so, we examine whether particular “modes of governance” diffuse through the growing network of trade agreements through the adoption of rules by third parties in their own PTAs. The empirical analysis tests these hypotheses using simulation-based dynamic network analysis methods. We find evidence of strong path dependence in the choice of liberalization approach, affecting the evolution of PTA networks in the Asia-Pacific and the diffusion of services liberalization in general. Such path dependence has long-term consequences for the institutional features of the international trade regime.
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Dent, Christopher. "Bilateral Free Trade Agreements: Boon or Bane for Regionalism in East Asia and the Asia-pacific?" European Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 2 (2005): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006105774711468.
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AbstractSince the late 1990s there has been a rapid proliferation of bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) projects in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific, regions previously largely devoid of FTA activity by comparison to others. As this trend has intensified, so have discussions on whether it will help advance regional co-operation and integration. This paper examines the nature of FTAs themselves and the main causes of East Asia and Asia-Pacific FTAs. The 'lattice regionalism' hypothesis is considered: whether dense economic bilateralism provides a sub-structural foundation on which economic regionalism (i.e. co-operation and integration) can build. Closely related is the issue of competing FTA models and modalities in the Asia-Pacific, and special attention is afforded to the 'asymmetric neoliberal' FTA model of the United States and the 'developmental–industrial' FTA model championed by Japan. It is argued that the contrasts between these make the emergence of an Asia-Pacific FTA unlikely in even the distant future. Japan's FTA model is also considered relative to perhaps East Asia's most important FTA project, the ASEAN–China FTA (ACFTA), and we discuss how bilateral FTA developments in the region more generally may or may not lead to enhanced regional economic co-operation and integration in East Asia.
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MITCHELL, Andrew D., Tania VOON, and Devon WHITTLE. "Public Health and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement." Asian Journal of International Law 5, no. 2 (August 22, 2014): 279–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251314000186.
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The Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) has an ambitious agenda and could radically reshape trade in the Asia-Pacific. At the same time, TPP obligations have the potential to significantly restrict the ability of governments to regulate in the interests of public health. This paper examines the impact the TPP could have on two areas of public health regulation—tobacco control and access to medicines. It concludes that a number of legitimate concerns arise from the known content of the TPP, that the inclusion of a general health exception would be the preferable means of safeguarding the regulatory space of governments in relation to public health, and that the United States’ proposals for stronger intellectual property protections be resisted. With negotiations shrouded in secrecy, TPP parties’ desires to promote international trade and investment must not overshadow the need of governments to be able to implement sensible and effective public health policy.
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Permana, Rizky Banyualam. "PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA DALAM PERJANJIAN PERDAGANGAN MEGAREGIONAL: REGIONAL COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP (RCEP) AGREEMENT." Arena Hukum 16, no. 1 (April 27, 2023): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.arenahukum.2023.01601.8.
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In 2020, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement was signed. The RCEP Agreement is the largest regional trade agreement in the world in terms of total GDP. In the Asia-Pacific region, there are various regional and bilateral trade agreements that lead to not only overlapping of substantive provisions, but also overlapping of dispute settlement for a. It is important to review the procedural aspects RCEP agreement to as the means to enforce the rules and commitments in the RCEP for its member countries, especially with regard to Indonesia. This study concludes that although the RCEP has its own dispute resolution mechanism procedures, the formulation of the provisions in the RCEP shows compromise of the negotiation outcome, typical in ASEAN agreements. This would become the hindrance to the effective implementation and implementation of the agreement.
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Izotov, Dmitry. "The GATT/WTO Participation and Asia-Pacific Regional Trade: Long-Term Effects?" International Organisations Research Journal 18, no. 3 (October 15, 2023): 48–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-03-03.
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The purpose of this study is to assess the impact of participation by Asia-Pacific countries (APCs) in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO) on their reciprocal trade from 1993–2021. The reduction of various barriers due to the APCs’ participation in the GATT/WTO, as well as in trade agreements, has contributed to the fact that, over the past three decades, trade in the Asia-Pacific region (APR) has become predominantly intra-regional. The estimates obtained by the author point to the long-term, positive impact of membership in the GATT/WTO on the trade of the APCs, explaining the dominance of the effect of globalization over the effect of regionalization. The processes of globalization and regionalization in the APR were neither conflicting nor complementary to each other. The estimates developed by the author show that the effects of the APCs’ participation in the GATT/WTO contributed to an increase in intra-regional trade by 129% and to an 11% increase in the entry into force of trade agreements. The results also show that bilateral (direct) participation of APCs in the GATT/WTO led to an increase in intra-regional trade by 46%, and unilateral (indirect) participation – by 110%. These results prove the importance of countries’ participation in the GATT/WTO for creating a relatively free area for trade in the APR, reducing various restrictive measures and intensifying intra-regional trade. Estimates of the border effect confirm the reduction of total barriers in interactions between the APCs in the long term. The article shows that the discussion and creation of various trade formats, including the largest in terms of coverage of the participating countries, on the one hand, can contribute to the fragmentation of the trade and economic system of the APR; on the other hand, it creates conditions for further liberalization of trade relations, complementing the functions of the WTO. The author suggests that participation in the WTO may allow Russia to use the mechanisms of globalization to discuss the easing of restrictions, as well as to increase trade with countries that do not implement strong restrictions on the Russian economy, including some of APCs
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CHIANG, Min-Hua. "US-China Relations in Asia-Pacific Economic Integration." East Asian Policy 07, no. 02 (April 2015): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000215.
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The United States' involvement in the market-driven regional economic integration began with the promotion of trade interdependence between East Asian economies after World War II as a way to counterbalance Communist expansion. Its incorporation of China into the regional economy since the end of the 1970s has indirectly created a potential competitor for itself. The United States' active promotion of Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement shows America's anxiety about its declining influence in the region.
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Ishido, Hikari. "Global value chains and liberalization of trade in services." Journal of Korea Trade 21, no. 1 (March 6, 2017): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jkt-12-2016-0048.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to address the importance of establishing global value chains (GVCs) through the liberalization of trade in services, with the Republic of Korea comprising part of these value chains. Design/methodology/approach The construction of a database has revealed rather disconnected policy arrangements across Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) members in terms of service trade liberalization. Findings Although the economic benefits arising from harmonized and liberalized policies across APEC members are widely recognized in the business sector, the relevant policy coordination seems to be missing. Research limitations/implications With this status quo in mind, APEC could work on establishing its own harmonized “service trade commitment table” centering on simple foreign capital participation criteria. This would surely contribute to forming an APEC-wide GVC surrounding Korea, which actively aims to expand its economic ties in the Asia-Pacific region. Originality/value The comparison of WTO-based and free trade agreement-based service trade commitments by APEC members (including Korea) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations ten members is an original research area, with many policy implications for Korea in the Asia-Pacific Region.
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Hsieh, Pasha L. "Shaping new interregionalism: The EU-Singapore Free Trade Agreement and beyond." Leiden Journal of International Law 35, no. 1 (November 2, 2021): 129–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156521000558.
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AbstractThe article examines the theoretical concept of interregionalism in the context of the evolving framework between the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As the EU’s first free trade agreement (FTA) with an ASEAN country, the EU-Singapore FTA is a pathfinder agreement that signifies a new phase of interregionalism and the EU’s new Asia strategy after the Treaty of Lisbon. The article argues that the innovative designs of the EU-Singapore FTA will shape the normative development of EU-ASEAN relations in the post-pandemic era. It also cautions that a comparative analysis of EU and US agreements reveals deficiencies in the FTA that require remedies. To buttress the contention, key provisions on ASEAN cumulative rules of origin, banking and legal services and non-tariff barriers are analysed in light of contemporary Asian agreements. The research further provides insight into the effectiveness of new-generation rules on geographical indications, competition, and investor-state arbitration and mediation. Hence, the findings contribute to the understanding of interregionalism and the EU’s Asia-Pacific trade and investment agreements from global and interdisciplinary perspectives.
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Potapov, M., and N. Kotlyarov. "Evolution of China’s Approaches to Economic Integration in the Asia-Pacific Region." World Economy and International Relations 68, no. 2 (2024): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2024-68-2-63-72.
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The article is analyzing the latest trends in China’s participation in the integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region and their determining factors. The evolution of China’s approaches to integration processes in the region in key areas of trade, economic and investment interaction is considered. China’s integration cooperation with the Asia-Pacific countries is developing within three main multilateral formats, including the forum of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Comprehensive Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). The One Belt, One Road Initiative occupies a special place in China’s policy regarding integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region. The paper analyzes the directions of development of these formats, the nature of their interaction with each other, the prospects for the integration of the Asia-Pacific countries and China’s participation in these processes. In connection with the stalled rounds of WTO trade negotiations and the postponement of the creation of a free trade area within the framework of the APEC, China’s participation in the RCEP strengthens its regional position while China has now become the leading trading partner for the countries participating in the agreement. ASEAN countries’ trade with China exceeds their trade with the United States. The article also considers trends and problems in the implementation of the Chinese One Belt, One Road Initiative. Among the problems are the discrepancies between the interests of the parties involved, the lack of investment resources, political factors. At the same time, the flexible nature of the Chinese Initiative, the absence of strict requirements for participants, and their interest in the project allows the One Belt, One Road to become the world’s largest cooperation platform operating on the principles of an open mega-partnership.
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Tomilov, Mikhail. "Comparative Analysis of Mega-Regional Trade Agreements in Asia and the Pacific." Regionalistica 10, no. 1 (2023): 46–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14530/reg.2023.1.46.
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The article conducts a comparative analysis of the trade mega-formats (mega-regional trade agreements) operating in the Asia-Pacific region (APR) in terms of emerging institutional structures and compliance with existing regulations of the World Trade Organization (WTO). As a result, the hypothesis of basing in the medium term the model of functioning of international trade on the rules and regulations of the emerging integration format of the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) is substantiated, within the framework of which a single trade and economic institutional environment is created, which differs from the functioning environment and organizational structure of the WTO. The high standards set by the CPTPP will determine the rules and regulations of international trade, either through gradual introduction into WTO instruments or by extending the agreement itself to new territories in the process of joining the partnership of the following participants. It is shown that in the medium term it is advisable for the Russian Federation to focus on the integration format of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), free from the geopolitical context and absorbing the main share of mutual trade of countries in the Asia-Pacific region. Potential accession to the CPTPP would require large-scale economic reforms, which could prove quite painful for the country’s economy in the short term. According to the author, the RCEP in its essence and structure is not a mega-regional integration format, but a new large free trade zone without creating a single institutional environment. The main concessions are the reduction of tariff barriers, while in other areas long transition periods are envisaged, allowing for changes without the emergence of shocks in the national economy. This will give Russia the opportunity to expand cooperation with the main trading partners in the region and receive significant economic benefits without resorting to large-scale transformations
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K. Dinh, Duy. "Rules of Origin in RCEP Agreement: Advancement and Convergence." Global Trade and Customs Journal 16, Issue 6 (June 1, 2021): 248–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2021028.
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The paper analyses the rules of origin (RoO) in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the largest free trade agreement (FTA) between Asia-Pacific nations. Despite some limitations, it is evidenced that origin provisions and product-specific rules in the RCEP manifest many advanced features as compared to the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement (ATIGA). Such advanced features narrow the gap between the ASEAN’s FTAsand new generation FTAs in terms of RoO regimes. The RCEP is also expected to become a stepping stone towards the convergence of RoO in the ASEAN’s FTAs. ASEAN, ATIGA, origin, RCEP, rules of origin, RoO
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Vityuk, V. V. "VIETNAM: STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP AND FOOD SECURITY IN RUSSIA." Innovations and Food Safety, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31677/2311-0651-2019-25-3-112-125.
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The article analyzes and comments on the content of cooperation between the Russian Federation and Vietnam, based on the status of the parties as strategic partners and the geopolitical position of modern Vietnam in the world, the Asia-Pacific region and South-East Asia. The article characterizes the results of foreign trade activities of the parties, including in the framework of the Free Trade Agreement, as applied to the objectives of ensuring food security of Russia.
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Cheong, Inkyo, and Jose Tongzon. "Comparing the Economic Impact of the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership." Asian Economic Papers 12, no. 2 (June 2013): 144–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/asep_a_00218.
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Several initiatives have emerged for regional economic integration in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States has led the negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement, and ASEAN countries have recently started to promote the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. This paper estimates the net economic impact of these initiatives by eliminating the overlapping portions of free trade agreement–related economic gains through the use of a dynamic computable general equilibrium model. The paper analyzes the economic and political feasibility of these two initiatives and assesses their economic impacts. Finally, the paper provides implications for economic integration in East Asia based on a quantitative assessment.
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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. "Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 4 (November 28, 2017): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.
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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.
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Gao, Henry. "The Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement: A Critical Analysis." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 37, Issue 3 (August 1, 2010): 221–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2010017.
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When the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement (TPP Agreement or P4 Agreement) was signed in 2005, it was hailed as a ‘high-standard’ agreement that could serve as a model for Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) within the Asia-Pacific region. This claim seems to have received support from recent events, such as the launch of the accession negotiation by the US and the expression of interests from a host of other countries. This article provides a critical analysis on whether the TPP Agreement is a ‘high-standard’ agreement as its members have claimed. After comparing it with other FTAs, this article notes that the P4 Agreement does not distinguish itself among FTAs and has failed to provide higher market access concessions or stricter disciplines on protectionist policies. This is followed by a discussion on the possible factors that might explain the mismatch between the rhetoric and reality of the P4 Agreement. This article concludes by considering how the P4 Agreement could be re-engineered to fulfil its original expectations.
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Sterling, Dahlia Patricia, and Ma Yingxin. "Theoretical Understanding of the Specifics and Relevance of the RCEP Trade Agreement and Forging a New Path Based on the Digitalization of Trade and Investment in This Era. Will RCEP be the Road Map for the Future of World Trade?" Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (April 23, 2021): p21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n2p21.
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The recently signed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), considered of great significance, is not the first trade agreement signed by ASEAN member countries, or either any of their five (5) Free Trade Agreement (FTA) partners, China, Japan, New Zealand, Australia, and South Korea. But what makes this newly signed trade agreement between its participating countries unique and different from all other trade agreements signed in the past? Of interest, RCEP is currently the second major trade agreement with pronounced emphasis on Asia. Respectively, RCEP is now perceived as the world’s largest trade alliance, and is envisioned to facilitate economic trade integration in the Asian region. Correspondingly, the participating member countries have all agreed to reduce or completely eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers on imports and exports within the free trade zone. Deciphered to be a milestone, RCEP is intended to link about thirty (30%) percent of the world’s population and output, which is expected will generate meaningful benefits. Given the continued rapid development of digital technologies in this era, it is certainly unavoidable if companies want to move forward in the future. This, most likely is one reason, why RCEP members included a chapter in the trade agreement relating to e-commerce and trade. Without a doubt, the tremendous impact of technology on the way economic activities are conducted worldwide has been a catalyst, forcing companies to redirect their businesses, to lean more towards the inclusion of technology in every aspects of their daily operation.Thus, as part of the continued development of digital technologies, it means the fifteen (15) Asia-Pacific members of RCEP has the added responsibility to play a vital role in facilitating the smooth integration of digital technology in this trade agreement, which clearly will be beneficial for all. Therefore, on what basis can this be made possible? On a whole, it is anticipated that the prospect of trade digitalization will reduce the cost of engaging in international trade and create opportunities for businesses and consumers regionally and globally. Today, many activities are increasingly conducted by way of digital technology. For example: Nowadays, people rely greatly on computers and mobile phones with internet to conduct research and purchase goods and services, in effect transforming the way we acquire and spread information, communicate, and conduct business in this twenty first (21st) century. Nonetheless, in what way and how can RCEP facilitate the digitalization of trade and investment in goods and services to make it advantageous to the region? Accordingly, within this context, this paper intends to explore the specifics and relevance of RCEP, and whether it is destined to be the roadmap for the future of reshaping world trade. Equally, how can trade digitalization facilitate the expansion of trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific region in this digital era?
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Lim, Chin Leng. "East Asia’s Engagement with Cosmopolitan Ideals Under its Trade Treaty Dispute Provisions." McGill Law Journal 56, no. 4 (September 13, 2011): 821–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005847ar.
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An East Asian view about how trade dispute settlement systems should be designed is slowly emerging. Democratically-inspired trade law scholarship and cultural explanations of the international law behaviour of the Southeast and Northeast Asian trading nations have failed to capture or prescribe the actual treaty behaviour of these nations. Instead, such behaviour has resulted in the emergence of two different treaty models for the peaceful settlement of trade disputes. The first, which seems firmly established, may be found in ASEAN’s 2004 dispute settlement protocol and the regimes established under the China-ASEAN, Korea-ASEAN, Japan-ASEAN, and ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand FTAs. A second model, based on the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, could in time become an alternative model for an Asia-Pacific-wide FTA (i.e., including the East Asian nations within it). It adopts a more open approach; one which better accommodates greater transparency in dispute proceedings. At least for now, the two models coexist, obviating the need for East Asia’s legal policy-makers to choose a clear, dominant design for treaty-based trade dispute settlement in the region. But it also means that East Asia’s trading partners can influence East Asian nations, at least in those trade agreements that—like the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement—involve negotiations with trans-continental partners.
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Zhuang, Rui, Junjie Hong, and Guangyu Bai. "Sino-Korea Free Trade Agreement and Asia-Pacific economic integration: the China perspective." China Economic Journal 7, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17538963.2014.928973.
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Park, Sang-Chul. "Mega FTAs and the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) in the Asia Pacific Region: Will It Be Cooperation or Competition?" International Organisations Research Journal 18, no. 2 (July 5, 2023): 122–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2023-02-07.
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The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) are two mega free trade agreements (FTAs) in the Asia and Pacific region. However, theireconomic interests are rather deeply divided and related to political and security issues. Trade conflicts between the U.S.and China have continued since 2018. To tackle Chinese expansion, the Biden administration initiated the Indo-PacificEconomic Framework (IPEF) in 2021 instead of returning to the CPTPP. This article reviews the two mega FTAs and theIPEF, as well as East Asian collaboration and competition in the region. It examines the East Asian countries’ economicinterests in participating in the mega FTAs and the IPEF and considers how to overcome the protectionism caused by thetrade conflicts between G2. Finally, it analyzes the roles and strategies of major economies overcoming protectionism as thenew global supply and value chains are reshaping in the region.
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Claussen, Kathleen. "Stocktaking and Glimpsing at Trade Law's Next Generation." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.69.
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These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.
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Hage, Erika. "Redundancy in the Twenty-First Century: An Examination of and Argument Against APEC." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 2 (February 15, 2017): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur39.
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Once poised to become a significant regional trade agreement (RTA), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation’s (APEC) strength has waned in the twentyfirst century, leading many to question its viability and relevance as a cooperation. Taking into account several other RTAs that have arisen in Asia and the Pacific, the paper examines whether APEC still aligns with the interests of the Cooperation’s nations and economies. A closer examination of how APEC is structured reveals several weaknesses inherent in the RTA. These, coupled with the vast geography APEC encompasses, calls into question whether APEC can continue to effectively function in its intended capacity.
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Turaeva, Madina O., Mikhail G. Polozkov, and Artem A. Yakovlev. "FEATURES OF FUNCTIONING OF MODELS OF TRADE AND INVESTMENT INTERACTION OF COUNTRIES IN THE REGION OF SOUTH-EASTERN ASIA AND IN THE POST-SOVIET SPACE." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 2, no. 10 (2021): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2021.10.02.012.
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The article examines the development trends of models of trade, investment and economic integration in the region in Southeast Asia and the post-Soviet space. Particular attention is paid to new trends in the escalation of multilateral trade agreements. Such agreements, which previously used the WTO platform, are increasingly beginning to act as its alternative. In this regard, the issues of mutual influence of participants due to the development of trade, investment activity, the location of production of TNCs, the optimization of economic activities in the light of digitalization, the development of e-commerce, logistics, banking technolo-gies are increasingly regulated by mega-regional agreements. The complex activity of overcoming trade bar-riers by such different countries within the framework of the mega-agreement and their readiness to consist-ently increase the level of trade and investment interaction between the participants are undoubtedly one of the features of modern Asia-Pacific regionalism. As the largest trade and integration bloc in the post-Soviet space, the EAEU is becoming a platform for promoting the geopolitical and economic interests of its members in the foreign policy space. Currently, the EAEU is the only functioning integration association promoting the interests of the union with third countries, including in the East Asian direction.
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Inama, Stefano, Pramila Crivelli, and Phan Manh Ha. "The Low Use by Firms of ASEAN Trade Preferences: Will RCEP Follow the Same Destiny? An Agenda for Rescue to Reform Rules of Origin in the Asian and Pacific Region." Global Trade and Customs Journal 17, Issue 6 (June 1, 2022): 248–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2022033.
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The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) rules of origin (RoO) evolved from the original inception in early ’90 to the later formulation in the ASEAN Trade in Goods Agreement (ATIGA) in 2009. Even after the completion of ATIGA, RoO reform has remained high in the agenda of ASEAN Economic Community resulting in more than thirty years of efforts to improve RoO. In spite of repeated research findings of low utilization rates of ASEAN trade preferences by firms, the ASEAN negotiating machinery has been unable to address the main cause of such low utilization, i.e., the shortcomings of ASEAN RoO and their cumbersome administration by ASEAN Member States The region has recently embarked in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) that has been branded as a solution to the panoply of proliferating sets of RoO existing in Asia and the Pacific. Yet recent research and findings from firms indicated that RCEP has inherited many of the shortcomings of ASEAN rules of origin. An ASEAN Secretariat study of 2021 shows an average utilization rate of ATIGA trade preferences of 50%. This does not bode well for RCEP, unless action is undertaken. This article argues that it is time that Governments of Asia and the Pacific region act on an overdue reform of rules of origin to create a stable and predictable trade facilitating environment. rules of origin, regional trade agreements, trade preferences, utilization rates, ASEAN regional integration
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Boguszewski, Mariusz. "New generation free trade agreements as a driver of institutional change: A case of Vietnam." Stosunki Międzynarodowe – International Relations 2 (May 27, 2022): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/stomiedintrelat.17489.1.
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Institutional change, which, according to new institutional economics, is a precondition to economic development, is caused by several forces. In addition to destiny defined as ‘path dependence’, strategic choice understood as overall policy direction of the country, there are external forces named as ‘switchmen’, which might have decisive impact on the direction of the institutional change. This political economy analysis investigates the role of ‘new-generation free trade agreements’ (NGFTAs) as ‘switchmen’ in the process of institutional change using the case of Vietnam. Vietnam was selected as it is the fastest integrating developing country in Asia and a participant in most regional economic integration projects. The paper focuses on the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and the EU-Vietnam Free Trade Agreement (EVFTA) as the most advanced trade agreements ever concluded between developed and developing economies. Findings are based on selected ‘new generation’ provisions of the CPTPP and EVFTA, confirming the ‘switchmen’ role of the agreement in institutional change and the new institutional arrangement of Vietnam. Thus, despite the political constellations and stakeholders’ interests, NGFTAs are the decisive impulse for profound institutional change in Vietnam, which would not be possible without NGFTA commitments.
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Gonuguntla, Satya. "Evaluation of New Zealand’s Trade and Direct Investment Intensities with Major Trading Partners." Asian Business Research 2, no. 2 (May 16, 2017): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/abr.v2i2.161.
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New Zealand (NZ) has been implementing liberal economic policies since 1980s. Accordingly, NZ has negotiated Free Trade Agreements with several countries. NZ is also the founding member of the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) which aims to achieve sustainable economic growth and prosperity among the countries in the Asia-Pacific Region, through free trade, investment and rapid regional economic integration. The bilateral FTAs include the Closer Economic Relations Agreement (CER) with Australia in 1983, Singapore (2001), and China (2008), Malaysia (2010), Hong Kong, China (2011) which are also member economies of the APEC. The consequence is an increase in trade as well as investment flows from Australia, Japan, Singapore, USA, and China. Presently, Australia is the largest export destination for New Zealand accounting for about 20% of merchandise exports, and a similar percent of merchandise imports. Australia is also the largest investor in NZ accounting for 56% of FDI in New Zealand. Singapore is NZ’s 6th largest trading partner and China is the second largest trading partner. Singapore, and Hong Kong, China each account for 4.5% of NZ’s FDI stock. The aim of this paper is to investigate the changing pattern of NZ’s total trade with these countries and inward FDI stock from these countries. The methodology consists of calculating and interpreting the Trade Intensity Indices and FDI Intensity Indices to gauge the significance of these two ratios at bilateral and regional level.
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Ivanov, A. "Trans-Pacific Partnership, Free Trade Zone in Asia-Pacific and the Prospects of their Practical Implementation." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 164–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-164-172.
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The article gives a brief description of the essence of the agreement on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, reached on November 5, 2015. The possible positive and negative results of its practical implementation for the member countries of this project, primarily for the US and Japan, and the countries that have not joined the Partnership are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to the possible positive and negative aspects of the TTP impact on Russia and China. Recommendations how Russia and China could avoid the negative impact of the TTP are given. The article also deals with the problems and prospects of the Asia-Pacific free trade zone project (FTAAP).
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Capling, Ann. "Preferential trade agreements as instruments of foreign policy: an Australia–Japan free trade agreement and its implications for the Asia Pacific region." Pacific Review 21, no. 1 (February 22, 2008): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512740701868765.
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Jia, Zhenglong, Yuancheng Wang, Yuxiang Chen, and Yihan Chen. "The role of trade liberalization in promoting regional integration and sustainability: The case of regional comprehensive economic partnership." PLOS ONE 17, no. 11 (November 23, 2022): e0277977. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0277977.
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In globalization’s era, the sustainability of a region is inseparable from the in-depth and close economic and trade cooperation of intra-regional countries to achieve complementary advantages, intra-regional and extra-regional positive economic cycles, and stable and balanced benefits distribution. For Asia-Pacific countries, the lack of deep cooperation in the past has affected their sustainability, but this can be made up for by the RCEP agreement aimed at achieving intra-regional trade liberalization. We adopt the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) simulation analysis method to quantitatively analyze the impact of changes in macroeconomic and international trade indicators of several intra-regional countries after implementing the RCEP tariff reduction and exemption on the RCEP. Simulation results and comparative analysis based on international relations prove that despite the interference of trade benefits conflicts and international political factors, the RCEP can still exist in long term, and effectively promote regional economic integration and sustainability in the Asia-Pacific region. It is also a development opportunity for intra-regional countries and can also be used in the context of globalization providing references for integration and sustainability in other regions.
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Chatys, Mateusz. "Relations Between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the Light of Donald Trump’s New Southeast Asia Policy." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.09.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the relationship between Singapore and the People’s Republic of China in the light of the current policy of the President of the United States Donald Trump. The point of reference for the presented analysis is the foreign policy of the former President Barack Obama, based on the strategy known as “pivot to Asia” – the strategic turnabout of the United States to the Asia-Pacific region. One of its main objectives was the signing of a multilateral agreement on the establishment of a free trade zone, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), bringing together 12 countries. The main subject of the present analysis is to examine the impact of Donald Trump’s decision of January 2017 to withdraw from the TPP trade agreement on the relations between the remaining signatories of the agreement, as well as to examine Beijing’s actions, which may seek to increase its sphere of influence in Asia through the breakdown of TPP. The main part of the research is focused on the triangle politics concept in international politics, which will include China, Singapore and the United States. Besides the two largest economic powers, Singapore is included because of its membership in the TPP and ASEAN, and due to its strong economy and its population (predominantly) of Chinese origin it can be viewed as the “fifth column” or may otherwise play a role in the Greater China concept.
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Abbott, Frederick M. "NAFTA and the Legalization of World Politics: A Case Study." International Organization 54, no. 3 (2000): 519–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551316.
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I examine the trend toward using hard legal instruments in international trade governance and explain this trend in the context of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). I suggest that hard law (1) reduces intergovernmental transaction costs, (2) reduces private risk premiums associated with trade and investment, (3) promotes transparency and provides corollary participation benefits, (4) tends to restrain strategic political behaviors, and (5) may increase the range of integration effects by encouraging private actors to enforce intergovernmental obligations. I compare the legalization model of NAFTA with those of the European Union (EU) and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum.
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O'Connor, Bernard. "The European Union and the United States: Conflicting Agendas on Geographical Indications Whats Happening in Asia?" Global Trade and Customs Journal 9, Issue 2 (February 1, 2014): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/gtcj2014009.
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This short note presumes some knowledge of the general background to the differences between the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) in relation to Geographical Indications (GIs). For those unfamiliar with the debate, the key difference is that the US believes that GIs are best protected by means of trademarks while the EU considers specific or sui generis law are more appropriate. The US and the EU are both competing in Asia to promote these different approaches to the protection of GIs through an ever-widening number of bilateral and/or pluri-lateral trade agreements. This brief article shows that the different approaches are not compatible, and that third countries might be making agreements that are impossible to reconcile. In addition, it raises the question whether the draft Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement is compatible with the WTO TRIPS Agreement.
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VOON, TANIA. "Consolidating International Investment Law: The Mega-Regionals as a Pathway towards Multilateral Rules." World Trade Review 17, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474561700009x.
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AbstractPessimism abounds in international economic law. The World Trade Organization (WTO) faces an uncertain future following its Ministerial Conference in Nairobi in 2015. International investment law is under attack in countries around the world, while mega-regional agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership are beset by world events, from the United States’ federal election to the unexpected Brexit outcome. Yet the appetite of numerous States to continue forging plurilateral trade and investment deals provides some cause for hope. Viewed alongside other institutional developments including consensus-building work at the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development and the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law, the potential arguably now exists for credible movement towards multilateral rules in investment law. While the WTO's current negotiating stalemate highlights the difficulties in reaching agreement among 164 Members, international trade law offers lessons for working towards multilateralism in the international investment law field. Alongside informal discussions about a world investment court, mega-regionals provide a vehicle for future multilateral investment rules, particularly through the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement between Canada and the European Union, and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership currently under negotiation in Asia.
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Dent, Christopher. "Networking the region? The emergence and impact of Asia-Pacific bilateral free trade agreement projects." Pacific Review 16, no. 1 (January 2003): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0951274032000043226.
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Kuznetsov, A. V. "Integration Processes in the asia-Pacific Region with the Participation of China and the Position of Russia." Finance: Theory and Practice 22, no. 6 (December 26, 2018): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2587-5671-2018-22-6-95-105.
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Flourishing of the East Asian Tigers has led to unparalleled growth in trade in the Asia-Pacific region (APR). The crises of the multilateral trading system and the need to move to a polycentric model of the world order have become the pivotal motives to enhance cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. Expected to be signed by the end of 2018, a Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement can be the institutional framework for integration processes in the Asia Pacific region. The Asia-Pacific region is one of the most prospective regions in the world in terms of consuming natural gas and oil. Successful integration processes in Asia depend significantly on the foreign policy priorities of Russia, the key geopolitical player and energy producer. The objective of the article is to reveal the nature of China’s participation in building a new global economy model on the example of the RCEP as well as the position of Russia regarding the integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region. The methods of scientific abstraction, comparative analysis and logical generalization have been used. The main theoretical approaches have been systematized and summarized the analysis of the role of China in the integration processes in the Asia-Pacific region in the context of the polycyclic transformations of the global economy dominant paradigm. China regards the uSA as its main competitor and the usurper of global resources. In recent decades, China has demonstrated undeniable economic achievements based on the success of the industrial policy. China is leading the creation of the world largest trade bloc to be able to determine independently the future agenda of the global economy. However, with no political support, intellectual and raw materials resources of Russia, it will be difficult for China to achieve parity with the West in the world economic arena. It has been concluded that in order to take advantage of the integration processes in the APR, Russia should take an active position in a constructive dialogue with China and other Asia-Pacific countries on numerous unresolved issues of bilateral and multilateral cooperation. Asian investors and consumers should be admitted to Russian oil and gas resources simultaneously with the introduction of Russia in the regional value chain in the Asia-Pacific region on mutually beneficial terms.