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Journal articles on the topic 'Asceticism History Middle Ages'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Megna, Paul. "Better Living through Dread: Medieval Ascetics, Modern Philosophers, and the Long History of Existential Anxiety." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 130, no. 5 (October 2015): 1285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2015.130.5.1285.

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Intellectual historians often credit S⊘ren Kierkegaard as existential anxiety's prime mover. Arguing against this popular sentiment, this essay reads Kierkegaard not as the ex nihilo inventor of existential anxiety but as a modern practitioner of a deep-historical, dread-based asceticism. Examining a wide range of Middle English devotional literature alongside some canonical works of modern existentialism, it argues that Kierkegaard and the existentialists who followed him participated in a Judeo-Christian tradition of dread-based asceticism, the popularity of which had dwindled since the Middle Ages but never vanished. Following medieval ascetics, modern philosophers like Kierkegaard, Martin Heidegger, and Jean-Paul Sartre cultivated and analyzed anxiety in an effort to embody authenticity. By considering premodern ascetics early existentialists and modern existentialists latter-day ascetics, the essay sees the long history of existential anxiety as an ascetic tradition built around the ethical goal of living better through dread.

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2

Rudi, Tatiana R. "On the Asceticism of Holy Fools (from the History of Hagiographic Topoi)." Slovene 4, no. 1 (2015): 456–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.1.27.

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The present research is based on material from Old Russian lives of holy fools: Isaacius of the Cave Monastery, Procopius and John of Ustyug, Basil the Blessed, John Bolshoy Kolpak (Big Cap), Simon of Yuryevets, John Vlasaty (the Hairy), Maximus of Totma, Procopius of Vyatka, John Samsonovich of Solvychegodsk, Artemius Tretyak, and others. The main ascetic motifs that determine this type of hagiographic texts are examined in the context of hagiographic topoi. Many ascetic motifs of the lives of holy fools, which is an element of the system of hagiographic topoi, demonstrate kinship with ascetic motifs of the lives of holy monks (e.g., severe fasting, wearing chains, suffering from cold and heat, etc.), and in some cases also with the lives of martyrs (e.g., fire motifs). At the same time, some ascetic practices described in the lives of holy fools are rather provocative (nudity or aggressive behavior) or take place in a veiled form (e.g., hidden fasts) in accordance with an emphasis on the unusual feat for the sake of Christ. The aim of this feat was to hide one’s virtues. A focus on examples, which is one of the essential elements of the structure of hagiographic texts generally and of the lives of holy fools in particular, reflects a historical continuity of the extreme feat as such. The explanation of this cultural phenomenon could lie in the fact that Old Russian hagiographers, as well as their heroes, followed the most important ethical and aesthetic guideline of their time—the principle of imitatio, which to a great extent determined literary and behavioral strategies of the Middle Ages.

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3

АРХИПОВА, С. В. "FORMS OF RELIGIOUS ASCETICISM IN EGYPT: TRIGGERS IN THE HISTORY OF WORLDVIEWS." Цивилизация и варварство, no. 10(10) (November 10, 2021): 421–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.10.10.017.

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Целью статьи является рассмотрение последовательно сменявших друг друга форм аскетического идеала в Египте, способствовавших переходу от античных социокультурных ориентиров к новой системе христианских общественно значимых ценностей и норм. Во II в. до н.э. парадоксы крайних воплощений религиозной аскезы, чуждые традиционной египетской ментальности, вызывали негативную реакцию со стороны приверженцев общепринятых мировоззренческих стереотипов, которая проявлялась в актах варварской агрессии. По мере смещения мировоззренческих парадигм к христианству смещался и вектор агрессии: в III–IV вв. ее объектами становились уже сторонники прежних стереотипов. Являясь, с одной стороны, выражением экзистенциального кризиса своего времени, египетские аскезы в то же время несли в себе мощный цивилизационный потенциал, включивший механизм перехода общественного сознания от Поздней Античности к Раннему Средневековью. Инверсия варварства и цивилизации в оценках этих исторических процессов современниками и последующими поколениями была неизбежна. В сплаве идей, представлений, общественных ориентиров и ценностей выкристаллизовывался вектор развития будущего христианского культурного сообщества, породившего в качестве своего стержня явление монашества с его социальной ролью «патрона», «заступника» и «посредника», характерной для позднеантичного сознания и перепереосмысленной в рамках новой системы ценностей. Однако без ранней формы аскезы катохов, воплотивших первоначальный аскетический идеал, эволюционный скачок в истории мировоззрений был бы невозможен. Ни в российской ни в зарубежной научной литературе не освещалась историческая роль катохов и не рассматривались египетские аскезы в аспекте их взаимосвязи. The purpose of the article is to consider the successive forms of the ascetic ideal in Egypt, which contributed to the transition from ancient socio-cultural guidelines to a new system of Christian socially significant values and norms. In the second century BC, the paradoxes of extreme embodiments of religious asceticism, alien to the traditional Egyptian mentality, caused a negative reaction from adherents of generally accepted ideological stereotypes, which was manifested in acts of barbaric aggression. As the worldview paradigms shifted to Christianity, the vector of aggression also shifted: in the III–IV centuries its objects were already supporters of the previous stereotypes. Being, on the one hand, an expression of the existential crisis of their time, Egyptian asceticism at the same time carried a powerful civilizational potential, which included a mechanism for the transition of public consciousness from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages. The inversion of barbarism and civilization in the assessments of these historical processes by contemporaries and subsequent generations was inevitable. In the fusion of ideas, ideas, social guidelines and values, the vector of development of the future Christian cultural community was crystallized, which gave rise to the phenomenon of monasticism as its core, with its social role of “patron”, “intercessor” and “mediator”, characteristic of the late Antique consciousness and reinterpreted within the framework of a new system of values. However, without the early form of asceticism of the Catholics, who embodied the original ascetic ideal, an evolutionary leap in the history of worldviews would have been impossible. Neither Russian nor foreign scientific literature has covered the historical role of the Catholics and has not considered Egyptian asceticism in the aspect of their relationship.

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4

Beers, Walter. "Norm and Exercise: Christian Asceticism between Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages. Potsdamer altertumswissenschaftliche Beiträge, vol. 65. Edited by Roberto Alciati. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 2018. 202 pp. €46.00 paperback." Church History 89, no. 2 (June 2020): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720000815.

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5

Honneth, Axel. "‘Labour’, A Brief History of a Modern Concept." Philosophy 97, no. 2 (February 17, 2022): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003181912100036x.

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As has often been observed, neither the thinkers of antiquity nor those of the Middle Ages exhibited a great theoretical interest in the social value or even the ethical significance of labour. Throughout this long period of history, the labour an individual had to carry out to make a living, and thus under compulsion, was understood more or less solely as a heavy burden. It signified daily toil and the state of personal dependency attaching to a lowly social rank. Consequently, there was no cause to subject it to any kind of moral consideration. Indeed, as Moses Finley reports (1999, p. 81) ‘[n]either in Greek nor Latin was there a word with which to express the general notion of ‘labour’ or the concept of labour as a general social function’ (see too Arendt, 2013 [1958], pp. 81 ff.). Famously, with the advent of modernity, the very opposite begins to become the case. In this period, in the wake of various intersecting processes of cultural revaluation and economic transformation, labour developed into a positive credential of free existence and a presupposition of social integrity: the Protestant ethic led to a gradual upgrading of the value of labour, because it was interpreted as a sign that one possessed a capacity for inner-worldly asceticism. In the course of the establishment of capitalist economic practices, the liberation of labour from personal dependency in legal terms gave rise to the idea that gainful work could henceforth be proof of a free decision, and it thus provided the precondition of individual independence. And over time, the more the intellectual union between these two revolutions was strengthened, the more it would go on to influence the cultural self-understanding of modern societies in the capitalist west: what was previously the sheer necessity of earning a daily crust was now understood as proof of social emancipation and freedom. Nobody provided a better conceptualisation of this transformed self-conception than Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, who devoted an entire chapter of his ‘Philosophy of Right’ of 1821 to the emancipatory value of labour; here, he tells us that every (male) member of civil society ‘is somebody’ through ‘his competence’ and his ‘regular income and means of support’, i.e. possesses the social status of a full-fledged citizen, and will find ‘his honour’ in this recognised existence as a professional (Hegel 1991 [1821], § 253).

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6

Zheleznova, Natalia A. "Ascetics and/or laypeople: Jain view on humam status in the world." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2021): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080014204-1.

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The article examines the ethical system of Jainism on the example of the lifestyle of ascetic monks and lay householders. The disciplinary rules for lay followers (both Digambara and Śvetāmbara branches of Jainism) are fixed in the texts of the śrāvakācāra genre compiled by ascetics. This reflects the hierarchical distribution of “roles” within the Jain community. Ascetics represent the most advanced part of the community on the spiritual Path of Liberation, while lay people have only just entered this path. The author focuses on the fact that in Jainism monasticism is considered as a spiritually higher stage, and not just a different (but equally significant) way of salvation. Only monks of certain ranks have the right to preach publicly, interpret the Scriptures, and instruct the laity. Householders can only do this in the absence of monks. At the same time, ascetics are almost completely dependent on the laity for their everyday life, since householders are obliged to provide them with everything necessary for life. The introduction of an intermediate, quasi-monastic way of life in the form of the bhaṭṭārakas (Digambra) and śrīpūjya (Śvetāmbra) in the middle ages allowed the Jain community to survive and even have a direct impact on the political and economic situation in various regions of India. The author emphasizes that written in all-India paradigm of the life regulations (artha, kāma, dharma and mokṣa), Jain system of domestic rituals, coupled with the practice of vows and limitations focused on training of householders to move towards self-improvement and eventually achieve the main religious goal – realization the nature of one’s own soul.

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7

Matitashvili, Shota. "The Monasteries Founded by the Thirteen Syrian Fathers in Iberia." Studies in Late Antiquity 2, no. 1 (2018): 4–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2018.2.1.4.

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A new step in the history of Christian monasticism in eastern Georgia is associated with thirteen Syrian monks, led by John, who came to Iberia (K‘art‘li) in the mid-sixth century C.E. They were the bearers of a Syrian tradition that implied the combination of an heroic ascetic endeavor and an apostolic mission. They came as spiritual heirs of St. Nino, a Cappadocian virgin who converted Georgia to Christianity in the beginning of the fourth century. Their vitae were first composed by a certain hagiographer named John-Martyrius, but this work does not survive. In the tenth century, the head of the Georgian Church and the distinguished ecclesiastical writer Arsenius II (955–980) depicted their lives and deeds based on different oral and written sources. Later, other unknown authors also wrote additional hagiographical works about these Syrian ascetics. At the beginning of their ascetic and ecclesiastical careers, the thirteen Syrian monks settled on Zedazeni mountain with their spiritual supervisor, John. John later sent them to different corners of the Iberian kingdom in opposition to paganism and Zoroastrianism. They founded monasteries and became influential religious leaders during the second half of the sixth century. Through their vitae, composed by Arsenius and other unknown authors, it is possible to trace the process of transforming the small ascetic communities established by Syrian monks into great feudal organizations. These monasteries had an important impact on the Georgian social and cultural landscape during the Middle Ages.

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8

UCHIROVA, Margarita, Sergey KHUDYAKOV, and Varvara BRIGUGLIO. "Intramundane Asceticism as a Basis for Organizing Irish Monastery in the Early Middle Ages." WISDOM 2, no. 1 (May 26, 2022): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v2i1.774.

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The work aims to study the features of the organization of the early medieval Christian society based on the development of intramundane asceticism as the basis of worldly activities with the aim of the natural arrangement of the world under the commitment to the conceptual vocation. The need to update the research study on this issue of inciting contradictions in ideas about the essence of Irish Christian culture. The chronological scope of the study is limited to the period of the 5th-11thcenturies. The lower limit of distribution with the birth of the Irish Christian mission and the appearance of the first missionary monks. The upper one is limited to the 11th century - a period of weakening of the Irish Church, rains of Viking raids, and later - the Anglo-Normans. The paper reflects the main features of the formation of Christian culture in the territory during the early Middle Ages, traces the evolution and reveals the characteristic features of the dynamics of the culture of Irish monasteries, and reveals the role of Irish monasteries in the development of modern culture. The article uses general scientific methods and methods of historical analysis.

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9

Oakley, Francis. "The Paradox of Holy Matter in the Later Middle Ages." Harvard Theological Review 106, no. 2 (April 2013): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816013000023.

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Via the focus on food that she had found to be the distinguishing preoccupation in the female piety of the Middle Ages and had addressed so probingly and with such independence of scholarly spirit in her Holy Feast and Holy Fast, Caroline Walker Bynum has moved on over the past two decades, and logically enough, to bring her formidable scholarly intelligence and drive to bear, first, on issues pertaining to the body and then, beyond that, to the intriguing cat's cradle of questions pertaining to late-medieval assumptions about matter and its nature in general. The first impulse came to fruition in her Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200–1336, a book in which celibacy, asceticism, fasting, and renunciation notwithstanding, she pushed back hard against the modern temptation to project onto medieval religiosity some sort of body-hating soul-body dualism. In this she was moved, as she herself has forthrightly acknowledged, by a “determination to let individual voices be individual and to let the past be different,” as well as by the adamant refusal, evinced also in the work under review, to simplify “the intricate and contradictory assumptions and practices” she was exploring. “Paradox remains paradox,” she has bluntly insisted, and “complexity remains complex” (13).

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10

Brundage, J. A. "The Gay Middle Ages?" Radical History Review 1996, no. 64 (January 1, 1996): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1996-64-100.

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11

Hoel, Nikolas O. "Hues of Martyrdom: Monastic and Lay Asceticism in Two Homilies of Gregory the Great on the Gospels." Downside Review 138, no. 1 (January 2020): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0012580620910973.

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Pope Gregory I was the first monk to hold the office of Bishop of Rome, and he was one of the most prolific papal writers of the Middle Ages. It should not be a surprise that his views on monasticism can be found in everything that he wrote, including the Homiliae in Evangelia. This text includes lessons that would be heard by both monks and lay people, because both would have been listening to the sermons. By looking at the first two of these homilies, it can be determined that Gregory urged his audience to strive for asceticism, which he equated to martyrdom. Yet, the asceticism of the monk could not be the same as that of the lay person. This article argues that Gregory conceived of two types on non-red martyrdom: the white martyrdom of the monks which served as the model for the blue martyrdom of the laity.

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12

Lewis, C. P. "The New Middle Ages?" History Workshop Journal 63, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 303–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbm014.

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13

Crawford, Katherine, Glenn Burger, and Steven F. Kruger. "Queering the Middle Ages." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061390.

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14

Joy, Eileen A., Bettina Bildhauer, and Robert Mills. "The Monstrous Middle Ages." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477824.

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15

Kintzinger, Martin. "Knowledge History of the Middle Ages." Frühmittelalterliche Studien 56, no. 1 (October 4, 2022): 375–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fmst-2022-0012.

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16

Richardson, C. T. "Dress in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review 117, no. 473 (September 1, 2002): 973–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.473.973.

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17

Campbell, J. "Encyclopaedia of the Middle Ages." English Historical Review 119, no. 480 (February 1, 2004): 158. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.480.158.

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18

Turville-Petre, T. "English in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review 119, no. 481 (April 1, 2004): 501–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.481.501.

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19

Woolgar, C. M. "Food and the middle ages." Journal of Medieval History 36, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmedhist.2009.12.001.

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20

Lester-Makin, Alexandra. "Fashion in the Middle Ages." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 20, no. 1 (February 2013): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2012.756299.

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21

Steenstrup, Carl, and Kozo Yamamura. "The Middle Ages Survey'd." Monumenta Nipponica 46, no. 2 (1991): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2385403.

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22

Fishman, Sterling, Shulamith Shahar, and Carmen Luke. "Childhood in the Middle Ages." History of Education Quarterly 31, no. 2 (1991): 279. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368448.

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23

Starn, Randolph, and Steven F. Kruger. "Dreaming in the Middle Ages." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 25, no. 4 (1995): 668. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205791.

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24

Courtenay, William J., Jacques Le Goff, and Teresa Lavender Fagan. "Intellectuals in the Middle Ages." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 26, no. 3 (1996): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206040.

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25

Bachrach, Bernard S., Philippe Contamine, and Michael Jones. "War in the Middle Ages." Technology and Culture 27, no. 3 (July 1986): 609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105395.

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26

Colish, Marcia L., and Steven F. Kruger. "Dreaming in the Middle Ages." American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (October 1993): 1220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166646.

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27

Liu, Wenxi, Jean Verdon, and George Holoch. "Travel in the Middle Ages." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477347.

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28

Grant, Edward, and Richard Kieckhefer. "Magic in the Middle Ages." American Historical Review 96, no. 3 (June 1991): 853. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162475.

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29

Sayers, Jane E., and Elisabeth Vodola. "Excommunication in the Middle Ages." American Historical Review 92, no. 2 (April 1987): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1866658.

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30

Hinton, David A. "Archaeology and the Middle Ages." Medieval Archaeology 31, no. 1 (January 1987): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00766097.1987.11735490.

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31

Bele, Martin. "Ljutomer in the Middle Ages." Kronika 70, no. 3 (November 9, 2022): 499–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.56420/https://doi.org/10.56420/kronika.70.3.01.

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The contribution discusses the medieval beginnings of the settlement and castle of Ljutomer as well as of the noble families that resided in it during that period. The article draws on analysed sources and the existing Slovenian and Austrian literature. The beginnings of (originally Salzburg-owned) Ljutomer date to the thirteenth century, when the first data emerge regarding both the market town and the castle. The market town first appears in the land register of the Bohemian king Ottokar II Přemysl (the then Styrian duke) as early as 1265. Over the following decades, Ljutomer passed through the hands of various Styrian dukes from the Habsburg dynasty. The residents of the castle apparently played no notable part in the Styrian provincial politics. From the thirteenth century onwards, many vineyards of various owners dotted the hills around Ljutomer.

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32

Bele, Martin. "Ljutomer in the Middle Ages." Kronika 70, no. 3 (November 9, 2022): 499–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.56420/kronika.70.3.01.

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The contribution discusses the medieval beginnings of the settlement and castle of Ljutomer as well as of the noble families that resided in it during that period. The article draws on analysed sources and the existing Slovenian and Austrian literature. The beginnings of (originally Salzburg-owned) Ljutomer date to the thirteenth century, when the first data emerge regarding both the market town and the castle. The market town first appears in the land register of the Bohemian king Ottokar II Přemysl (the then Styrian duke) as early as 1265. Over the following decades, Ljutomer passed through the hands of various Styrian dukes from the Habsburg dynasty. The residents of the castle apparently played no notable part in the Styrian provincial politics. From the thirteenth century onwards, many vineyards of various owners dotted the hills around Ljutomer.

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33

Kurtz, Joachim. "Chinese Dreams of the Middle Ages." Medieval History Journal 21, no. 1 (March 4, 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945817753874.

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Dreams of a return to a golden age in remote antiquity were common tropes in imperial Chinese philosophy, literature and art. But such yearnings could also relate to the more recent past of a diffuse ‘Middle Period’ situated flexibly between the time of the legendary sage kings and the respective present. This article illustrates how evocations of this unwieldy era were re-signified through its association with Europe’s ‘Middle Ages’. Far from producing a unified image, the uneasy coupling opened up a space in between the normative poles of ‘antiquity’ and ‘modernity’ that served as a platform to negotiate competing visions of China’s past, present and future. Alternately romanticised or demonised, the Chinese medieval could be enlisted as a site of cultural nostalgia, social utopia or a tool of political propaganda. By reviewing a selection of these diverse uses, I aim to understand the limited but persistent appeal of medievalism in modern China. At the same time, I will explore what this example can teach us about the ways in which ‘colligatory concepts’ such as the Middle Ages and the obsessions that may be attached to them travel across cultural and linguistic boundaries.

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34

Chibnall, Marjorie. "Review: Exile in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review 120, no. 487 (June 1, 2005): 816–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei275.

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35

Rider, C. "My Quest for the Middle Ages." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 496 (April 1, 2007): 523–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem041.

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36

Catto, J. "The Franciscans in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 499 (December 21, 2007): 1384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem370.

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37

Lester, A. E. "Hospitaller Women in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 505 (November 10, 2008): 1524–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen310.

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38

Vaughan, Richard. "The past in the middle ages." Journal of Medieval History 12, no. 1 (January 1986): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-4181(86)90010-2.

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39

Palladino, Adrien, and Elisabetta Scirocco. "The “Middle Ages”’ Interconnectedness." Convivium 8, no. 2 (July 2021): 11–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.convi.5.131112.

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40

Prestwich, M. "Soldiers' Lives Through History: The Middle Ages." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 509 (July 16, 2009): 943–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep157.

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41

Солоницын, Павел Сергеевич. "THE CONCEPT OF THE TALION AND THE PROCEDURE FOR SERVING A CRIMINAL PENALTY: PENITENTIARY IDEAS OF E. YU. SOLOVIEV." Vestnik Samarskogo iuridicheskogo instituta, no. 3(49) (November 15, 2022): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37523/sui.2022.49.3.012.

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В статье рассматривается концепция талиона, которая дается в программной статье выдающегося российского философа Э. Ю. Соловьева. Ученый рассматривает талион как появившийся в древности принцип наказания, который предполагает ограничение тяжести преступления тяжестью карательного насилия. Именно ветхозаветный талион противопоставлялся мести и другим формам преследования преступника, практиковавшимся с древнейших времен. Соловьев показывает, что расправа над преступником и членами его клана постепенно трансформировалось в голую месть. И если бы не мера должного и отмеренного воздаяния, которая олицетворяется в талионе, расправа продолжала бы оставаться основным мерилом справедливости. Современное наказание, отмечает ученый, не только изолирует преступника от общества, но и общество от преступника. Таким образом, Соловьев видит в талионе одно из великих этических завоеваний в истории человечества, которое в той или иной степени пронизывает всю его историю, по крайней мере историю европейских народов. Современный принцип восстановления справедливости как основной цели наказания восходит к талиону и является его исторической транформацией. Ученый выделяет три этапа в эволюции талиона. Первый представлен практикой известных ветхозаветных и древневавилонских текстов, в которых описывается принцип талиона. Второй этап ученый связывает с системой уголовных практик суровых наказаний эпохи позднего Средневековья и начала Нового времени. В ответ на карательное правосудие абсолютизма рождается идея просвещенного правового отмщения, которую Э. Ю. Соловьев связывает с третьей эпохой в развитии принципа талиона (конец XVIII - первая половина XIX в.). Однако в эту же эпоху складывается негативная тенденция, направленная на так называемую утилизацию личности осужденного, наиболее страшным выражением которой стали каторжные тюрьмы некоторых европейских стран, советские лагеря системы ГУЛАГа. Соловьев не приемлет какую-либо форму подобной утилизации, поскольку она подрывает саму материю талиона как справедливого воздаяния за конкретные преступления. В противовес подобной практике ученый выдвигает так называемую гетерономию наказания - превращение лишения свободы в аналог монастырской аскезы. Она включает в себя почти полную изоляцию от окружающего мира и максимальную самоокупаемость труда осужденных. Именно такая организация быта и труда осужденных за особо опасные преступления, считает ученый, превращает наказание в справедливое воздаяние тем, кто не ценит свободы и наказывается полным отторжением от ценностей, с ней связанных. The article discusses the concept of talion, which is given in the program article of the outstanding Russian philosopher E. Yu. Solovyov. The scientist considers talion as a principle of punishment that appeared in antiquity, which involves limiting the severity of a crime by the severity of punitive violence. It was the Old Testament talion that was opposed to revenge and other forms of persecution of the criminal, practiced since ancient times. Solovyov shows that the reprisal against the criminal and members of his clan gradually transformed into naked revenge. And if it were not for the measure of due and measured retribution, which is personified in the talion, reprisal would continue to be the most important measure of justice. Modern punishment, the scientist notes, not only isolates the offender from society, but also society from the offender. Thus, Solovyov sees the talion as one of the great ethical achievements in the history of mankind, which, to one degree or another, permeates its entire history, at least the history of European peoples. The modern principle of restoring justice, as the main goal of punishment, goes back to the talion and is its historical transformation. The scientist distinguishes three stages in the evolution of the talion. The first one is represented by the practice of well-known Old Testament and ancient Babylonian texts, which describe the principle of talion. The scientist connects the second stage with the system of criminal practices of severe punishments of the late Middle Ages and the beginning of the New Age. In response to the punitive justice of absolutism, the idea of enlightened legal revenge is born, which E.Yu. Solovyov connects with the third era in the development of the talion principle (the end of the 18th - the first half of the 19th century). However, in the same era, a negative trend is emerging, aimed at the so-called. utilization of the personality of the convict, the most terrible expression of which was the hard labor prisons of some European countries, the Soviet camps of the Gulag system. Solovyov does not accept any form of such disposal, since it undermines the very substance of the talion, as a fair retribution for specific crimes. In contrast to such practice, the scientist puts forward the so-called. heteronomy of punishment - the transformation of imprisonment into an analogue of monastic asceticism. It includes almost complete isolation from the outside world and the maximum self-sufficiency of the work of convicts. It is this organization of life and work of those convicted of especially dangerous crimes, the scientist believes, that turns punishment into a fair retribution for those who do not value freedom and are punished with a complete rejection of the values associated with it.

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42

Smith, Julia M. H. "Celtic Asceticism and Carolingian Authority in early medieval Brittany." Studies in Church History 22 (1985): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400007877.

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In the earlier Middle Ages, Brittany enjoyed a mixed reputation as a region in which to lead a life of ascetic discipline and dedication to God. The (eleventh-century?) Life of Me wan describes Samson and his disciples leaving Britain for a life of spiritual exile. They headed for Brittany because, according to the hagiographer, the region was not only a ‘desert’ where life would be harsher than elsewhere, but also because the ferocity of its inhabitants made it crueller. Others were not so sure whether this was an advantage. Abelard’s tribulations as abbot of Saint-Gildas-de-Rhuys are well known: though himself originating fromBretagne gallo, he complained that the Bretons ofBretagne bretonnantewere a barbarian, lawless race, and that the monks of Saint-Gildas were dissolute and uncontrollable. Abelard’s comments echo a long tradition of French, or Frankish, castigation of the Bretons, stretching back at least to the ninth century. This criticism often expresses more than hostility to agenswhose language made them incomprehensible and hence ridiculous: amongst the tensions it reflects are problems of Christian discipline and ecclesiastical authority which the Frankish church was unable fully to resolve. In exploring behind the Bretons’ bad reputation, it is worthwhile investigating both the ascetic practices of early medieval Brittany and the reactions to those practices of the Frankish church. In so doing, I hope to elucidate my juxtaposition of ‘Celtic asceticism’ and ‘Carolingian authority’ by showing how Breton ascetic traditions were modified under the impact of Carolingian political circumstances.

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43

Wylie, Jonathan, and Aaron Gurevich. "Historical Anthropology of the Middle Ages." Ethnohistory 41, no. 2 (1994): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482841.

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Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane. "The Monstrous Middle Ages (review)." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 2, no. 2 (2008): 202–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.0.0019.

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Saito, Ken. "Antiquity and the Middle Ages." Nuncius 28, no. 1 (2013): 223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-02801016.

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Symes, C. "The Middle Ages between Nationalism and Colonialism." French Historical Studies 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-2010-021.

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Cobban, Alan B. "English University Benefactors in the Middle Ages." History 86, no. 283 (July 2001): 288–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-229x.00191.

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Crawford, A. "The Queens Council in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review 116, no. 469 (November 1, 2001): 1193–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.469.1193.

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Wormald, P. "The Early Middle Ages: Europe, 400-1000." English Historical Review 117, no. 471 (April 1, 2002): 374–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.471.374.

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Maddicott, J. R. "English Diplomatic Practice in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review 119, no. 480 (February 1, 2004): 171–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.480.171-a.

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