Journal articles on the topic 'Arts-media censorship'
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1
Saro, Anneli. "Nõukogude tsensuuri mehhanismid, stateegiad ja tabuteemad Eesti teatris [Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.02.
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Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre
Since theatre in the Soviet Union had to be first of all a propaganda and educational institution, the activity, repertoire and every single production of the theatre was subject to certain ideological and artistic prescriptions. Theatre artists were not subject to any official regulations regarding forbidden topics or ways of representation, thus the nature of censorship manifested itself to them in practice. Lists of forbidden authors and works greatly affected politics related to repertoire until the mid-1950s but much less afterwards. Research on censorship is hampered by the fact that it was predominately oral, based on phone or face-to-face conversations, and corresponding documentation has been systematically destroyed.
This article is primarily based on memoirs and research conducted by people who were active in the Soviet theatre system. It systematises the empirical material into four parts: 1) mechanisms of censorship, 2) forms and strategies, 3) counter-strategies against censorship and 4) taboo topics. Despite the attempt to map theatre censorship in Estonia after the Second World War (1945–1990), most of the material concerns the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. This can be explained by the age of the respondents, but it can also be related to the fact that the Soviet control system became more liberal or ambiguous after the Khrushchev thaw encouraged theatre artists and officials to test the limits of freedom.
The mechanisms of theatre censorship were multifaceted. Ideological correctness and the artistic maturity of repertoire and single productions were officially controlled by the Arts Administration (1940–1975) and afterwards by the Theatre Administration (1975–1990) under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture. Performing rights for new texts were allocated by the Main Administration for Literary and Publishing Affairs (Glavlit): texts by foreign authors were approved by the central office in Moscow, and texts by local authors were approved by local offices. The third censorship agency was the artistic committee that operated in every single theatre. Nevertheless, the most powerful institution was the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Estonia, whose influence on artistic issues had to be kept confidential by the parties involved. On top of all this, there was the hidden power and omnipresent network of agents of the Committee for State Security (KGB). Some audience members also acted as self-appointed censors. The network and system of censorship made the control system almost total and permanent, also enforcing self-censorship.
Forms of censorship can be divided into preventive and punitive censorship, and strategies into direct and indirect censorship. Soviet censorship institutions mostly applied preventive censorship to plays or parts of productions, but hardly any production was cancelled before its premiere because that would have had undesirable financial consequences. Punitive censorship after the premiere was meant for correcting mistakes when the political climate changed or if a censor had been too reckless/lenient/clever, or if actors/audiences had started emphasising implicit meanings. Preventive censorship was predominantly direct and punitive censorship indirect (compelling directors to change mise en scènes or prescribing the number of performances). Indirect censorship can be characterised by ambiguity and allusions. A distinction can be made between preventive and punitive censorship in the context of single productions, but when forbidden authors, works or topics were involved, these two forms often merged.
The plurality of censorship institutions or mechanisms, and shared responsibility led to a playful situation where parties on both sides of the front line were constantly changing, enabling theatre artists to use different counter-strategies against censorship. Two main battlefields were the mass media and meetings of the artistic committees, where new productions were introduced. The most common counter-strategies were the empowerment of productions and directors with opinions from experts and public figures (used also as a tool of censorship), providing ideologically correct interpretations of productions, overstated/insincere self-criticism on the part of theatre artists, concealing dangerous information (names of authors, original titles of texts, etc.), establishing relationships based on mutual trust with representatives of censorship institutions for greater artistic freedom, applying for help from central institutions of the Soviet Union against local authorities, and delating on censors. At the same time, a censor could fight for freedom of expression or a critic could work ambivalently as support or protection.
In addition to forbidden authors whose biography, world view or works were unacceptable to Soviet authorities, there was an implicit list of dangerous topics: criticism of the Soviet Union as a state and a representative of the socialist way of life, positive representations of capitalist countries and their lifestyles, national independence and symbols of the independent Republic of Estonia (incl. blue-black-white colour combinations), idealisation of the past and the bourgeoisie, derogation of the Russian language and nation, violence and harassment by Soviet authorities, pessimism and lack of positive character, religious propaganda, sexuality and intimacy. When comparing the list of forbidden topics with analogous ones in other countries, for example in the United Kingdom where censorship was abolished in 1968, it appears that at a general level the topics are quite similar, but priorities are reversed: Western censorship was dealing with moral issues while its Eastern counterpart was engaged with political issues.
It can be concluded that all censorship systems are somehow similar, embracing both the areas of restrictions and the areas of freedom and role play, providing individuals on both sides of the front line with opportunities to interpret and embody their roles according their world view and ethics. Censorship of arts is still an issue nowadays, even when it is hidden or neglected.
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Black, Joanna. "Navigating and Combating “Digital Information Minefields” in our Era of Digital Deceit." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 9, no. 10 (October 8, 2022): 4–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.910.13238.
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In our post-truth era, it is becoming increasingly difficult for people to deal with fake news, artificial intelligence, increasing algorithms, Internet censorship, and resulting manipulation of digital users. Social media usage and digital technologies are utilized not only in people’s daily lives, but also in educational contexts. In this perplexing political and corporate landscape, a university Education Librarian and Education Professor working in a Faculty of Education have teamed together to examine ways to address this minefield in their case study research involving ninety-one students. Outlined is a collaborative, responsive, pedagogical approach in which critical research skills and educational curricula are delineated and related to creative and participatory educational practices. An emphasis is placed on arts-based inquiry and student imaginative collaboration. This pedagogy enables students to become more critical consumers and skilled producers of knowledge, facilitating student research and communication of well-developed ideas within their own digital and teaching lives.
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Werenskjold, Rolf. "German pressure: Spy films and political censorship in Norway, 1914–40." Journal of Scandinavian Cinema 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jsca_00009_1.
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This article explores the relationship between spy films, political censorship and Norwegian foreign policy during the period from 1914 to 1940. Espionage was a popular topic in Norway during this era, both in the news media and as a theme in fictional dramas. Based on a survey of the vetting of 57 spy films, both silent and sound, by the state censorship board, the article focuses on the Norwegian government’s hidden role in political film censorship throughout the period. While Norway’s Constitution and film censorship statutes provided no legal foundation for political censorship, there is nonetheless ample evidence that it took place. The article concludes with an in-depth analysis of the process of banning the US film Confessions of a Nazi Spy in July 1939, the German involvement in that process, and the subsequent effort to change the censorship law to reflect what was happening in practice.
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Alam, Muhammad Badar. "Notes from a Pakistani Newsroom." BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies 10, no. 2 (December 2019): 234–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927619896772.
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The essay describes how and why various parts of the state in Pakistan, especially its security and intelligence agencies, have embarked on a campaign to censor and silence news media through mostly quasi-legal and extra-legal measures. It does so by offering a personal account as well as narrating many other impersonal examples collected from across the Pakistani news media. It also provides a historical and commercial context to the ongoing censorship and self-censorship in the country’s newsrooms to show how the present is both similar to and different from the past.
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Tan, Jia. "Digital masquerading: Feminist media activism in China." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 13, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659017710063.
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In March 2015, five young feminists were detained and accused of “disturbing public order” through their plan to circulate messages against sexual harassment in public transportation. This article focuses on the feminist media practices before and after the detention of the Feminist Five to shed light on the dynamics between state surveillance and incrimination, media activism, and feminist politics in China. Exploring the practices of the Youth Feminist Action School, it argues that the role of media in this new wave of feminist activism can be better understood as a form of “digital masquerading” in three ways. First, this captures the self-awareness and agency of feminists in their tactical use of media to circumvent censorship. Masquerading in the digital era is an active and self-conscious act leveraging the specificity of media practice to set the media agenda, increase public influence, and avoid censorship. Second, masquerading refers to the digital alteration of images in order to tactically represent women’s bodies in public spaces while circumventing censorship and possible criminalization. It highlights the figurative and the corporeal in online digital activist culture, which are oftentimes overlooked in existing literature. Third, while the masquerade in psychoanalytic theory emphasizes individualized gendered identity, the notion of digital masquerade points to the interface between the medium and the subjects, which involves collective efforts in assembling activist activities and remaking publicness.
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Kiziltunali, Gizem. "Détournement in social media visuals for a shared activist identity and imagery." Visual Communication 19, no. 1 (July 4, 2018): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357218779118.
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This article aims to analyse some of the popular activist posters and images related to the Gezi Park resistance that took place in Turkey in 2013. The author argues that the theoretical approach of détournement is the driving force in the formation of the activist ‘identity’ and ‘imagery’ related to Gezi protests. Further, through detourning the attacks of the government, the article examines how the activist posters and images caused shifts in meaning and generated the negation and recreation of signs and significations. In this way, it can be seen that détournement as a subversive theoretical approach can be reconstructive while deconstructing verbal and censorship attacks from the government. The article engages with the word Çapulcu (looters) in an address by the former Prime Minister against the Gezi protesters and the penguin documentary used as a censorship element during the protests. It analyses how détournement applied by the protesters to these attacks led to the creation of a shared Gezi identity and image.
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Du, Y. Roselyn. "Tinted revolutions in prismatic news: Ideological influences in Greater China’s reporting on the role of social media in the Arab Uprisings." Journalism 19, no. 9-10 (October 13, 2017): 1471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917735690.
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Social media is widely seen as playing a crucial role in the Arab Uprisings. This study compares news coverage in mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan regarding social media in the Arab Uprisings. Content analysis of 162 news stories revealed that media in the three regions constructed their coverage within different frames, despite the events being geographically remote to the three Greater China regions and occurring in countries with which Greater China has little cultural, religious, ethnical, or economic connections. Overall, a clear pro-social-media pattern was found in Hong Kong and Taiwan media coverage, whereas in mainland China social media and the users involved in the Arab Uprisings were treated in the news in an obscured or unfavorable manner. Mainland China’s coverage was less likely to mention censorship of social media in the revolutions, whereas Hong Kong and Taiwan media frequently reported censorship and took a stance against it. Hong Kong and Taiwan media were also inclined to relate situations in the Arab Uprisings to mainland China. Such variations in the media coverage arguably are mainly due to ideological differences.
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Park, Lisa SoYoung, and Maurice Benayoun. "A Cautionary Tale of Urban Media Art: Media-Bait, Planned Censorship and Its Repercussions." Leonardo 53, no. 2 (April 2020): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/leon_a_01611.
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How do curatorial initiatives in public spaces balance the critical pursuit of art and the professional ethics of the exhibition context? What are the pros and cons of conducting attention-grabbing guerrilla campaigns versus infiltrating politically sensitive public arenas with long-term initiatives? What happens when corporate sponsors of art become trapped in the battlefield of art-fueled media controversy? This article expands on such inquiries by analyzing the collision of two artistic urban interventions, Open Sky Project and the Countdown Machine campaign—a collision that took place within the delicate political context of Hong Kong in 2016.
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Mina, An Xiao. "Batman, Pandaman and the Blind Man: A Case Study in Social Change Memes and Internet Censorship in China." Journal of Visual Culture 13, no. 3 (December 2014): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412914546576.
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While the internet has been examined as a utilitarian space for social movements, it also acts as a cultural space for personal and community expression about important social issues. While examining the particularities of the memetic form – often catchy humor, simple imagery, and remixing – the author examines meme culture as a vehicle for political and social critique in the context of China’s stringent web censorship and propaganda. She looks at social change memes that have arisen around internet censorship and in support of the blind lawyer activist Chen Guangcheng. First, she considers these memes as visual and creative practices that sidestep the mechanics of internet censorship in China. She then argues for the role of internet memes in challenging hegemonic media environments, and maintains that these actions should be considered important political acts in and of themselves.
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Chan, Melissa Mei-Lin. "Remixing Chineseness: Censorship, disembodiment and the voice in Hong Kong digital media." Journal of Chinese Cinemas 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508061.2020.1712776.
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Marwick, Alice E. "Media Studies and the Pitfalls of Publicity." Television & New Media 21, no. 6 (July 26, 2020): 608–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476420919702.
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For many academics, using social media has both drawbacks and advantages. Social media may allow connection with colleagues, scholarly promotion, and public engagement, and may also open researchers up to criticism and even possible harassment. This essay argues that we must think critically about logics of self-branding and attention-seeking given these two sides of the coin of social media publicity. First, publicity can easily be weaponized against scholars engaging in projects that may be socially or politically controversial by individuals or organizations who disagree with their premises. Universities are often unprepared to deal with this negative publicity and fail to protect researchers from the consequence. Second, self-branding may undermine one’s ability to be viewed as a serious scholar and requires rigorous self-censorship, particularly for those far from the white, male ideal of the professoriate. I conclude with some recommendations for academic social media use at different career stages.
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Schiffrin, Anya. "Introduction to Special Issue on media capture." Journalism 19, no. 8 (September 13, 2017): 1033–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917725167.
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This introduction discusses the idea of ‘media capture’. It argues that media capture is a useful concept for understanding today’s state of the media. Media capture refers to a situation in which governments or vested interests networked with politics control the media. While traditional forms of prepublication censorship no longer exist in many parts of the world, the media are still not truly free. Political transition and digital technology, which were expected to free the media, did not. Instead, forms of control by government in tandem with business evolved along with changes in the media. This Special Issue explores recent cases of media capture and discusses how to update theories of media capture in light of transformations caused by digital technology and political transition.
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Wang, Meiqin. "Pandemic, censorship and creative protests via grassroots visual mobilization." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 8, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00043_1.
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In early 2020, Chinese people engaged in several rounds of extraordinary online campaigns in response to the government’s handling of the outbreak of coronavirus. During these campaigns, visual images played a crucial role in facilitating netizens to inform each other, escape official censoring machinery, express anger and frustration, excavate truth, document reality and mobilize online support and protest. In particular, images related with Dr Li Wenliang, one of whistle-blowers of the soon-to-be pandemic who himself died of the virus, and Dr Ai Fen, the first doctor to share information about a possible coronavirus diagnose among her colleagues, became the focal points of the unprecedented online mobilization successively. Millions of netizens participated in the effort to circulate these images (and stories behind them) and invented ingenious ways to continue the endeavour when confronted by the heightened censorship. Various art communities and individuals have done their share to fuel in this momentum of visual mobilization and there was a surge of call for public participation in responding to the pandemic through participatory public artworks. Maskbook, initiated by artist Wen Fang, and One More Day led by MeDoc, are two exemplary cases. Through analysing these images, this article discusses China’s grassroots visual mobilization to claim for freedom of speech and access to truth in the wake of the massive health crisis and articulates its contribution to the formation of a bottom-up visual discourse that challenges the state’s media discourse in interpreting the pandemic as a victory of government leadership.
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Frisch, Nicholas, Valerie Belair-Gagnon, and Colin Agur. "Media capture with Chinese characteristics: Changing patterns in Hong Kong’s news media system." Journalism 19, no. 8 (August 28, 2017): 1165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917724632.
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In the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, a former British territory in southern China returned to the People’s Republic as a semi-autonomous enclave in 1997, media capture has distinct characteristics. On one hand, Hong Kong offers a case of media capture in an uncensored media sector and open market economy similar to those of Western industrialized democracies. Yet Hong Kong’s comparatively small size, close proximity, and broad economic exposure to the authoritarian markets and politics of neighboring Mainland China, which practices strict censorship, place unique pressures on Hong Kong’s nominally free press. Building on the literature on media and politics in Hong Kong post-handover and drawing on interviews with journalists in Hong Kong, this article examines the dynamics of media capture in Hong Kong. It highlights how corporate-owned legacy media outlets are increasingly deferential to the Beijing government’s news agenda, while social media is fostering alternative spaces for more skeptical and aggressive voices. This article develops a scholarly vocabulary to describe media capture from the perspective of local journalists and from the academic literature on media and power in Hong Kong and China since 1997.
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Ng, Eve. "No Grand Pronouncements Here...: Reflections on Cancel Culture and Digital Media Participation." Television & New Media 21, no. 6 (July 26, 2020): 621–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476420918828.
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Although there are numerous prominent examples of social media misuse, these cases should not disproportionately characterize the scope or potential of digital media participation as a whole. Using cancel culture as an entry point, this essay discusses how digital practices often follow a trajectory of being initially embraced as empowering to being denounced as emblematic of digital ills. However, while platforms such as Twitter do have characteristics that militate against nuanced debate, scholars can productively direct attention to interactions in other digital spaces, particularly using methods that yield more qualitatively informative data. These spaces include message boards and comment threads, which foster more long-form engagement. It is also important to look beyond the major English-language platforms, both to account for platform-specific features and so that conditions of online discourse routine in many global contexts, such as negotiating censorship, are centrally theorized in digital media studies.
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Eko, Lyombe, and Lea Hellmueller. "One meta-media event, two forms of censorship: The Charlie Hebdo affair in the United Kingdom and Turkey." Global Media and Communication 16, no. 1 (February 22, 2020): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766519899118.
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This study analyses British and Turkish media conceptualizations of the Charlie Hebdo affair. Editorial decisions to republish or not to republish the Mohammed cartoon cover reflected the politico-cultural pressures on the journalistic fields in both countries. The controversy demonstrated that the editorial autonomy of the British media outlets enabled them to engage in ‘eclectic neutrality’, the right to decide to republish or not to republish the cartoons. Despite the severely constrained journalistic environment of Turkey, where expectations of respect for religion take precedence over freedom of expression, the Turkish media engaged in symbolic acts of resistance in furtherance of freedom of expression.
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Dashti, Ali A., Hasan A. Johar, Saif Nasser Al-Maamari, and Hamed H. AlAbdullah. "Hatred versus tolerance: The effect of the media on the notion of citizenship in Kuwait and Oman." Global Media and Communication 16, no. 3 (July 30, 2020): 271–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766520946475.
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The wars in Syria, Iraq and Yemen, the crisis in Bahrain and the confrontation with Iran have created an environment of sectarianism in the region. This hostility has challenged the media to deal with the issue of citizenship ( Al-Muwatana) in a responsible manner. This study applies Social Responsibility Theory to shed light on the role of print media in shaping the concept of citizenship in the Arabian Gulf, with reference to states that enjoy full or partial freedom, especially Kuwait and Oman. The results of this study show that Omani newspapers deal with citizenship positively when reporting news from Syria, Bahrain, Iraq, Yemen and Iran despite press censorship, while Kuwaiti print media, with its greater freedom of the press, is more negative on the topic of citizenship.
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Olaleye, Taiwo Olapeju. "Veracity Assessment of Multimedia Facebook Posts for Infodemic Symptom Detection using Bi-modal Unsupervised Machine Learning Approach." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 9, no. 12 (December 31, 2021): 2234–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2021.39406.
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Abstract: Ascertaining the truthfulness and trustworthiness of information posted on social media has been challenging with the proliferation of unsubstantiated, misleading, and inciting news, with different intents by purveyors. Unlike the traditional media with some level of regulations, user-generated posts on social networks does not pass through censorships in order to establish the truism of news items hence the need to be cautious of posted information on the networks. The lingering issue of recent suspension of Twitter microblogging site by the Nigerian government and the consequent decision to regulate social network operations in the country similarly centers on the subject of social media dependability for legitimate social engagements by millions of savvy Nigerian users. Whereas existing models in literature have proposed state-of-the-arts, this study seeks to improve on obtainable studies with a bi-modal machine learning methodology that indicate symptoms of infodemic social media posts. Using a multimedia facebook corpus, an unsupervised natural language processor, Inception v3 model, coupled with a hierarchical clustering network, is deployed for the duo of image and text sentiment analytics. Experimental result uniquely identified infodemic tendencies in facebook text-corpus and efficiently differentiates image-corpus into respective clusters through the Euclidian distance metrics. The most infodemic post returned a -0.9719 compound score while the most positive post returns 0.9488. Veracity assessment of polarized opinions expressed in negative clusters reveals that provocative, derogatory, obnoxious, etc. indicate propensity for infodemic tendencies. Keywords: Fake news. Facebook. Social media. Sentiment Analysis. Infodemic
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Antilla, Liisa. "Self-censorship and science: a geographical review of media coverage of climate tipping points." Public Understanding of Science 19, no. 2 (September 16, 2008): 240–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662508094099.
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Golzard, Vahideh, and Cristina Miguel. "Negotiating Intimacy through Social Media." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 9, no. 2 (2016): 216–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00902007.
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In Iran, social media platforms have become powerful tools for political and interpersonal communication. They open new ways for their users, particularly women, to negotiate their intimate relationships with their family, (potential) partners or friends. Intimacy online is usually achieved through reciprocal visual and textual self-disclosure, which in turn may lead to face-to-face encounters. For Muslim Iranian women, social media allows room for self-expression, a way to combat loneliness and create meaningful relationships with like-minded people. However, at the same time, women are confronted by a number of risks associated with social media interaction in Iran, such as censorship, online (sexual) harassment, or cybercrime. Based on in-depth interviews and participant observation with Muslim Iranian women in Tehran, this paper explores the extent to which social media platforms (blogs, Facebook and dating sites) have created both challenges and opportunities for them by transforming the ways in which they create and maintain intimate relationships online.
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Shaw, Gareth, and Xiaoling Zhang. "Cyberspace and gay rights in a digital China: Queer documentary filmmaking under state censorship." China Information 32, no. 2 (October 30, 2017): 270–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x17734134.
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Owing to China’s austere censorship regulations on film media, directors of films and documentaries engaging with lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender themes have struggled to bring their work to domestic attention. Working outside of the state-funded Chinese film industry has become necessary for these directors to commit their narratives to film, but without approval of China’s State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television, these artists have had little chance of achieving widespread domestic distribution of their work. However, advancements in new media technology and Web 2.0, ranging from digital video formats to Internet-based distribution via social media networks and video-hosting platforms, provide opportunities for Chinese audiences to access films and documentaries dealing with LGBT themes. This empirical study assesses how production, promotion and consumption of queer documentary films are influenced by the development of social media within Chinese cyberspace. Through close readings of microblogs from SinaWeibo, this study combines analysis of contemporary research with digital social rights activism to illustrate contemporary discourse regarding film-based LGBT representation in China. Finally, the study comments on the role that documentary filmmaking plays in China’s gay rights movement, and discusses the rewards (and challenges) associated with increased levels of visibility within society.
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Cheang, Shu Lea, and Alexandra Juhasz. "When Are You Going to Catch Up with Me?" Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 116–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-8631583.
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“Digital nomad” Shu Lea Cheang and friend and critic Alexandra Juhasz consider the reasons for and implications of the censorship of Cheang’s 2017 film FLUIDØ, particularly as it connects to their shared concerns in AIDS activism, feminism, pornography, and queer media. They consider changing norms, politics, and film practices in relation to technology and the body. They debate how we might know, and what we might need, from feminist-queer pornography given feminist-queer engagements with our bodies and ever more common cyborgian existences. Their informal chat opens a window onto the interconnections and adaptations that live between friends, sex, technology, illness, feminism, and representation.
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Tomaselli, Keyan G. "Intimidation of the South African Media: A Response to Arnold de Beer's "Censorship of Terror"." Journal of Communication Inquiry 18, no. 1 (January 1994): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019685999401800108.
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Merrett, Christopher. "A tale of two paradoxes: Media censorship in South Africa, pre-liberation and post-apartheid." Critical Arts 15, no. 1-2 (January 2001): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560240185310071.
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Akhtar, Asif. "The Regulator Regulated: A Genealogy of the Pakistani Broadcast Media and its State of ‘Double Capture’ in the Post-Musharraf Era." BioScope: South Asian Screen Studies 10, no. 2 (December 2019): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974927619901039.
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This article traces a genealogy of regulatory and other tactics through which the Pakistani broadcast media is controlled, comparing the colonial context of the development of these tactics with the postcolonial circumstances of their re-deployment. Archival research into the East India Company’s documents from the turn of the nineteenth century uncovers the development of regulatory regimes referred to as Censorship, Self-Regulation, and Licensing, in addition to extra-legal techniques. The article argues that colonial tactics still form key components of Pakistan’s postcolonial broadcast regulations. However, in the past, one regime was replaced by another in a linear progression; today these regulatory techniques appear concomitantly stacked, selectively deployable and enfolded within an expanding array of extralegal techniques. The article seeks to move beyond conceptions of ‘regulatory capture’ or ‘media capture’ by applying the Deleuzian concept of ‘double capture’: in the case of the Pakistani broadcast media, the government regulator (and to some extent the government itself) is captured by ‘media power’ in the same instance that the media assemblage itself becomes subject to ‘state capture’ through extralegal means. Part one focuses on the decades when the colonial state first regulated newsprint (1780–1823), tracing the development from extralegal controls to a succession of legal regulations through which Company administrators could regulate – rather than be regulated by – colonial newsprint. Part two considers the paradoxical situation in Pakistan’s contemporary broadcast regulations (2002–2018), where PEMRA seems powerless to regulate the media, yet the media is subject to a ‘double capture’ through a combination of legal and extralegal modes of control.
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Pertierra, Anna Cristina. "If They Show Prison Break in the United States on a Wednesday, by Thursday It Is Here." Television & New Media 13, no. 5 (May 2, 2012): 399–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476412443564.
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This article describes practices of informal digital media circulation emerging in urban Cuba between 2005 and 2010, drawing from interviews and ethnographic research in the city of Santiago de Cuba. The Cuban new media landscape is supported by informal networks that blend financial and social exchanges to circulate goods, media, and currency in ways that are often illegal but are largely tolerated. Presenting two case studies of young, educated Cubans who rely on the circulation of film and television content via external hard drives for most of their media consumption, I suggest that the emphasis of much existing literature on the role of state censorship and control in Cuban new media policy overlook the everyday practices through which Cubans are regularly engaged with Latin and U.S. American popular culture. Further, informal economies have been central to everyday life in Cuba both during the height of the Soviet socialist era and in the period since the collapse of the Soviet Union that has seen a juxtaposition of some market reforms alongside centrally planned policies. In the context of nearly two decades of economic crisis, consumer shortages and a dual economy, Cuban people use both informal and state-sanctioned networks to acquire goods ranging from groceries to furnishings and domestic appliances. Understanding the informal media economy of Cuba within this broader context helps to explain how the consumption of commercial American media is largely uncontroversial within Cuban everyday life despite the fraught politics that often dominates discussions of Cuban media policy.
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Qureshi, Bilal. "The Veiled Avengers of Pakistan’s Streaming New Wave." Film Quarterly 74, no. 3 (2021): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.2021.74.3.66.
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The privatization of Pakistan’s media and television industry over the past two decades, along with the availability of high-speed internet and an easing of censorship, has revolutionized what plays in Pakistani homes. While hopes that this more open environment would encourage a Pakistani new wave have yet to be born out, an episodic series released this summer is perhaps a harbinger of things to come. Film Quarterly columnist Bilal Qureshi introduces readers to one of the most exciting voices in the emerging Pakistani film industry, Asim Abbasi, whose über-stylish series Churails (2020−) presents a women’s detective agency that works undercover to obtain justice for the women of Karachi. An extrajudicial feminist fantasy, Churails is remarkably uncensored and unrestrained, and ground-breaking in its exclusive focus on women’s rage.
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Tuwei, David. "Maggie Dwyer and Thomas Molony (eds.), Social Media and Politics in Africa: Democracy, Censorship and Security." Journal of Communication Inquiry 45, no. 1 (September 22, 2020): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0196859920961030.
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Holmes, Ros. "Meanwhile in China … Miao Ying and the Rise of Chinternet Ugly." ARTMargins 7, no. 1 (February 2018): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00199.
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This article examines a series of internet artworks by the artist Miao Ying (b. 1985). Contextualizing her digital collages in relation to China's online culture and media spheres, it situates the contemporary art world's engagement with internet art in relation to anti-aesthetics and the rise of what has been termed Internet ugly. Interrogating the assumption that internet art emerging from China can only belatedly repeat works of Euro-American precedent, it argues that Miao's work presents a dramatic reframing of online censorship, consumerism and the unique aspects of vernacular culture that have emerged within China's online realm. Demonstrating a distinctly self-conscious celebration of what has often disparagingly been labeled The Chinternet, Meanwhile in China can be seen to emerge out of the broader contradictions of internet art practices that parody the relationships between The Chinternet and the World Wide Web, global capitalism and Shanzhai [fake or pirated] aesthetics, online propaganda and media democracy, and the art market's relationship to the virtual economies of an art world online.
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Kapka, Alexandra. "‘Cuts are not a viable option’: The British Board of Film Classification, Hate Crime and Censorship for Adults in the Digital Age." Journal of British Cinema and Television 14, no. 1 (January 2017): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2017.0353.
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In March 2015 the British Board of Film Classification (BBFC) refused to classify James Cullen Bressack's independent film, Hate Crime (2012). This was the Board's first explicit rejection of a film since 2011, and undermines their attempts to portray themselves as increasingly lenient, in favour of free choice for adults and open about their processes. This case is of particular interest as the film was to be distributed solely via an online video-on-demand platform. Hate Crime has the dubious honour of being the first film to be refused an eighteen certificate under revised regulations pertaining to the streamed Internet distribution of feature films in the UK. Furthermore, this case raises questions about genre boundaries, and about the definition and prioritisation of art cinema within UK institutions. This article engages with the BBFC's refusal to classify Hate Crime in the light of this particular distribution context. Focusing on media industry, genre and gender studies, the article explores whether or not the BBFC's decision can be justified and, further, what the consequences of this certification refusal might be in the current media landscape. It suggests that the BBFC's approach might be out of kilter with the digital world and in this case demonstrates a misunderstanding of genre conventions and an unequivocal bias in favour of art-house cinema.
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Mudhai, Okoth Fred. "Immediacy and openness in a digital Africa: Networked-convergent journalisms in Kenya." Journalism 12, no. 6 (August 2011): 674–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884911405470.
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Before the US crackdown on the WikiLeaks website in 2010, the narrative of freedom dominating discourses on uneasy deployment of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) in journalism was more prevalent in Africa – and developing regions – than in advanced democracies. Little wonder WikiLeaks did not, at least initially, include African media partners in their potent 2010 ‘cablegate’ exposés. From the 1996 Zambian government ban of the Post online to the recent onslaughts on bloggers in parts of the continent, ICT uses in journalism have reflected national contexts, with restrictions often resulting in self-censorship, as well as innovations that borrow from and build on global developments. This ‘glocal’ context perspective defines the review here of the new media use in journalism in Africa with an examination of Kenyan media coverage – mainly between the 2005 and 2010 constitutional referenda. The focus is on coverage by two leading newspapers as they strive to keep up with emerging alternative spaces of networked online expression. The aim here is to determine the extent to which the coverage reflects immediacy and openness in a networked and converged environment, with implications for democracy. The article employs a comparative approach and qualitative content-genre analysis.
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Freedman, Eric. "Deepening shadows: The eclipse of press rights in Kyrgyzstan." Global Media and Communication 8, no. 1 (April 2012): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766511434732.
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In March 2005, a relatively nonviolent uprising ousted an authoritarian president in the former Soviet republic of Kyrgyzstan. In the aftermath of the so-called Tulip Revolution, press rights advocates and journalists welcomed the promise of greatly enhanced freedoms. However, the new regime proved to be as authoritarian and corrupt as its predecessor and little liberalization of the press system was evident five years later. Physical assaults continued, including murders, as did harassment, libel suits, impediments to access to information, license denials and self-censorship. There was only slow movement toward privatizing of state-owned media. Independent and oppositional media also remained in financial peril due to the country’s weak economy and high poverty level. Thus, 20 years after independence and a half-decade after the Tulip Revolution, the Soviet propaganda model for a press system was dead in name, but many major attributes survived, with significant implications for the continuum of authoritarianism in other postcommunist nations. The degree to which the April 2010 coup and subsequent constitutional change to a parliamentary democracy will spur an expansion of press rights and sustain market-based independent media outlets remains speculative amid grave concerns about continuing anti-press events.
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Painter, Chad, and Patrick Ferrucci. "‘Ask what you can do to the Army’: A textual analysis of the underground GI press during the Vietnam War." Media, War & Conflict 12, no. 3 (March 21, 2019): 354–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635219836128.
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This study examined the normative roles of alternative media, focusing on how the underground GI press did or did not serve these roles during the Vietnam War. The researchers conducted a textual analysis of 22 underground GI newspapers published between 1967 and 1973. Four main themes emerged from the analysis: underground GI press writers were decidedly antiwar in the stories they covered and how they wrote about them; GI writers attempted to differentiate grunts from military and civilian leaders; GI writers attempted to build communities with other military personnel as well as civilians; and instances of censorship and persecution were widely reported. The results were then analyzed through the theoretical lens of the monitorial–disseminator, facilitative–mobilizer, radical–adversarial, and collaborative–interpretive roles of media.
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Brooks, Jeffrey. "Public and Private Values in the Soviet Press, 1921-1928." Slavic Review 48, no. 1 (1989): 16–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2498683.
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The Bolsheviks created a new system for the production and distribution of the printed word to replace the prerevolutionary print media. This innovation was in many respects the most remarkable of the early revolutionary years, since it led to the radical dichotomy between public and private codes of behavior that has plagued Soviet society ever since.The central feature of the new information system was a publishing monopoly, with corresponding prepublication censorship of all reading material. The link between producers and consumers that the market had provided was cut, and Bolshevik publishers did not have to offer what consumers wished to read. The result was to alter abruptly the flow of printed information and particularly the flow to and from the lower levels of the reading public.
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Karimi, Ali. "Information Control in Afghanistan, 1901–1946." Afghanistan 5, no. 2 (October 2022): 172–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2022.0092.
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This article examines the history of information control in the first half of the twentieth century in Afghanistan. This was a period of great turmoil. The world fought two devastating wars and Afghanistan went through major political and social transformations that included several violent regime changes. Despite being a neutral state, the Afghan capital attracted European rivals who campaigned for the hearts and minds of Afghans. In addition to foreign intrigues, the Afghan rulers, too, used certain information practices as part of their surveillance regimes to suppress political dissent and public unrest. A contribution to media history in Afghanistan, this article looks into how the state tried to control the flow of information in this period through surveillance, censorship, and the spread of misinformation. This was an era when print and other media technologies gained significant popularity in Afghanistan but people continued to use mostly word-of-mouth to communicate information. Despite its best efforts, which often involved brute force, the article argues, the state was not always successful in preventing people from talking with each other.
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Drenth, Pieter J. D. "Prometheus Chained." European Psychologist 4, no. 4 (December 1999): 233–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//1016-9040.4.4.233.
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The Chained Prometheus is introduced as a metaphor for the behavioral scientist. Science (including psychology and pedagogy) is no longer taken for granted. Society, politics, and the media pose critical questions and not infrequently demand censorship or at least control of science. An analysis is given of the types of criticism and skepticism with respect to science, and to psychology in particular. The (behavioral) scientist faces a dilemma: On the one hand, science cannot exist and develop without freedom; on the other hand, this does not mean the freedom to amass knowledge at any price and without any restrictions. Thus, we balance ourselves between freedom and ethical/social responsibility. This presentation reflects on the question of the social and ethical limitations of (behavioral) science: Who should control what and on which criteria?
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Hakimi, Jedd. "“Why Are Video Games So Special?”: The Supreme Court and the Case Against Medium Specificity." Games and Culture 15, no. 8 (June 27, 2019): 923–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1555412019857982.
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The 2011 U.S. Supreme Court case Brown v. Entertainment Merchants Association adjudicated the State of California’s right to regulate the sale of “violent” video games and, in the process, effectively considered how video games should be apprehended as a cultural form under the law. The court’s decision cited the missteps of judicial film censorship in protecting video games as a form of expression under the First Amendment, placing video games into a cultural time line of expressive forms. Some media scholars contest the court’s approach for overvaluing the cultural aspects of video games and neglecting their distinct digital materiality. However, a close reading of the case and the circumstances that led the justices’ opinions helps articulate a crucial critique of overly materialist approaches to video games associated with media archaeology. The case details reflect the inextricability of materiality and experience in considering video games as a form of expression.
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Duguay, Stefanie, Jean Burgess, and Nicolas Suzor. "Queer women’s experiences of patchwork platform governance on Tinder, Instagram, and Vine." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 26, no. 2 (June 19, 2018): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856518781530.
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Leaked documents, press coverage, and user protests have increasingly drawn attention to social media platforms’ seemingly contradictory governance practices. We investigate the governance approaches of Tinder, Instagram, and Vine through detailed analyses of each platform, using the ‘walkthrough method’ (Light, Burgess, and Duguay, 2016 The walkthrough method: An approach to the study of apps. New Media & Society 20(3).), as well as interviews with their queer female users. Across these three platforms, we identify a common approach we call ‘patchwork platform governance’: one that relies on formal policies and content moderation mechanisms but pays little attention to dominant platform technocultures (including both developer cultures and cultures of use) and their sustaining architectures. Our analysis of these platforms and reported user experiences shows that formal governance measures like Terms of Service and flagging mechanisms did not protect users from harassment, discrimination, and censorship. Key components of the platforms’ architectures, including cross-platform connectivity, hashtag filtering, and algorithmic recommendation systems, reinforced these technocultures. This significantly limited queer women’s ability to participate and be visible on these platforms, as they often self-censored to avoid harassment, reduced the scope of their activities, or left the platform altogether. Based on these findings, we argue that there is a need for platforms to take more systematic approaches to governance that comprehensively consider the role of a platform’s architecture in shaping and sustaining dominant technocultures.
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Nohl, Arnd-Michael. "Changing Expectations: Notes from the History of the BBC's Turkish Service." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3, no. 2 (2010): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187398610x510001.
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AbstractEstablished in 1939, the Turkish radio of the BBC World Service underwent a series of metamorphoses vis-à-vis the ever-changing expectations in Turkey, in the United Kingdom and within the BBC. Once a propaganda apparatus during the Second World War, the Turkish Service became a device of British cultural diplomacy during the Cold War. Since its foundation, interaction with Turkey and its intellectual circles was lively, and transformed the radio into a well-received media outlet, especially appreciated during times of political censorship. In the post-Cold War world, however, the liberalization and privatization of media in Turkey forced the Turkish Service to adjust its broadcasting by improving access to audiences and shifting the focus of news coverage to international issues. This article explores the history of the Turkish Service vis-à-vis the political and social situations in Turkey, the conditions of the British Broadcasting Corporation and the broader political environment.
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Gold, Robert S., M. Elaine Auld, Lorien C. Abroms, Joseph Smyser, Elad Yom-Tov, and John P. Allegrante. "Digital Health Communication Common Agenda 2.0: An Updated Consensus for the Public and Private Sectors to Advance Public Health." Health Education & Behavior 46, no. 2_suppl (November 19, 2019): 124S—128S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1090198119874086.
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Despite widespread use of the Internet and social media platforms by the public, there has been little organized exchange of information among the academic, government, and technology sectors about how digital communication technologies can be maximized to improve public health. The second Digital Health Promotion Executive Leadership Summit convened some of the world’s leading thinkers from across these sectors to revisit how communication technology and the evolving social media platforms can be utilized to improve both individual and population health. The Summit focused on digital intelligence, the spread of misinformation, online patient communities, censorship in social media, and emerging global legal frameworks. In addition, Summit participants had an opportunity to review the original “Common Agenda” that emerged and was published after the inaugural Summit and recommend updates regarding the uses of digital technology for advancing the goals of public health. This article reports the outcomes of the Summit discussions and presents the updates that were recommended by Summit participants as the Digital Health Communication Common Agenda 2.0. Several of the assertions underlying the original Common Agenda have been modified, and several new assertions have been added to reflect the recommendations. In addition, a corresponding set of principles and related actions—including a recommendation that an interagency panel of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services be established to focus on digital health communication, with particular attention to social media—have been modified or supplemented.
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Pepe, Teresa. "Public and Private Diaries." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 15, no. 1-2 (June 15, 2022): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01501007.
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Abstract This article analyzes a number of Egyptian blogs in relation to their print ancestors, in particular private notebooks written by young effendis in the 1920s and public fictional diaries serialized in the periodical press in the same period in Egypt. It compares the media transition taking place in Egypt in the early 2000s following the adoption of blogging and social media to the one occurring in the early decades of the twentieth century following the popularization of printed products. Using theories from media studies and rhetorical studies, it shows how the blog inherits some of the formal and stylistic features of private diaries as well as their anti-authoritarian attitude. Yet it also shows how compared to its ancestors, the blog favors an unprecedented exposure of personal, private issues in public, turning self-writing into a social, communicative activity. Similarly, autofiction and subversive styles of writing are techniques that bloggers borrow from the fictional print diaries in order to write about their private lives in public. However, digital tools, with their mode of circulation, temporality and increasing exposure to state and informal censorship, make it increasingly difficult for bloggers to keep a room of their own.
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Díaz-Cerveró, Elba, Daniel Barredo-Ibáñez, and Rubén Arnoldo González Macías. "Caught in the Middle: Internal and External Pressures on the Coverage of Organized Crime in Mexico." SAGE Open 12, no. 2 (April 2022): 215824402210946. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440221094610.
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With 33 journalists killed since the beginning of Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s presidential term in December 2018, Mexico heads the list of the most violent countries for journalists in Latin America—and that of countries not at war. While journalist organizations demand a meaningful protection apparatus to safeguard their physical safety, official corruption, and criminal impunity continue to escalate the pressures to which media staff are exposed, especially in Mexican states where cartels and criminal groups have the largest footprint. This study aims to precisely identify the pressures, both internal and external, facing journalists who report on organized crime in Mexico. To do this, we drew from the Hierarchy of Influences Model, and interviewed 22 Mexican journalists who work on the organized crime beat in the country’s capital and in the most violent states in the Republic. The results suggest that the most influential forces they face are associated with the organizational level (such as editorial line or institutional censorship), and the extramedia level (e.g., anti-press violence from cartels/authorities, and government advertising contracts).
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Cryle, Denis. "The Press Union at the end of empire: Anglo-Australian perspectives, 1946–65." Journalism 12, no. 8 (August 12, 2011): 1004–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884911415971.
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This article provides an overview of the post-war contexts in which the Empire Press Union (EPU) became the Commonwealth Press Union and offers an assessment of its changing leadership and regular five-yearly conferences over the period 1946 to 1965. In particular, it examines the extent to which its pre-war hierarchies and British influence were sustained or modified with the decline of empire and the advent of international bodies such as the United Nations. It assesses the impact over two critical decades of the politics of decolonization and the changing roles of both the Australian and British sections of the organization within the new information order. How did these post-war changes and the power blocks which emerged affect the Press Union and its member countries and shape the ethos of the newly named Commonwealth Press Union thereafter? The article argues that the issues of press freedom and censorship are central to understanding the changing character of the organization and its emerging international profile by the mid-1960s. At a time when the United Nations proclaimed freedom of information to be a fundamental human right, the Press Union’s own libertarian rhetoric in defence of a free media sought to acknowledge the realities of decolonization, while retaining pre-war cultural values.
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Vaughn, Stephen. ": Sin and Censorship: The Catholic Church and the Motion Picture Industry . Frank Walsh. ; Children and the Movies: Media Influence and the Payne Fund Controversy . Garth S. Jowett, Ian C. Jarvie, Kathryn H. Fuller." Film Quarterly 51, no. 1 (October 1997): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.1997.51.1.04a00190.
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Graham, Roderick, and Brian Pitman. "Freedom in the wilderness: A study of a Darknet space." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 26, no. 3 (October 18, 2018): 593–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856518806636.
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Mass media and journalistic accounts of Darknets have focused disproportionately on their criminogenic aspects. Moreover, research has focused mainly on the Darknet technology Tor. We wish to expand scholars’ knowledge of Darknets by exploring a different Darknet technology, Freenet. Using a combination of content analysis and grounded theory, this research asked three progressively complex questions. First, we asked: What are the types of content and the distribution of content on Freenet? Our findings show that Freenet fosters a singular distribution of content, with a high ratio of blogs (or flogs), child pornography, empty links, and Web 1.0 websites that archive information. We assumed that this content is not discrete points of data but instead produce sociologically interesting phenomena. Therefore, we ask: What are the content patterns on Freenet? Four patterns were identified. Freenet is (1) an archive of deviant data resistant to censorship, (2) a space dominated by content associated with masculinity, (3) a nonmarket space where commercial exchange is nonexistent, and (4) an empty space with many requests not returning information, and many flogs abandoned. We asked a third question: How does the analysis of Freenet inform current understandings of hacker culture? Freenet, we suggest, can be understood as a type of digital ‘wilderness’. It is a singular Darknet space, supporting a distinct set of hacker practices.
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Lin, Chia-ju, and Cui Ping Jin. "A Comparative Analysis of COVID-19 Coverage in the United States Mainstream Media—Based on the New York Times and Wall Street Journal." Asian Social Science 18, no. 9 (August 31, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v18n9p1.
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This study analyzes the news coverage of Covid-19 between 23rd Jan. to 29th Feb. in 2020 on The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal. Based on theories of news framing theory, this study employs the method of news discourse analysis to examine the virus news. The results of discourse analysis show that these two newspapers emphasize the criticism on China's political system and related policy through a western perspective of liberalism and democracy, rather than the epidemic itself. The major themes include the criticism on China's medical system, the Chinese government's media censorship, and the description of China as a threat to the world which could be seen as the macro-proposition behind all the other themes.During the one-month research period, there are very few coverage on the Chinese government's policy against the epidemic such as the official subsidy on virus test and treatment, nation-wide medical support to Wuhan, community isolation policy, or the mobile cabin hospitals. Furthermore, we seldom see the reporting of the cooperation between China and the World Health Organization. The exclusion of these themes in the reporting narrowly and negatively presents the country of China and further strengthens the negative image of the Chinese government as a dictator and global threat.
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Vaughn, Stephen. "Review: Sin and Censorship: The Catholic Church and the Motion Picture Industry by Frank Walsh; Children and the Movies: Media Influence and the Payne Fund Controversy by Garth S. Jowett, Ian C. Jarvie, Kathryn H. Fuller." Film Quarterly 51, no. 1 (1997): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1213543.
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Ildir, Asli, and Ipek A. Celik Rappas. "Netflix in Turkey: Localization and audience expectations from video on demand." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 28, no. 1 (December 17, 2021): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13548565211060301.
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Drawing on in-depth interviews with users of Netflix and the local streaming service BluTV as well as analysis of press releases, and original TV series produced by these platforms, this study explores the emergence and impact of Video on Demand (VOD) in Turkey. It examines how VOD is adopted, negotiated, reformulated, and received in a non-Western context where global and local VOD platforms compete, substitute and emulate each other. We ask the following research question: What are Turkish audiences’ social, psychological and technological needs and expectations from global and local VOD platforms? In order to respond to this question, we explore Turkish audiences’ insight into what VOD means to them and offers them as content, in comparison with platforms’ marketing discourse. The article argues that a) the local content that platforms offer is a central juncture through which audiences articulate their larger expectations from VODs, and b) Netflix’s localization attempts do not always correspond with the audience demand, it is heavily critiqued and at times rejected by the local audience. The findings of this research indicate that the expectations, needs, and gratifications of Netflix and VOD audiences depend on three factors: Their interpretation of VODs’ local content in relation to their cultural experience with broadcast TV, their technological needs such as instant access to global content and time/space shifting opportunities, and lastly the political context and policies such as the internet regulation and censorship. The significance of this is study is in showing, as distinct from the abundant literature on localization of Netflix, the complexity of local taste. Audiences’ evaluation of a VOD is shaped simultaneously by multiple factors including their experiences with network TV, other VODs, media regulations as well as informal networks/piracy.
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Rousseau, Sandra. "Ali Dilem: Artivisme algérien et mémoire comique." International Journal of Francophone Studies 23, no. 1-2 (July 1, 2020): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs_00008_1.
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This article analyses Algerian cartoonist Ali Dilem’s drawings from the first years of the décennie noire and contrasts them with his productions from the early months of 2019, when the Algerian demonstrators of the hirak ousted President Bouteflika. Dilem’s career – spanning over 30 years – has made him a staple of Algerian and European news, whether in newspapers or on TV. Both popular and prolific, Dilem produces cartoons that illustrate what I call ‘comic memory’, a recording and remembering of the past through humour. A diachronic analysis of this large corpus of drawings sheds light on the social and subversive potentials of humour, but most importantly allows for a discussion of its mechanisms over time. Through a careful reading of Dilem’s sardonic cartoons and their contexts of production, I show his work offers both a comic outlet unifying readers in a community of laughter, and a stern cultural commentary on how Algerians consider their history. In particular this article addresses two central motifs of Dilem’s work, on the one hand Algerians’ relationship to France, on the other hand the political pressures exerted on journalistic work in Algeria. Through themes such as censorship, racism and subversion, I explain how humour is a valuable source for memory studies. In fact, Dilem’s work participates in creating a comic archive that keeps track of the mentalités and sheds light on media politics, aesthetics and the poetics of humour.
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Triwardani, Reny. "Pembreidelan Pers di Indonesia dalam Perspektif Politik Media." Jurnal ILMU KOMUNIKASI 7, no. 2 (November 28, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.24002/jik.v7i2.191.
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Abstract: To observe the dinamics of the press in Indonesia is very interesting as the development of national press can not be apart of socio-politics situation in this country. Even it can be told that the “live or dead†of national press depends on how the ruler treat it. Historical facts inform us that media censorship has become a snate for press development time by time. In this connection, media censorship has become primary weapon to limit the press freedom in media politics applied by the ruler. It because media has a very important role in contemporary political arts. Press freedom is now a thing that journalists struggle to be happen. At the other hand, the ruler needs press to legitimate its power. This articles aim to analyze how media censorship had chained the press freedom in view of media politics. In this case, the ruler applies the press policy toward the press institution to secure its position and power.