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Journal articles on the topic 'Arti liberali'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 11 March 2023

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1

Poeschel, Sabina. "A Hitherto Unknown Portrait of a Weil-Known Roman Humanist*." Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 1 (1990): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861795.

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The Sala delle Arti Liberali of the Vatican Borgia apartment has never been the subject of comprehensive research. The sala is one of the private rooms of Alexander VI Borgia which were decorated between 1492 and 1494 by Bernardino Pinturicchio and his school. The frescoes in this particular room, of the allegories of the Liberal Arts, are not by the master himself but were executed by minor Umbrian painters; they have never, therefore, attracted great art-historical attention.

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2

Robb, S. J. "Pintoricchio's Musica of the Sala delle Arti Liberali, Palazzi Pontifici, Vatican." Early Music 42, no. 2 (April 29, 2014): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cau042.

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3

Silveira, Pablo da. "Pode um liberal apoiar a subvenção à arte?" Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 36 (1995): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64451995000200010.

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Para alguns teóricos liberais contemporâneos, entre os quais John Rawls, um Estado liberal-democrático não pode orientar sua intervenção por concepções "perfeccionistas", isto é, por julgamentos sobre o valor intrínseco de pessoas, atividades ou concepções do bem. Examina-se se essa concepção de "neutralidade antiperfeccionista" é compatível com a intervenção estatal voltada para a promoção da excelência artística de uma sociedade.

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4

Latuapo, Ismail. "Islam Liberal, Sejarah Perkembangannya, dan Kritik serta Saran Terhadap Pemikiran Islam Liberal." RETORIKA : Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.47435/retorika.v3i1.591.

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Penulis berusaha dalam tulisan ini membahasa dan mengkaji mengenai pemikiran Islam Liberal dan kritikan tehadap pemikiran tersebut, agar umat Islam di Indonesia bisa menjauhi pemikiran yang sangat bertentangan dengan prinsip-prinsip Islam ini. Dalam karya ini juga penulis menjelaskan sedikit menganai arti dari kata Islam dan Liberal karena dua kata ini ketika digabungkan sangatlah kontradiksi, yang mana Islam dalam arti tunduk dan patuh sedangkan Liberal memiliki arti bebas. Dalam sejarah perkembangan Liberalisme di Indonesia bermula pada tahun 1970 dan berkembang dengan tiga fase hingga munculah fatwa MUI tntang pelarangan pemikiran tersebut. Dan penulis menyinggung sedikit tentang hiruk pikuknya pemikiran Islam Liberal dan kritikas serta respon dari pada ormas-ormas yang baru muncul setelah masa reformasi hingga dua ormas terbesar dan tertua di Indonesia yaitu NU dan Muhammadiyah

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5

Evans, Mary. "Liberal values at a time of neo-liberalism." Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 13, no. 1-2 (February 2014): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474022213513078.

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6

McClure. "Selvages of Living Liberalism: liberal / Liberal \ politique." Victorian Studies 53, no. 2 (2011): 294. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.53.2.294.

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7

Noguera-Ramírez, Carlos Ernesto, and Dora Lilia Marín-Díaz. "Educar es gobernar: la educación como arte de gobierno." Cadernos de Pesquisa 42, no. 145 (April 2012): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0100-15742012000100003.

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El artículo considera la educación como un elemento central del gobernamiento, un arte para la conducción de sí y de los otros. Este arte, que entre los siglos XVI y el XX, se entendió, por lo menos, de tres maneras distintas: la "Ensenanza con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad disciplinaria", corresponde a la emergencia de la Didáctica (siglos XVI y XVII) y de las prácticas de policia; la "Educación con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad liberal" (siglos XVIII y XIX) corresponde a la aparición de los conceptos de educación, libertad e interés; es el momento de articulación de prácticas Disciplinarias con nuevas prácticas liberales y, con ellas, la emergencia de prácticas biopolíticas en la educación; el "Aprendizaje con énfasis en la gubernamentalidad neoliberal", que encuentra en la educación permanente y en el capital humano las condiciones de emergencia de una "sociedad del aprendizaje".

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8

Massey, Garth, Randy Hodson, and Dusko Sekulic. "Nationalism, liberalism and liberal nationalism in post-war Croatia*." Nations and Nationalism 9, no. 1 (January 2003): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00075.

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9

Blanchar, John C., Michael Alonzo, Christine Ayoh, Kali Blain, Leslie Espinoza, Marcos Estrada, Jared Gillen, et al. "A Replication of Stern, West, and Schmitt (2014) Indicates Less False Consensus Among Liberals Than Conservatives, But No False Uniqueness." Social Psychology 52, no. 3 (May 2021): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000448.

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Abstract. Stern, West, and Schmitt (2014) reported that liberals display truly false uniqueness in contrast to moderates and conservatives who display truly false consensus. We conducted a close, preregistered replication of Stern et al.’s (2014) research with a large sample ( N = 1,005). Liberals, moderates, and conservatives demonstrated the truly false consensus effect by overestimating ingroup consensus. False consensus was strongest among conservatives, followed by moderates, and weakest among liberals. However, liberals did score higher than moderates and conservatives on the need for uniqueness scale, which partially accounted for the difference in false consensus between liberals and conservatives. Overall, our data align with Stern et al.’s (2014) in demonstrating left-right ideological differences in the overestimation of ingroup consensus but fall short of illustrating a liberal illusion of uniqueness.

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10

Badano, Gabriele, and Alasia Nuti. "The limits of conjecture: Political liberalism, counter-radicalisation and unreasonable religious views." Ethnicities 20, no. 2 (July 31, 2019): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796819866356.

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Originally proposed by John Rawls, the idea of reasoning from conjecture is popular among the proponents of political liberalism in normative political theory. Reasoning from conjecture consists in discussing with fellow citizens who are attracted to illiberal and antidemocratic ideas by focusing on their religious or otherwise comprehensive doctrines, attempting to convince them that such doctrines actually call for loyalty to liberal democracy. Our goal is to criticise reasoning from conjecture as a tool aimed at persuasion and, in turn, at improving the stability of liberal democratic institutions. To pursue this goal, we use as case study real-world efforts to counter-radicalise at-risk Muslim citizens, which, at first glance, reasoning from conjecture seems well-placed to contribute to. This case study helps us to argue that the supporters of reasoning from conjecture over-intellectualise opposition to liberal democracy and what societies can do to counter it. Specifically, they (i) underestimate how few members of society can effectively perform reasoning from conjecture; (ii) overlook that the burdens of judgement, a key notion for political liberals, highlight how dim the prospects of reasoning from conjecture are and (iii) do not pay attention to the causes of religious persons’ opposition to liberal democracy. However, not everything is lost for political liberals, provided that they redirect attention to different and under-researched resources contained in Rawls’s theory. In closing, we briefly explain how such resources are much better placed than reasoning from conjecture to provide guidance relative to counter-radicalisation in societies (i) populated by persons who do not generally hold anything close to a fully worked out and internally consistent comprehensive doctrine and (ii) where political institutions should take responsibility for at least part of the existing alienation from liberal democratic values.

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Alexandre, Ana Carla Silva, José Nilton Oliveira da Silva Júnior, Erica Karanine Bezerra Silva, Nelson Miguel Galindo Neto, Leonardo Silva Da Costa, and Kleber Fernando Rodrigues. "The Art and Science of Caring: Appreciation, Established and Outsiders in the Autonomy of the Nursing Liberal / Arte e Ciência do Cuidar: Alteridade, Estabelecidos e Outsiders na Autonomia do Enfermeiro como Profissional Liberal." Revista de Pesquisa: Cuidado é Fundamental Online 11, no. 2 (January 21, 2019): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.9789/2175-5361.2019.v11i2.370-376.

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Objetivo: Compreender o processo de construção da autonomia do enfermeiro como profissional liberal. Método: Estudo qualitativo realizado com quatro enfermeiros empreendedores, à luz dos conceitos de “estabelecidos”, outsiders, “alteridade” e “estigmatização”, dos teóricos Norbert Elias, Anthony Giddens e Goffman. Foi utilizada a análise de conteúdo de Bardin. Resultados: Foram identificados enfermeiros autônomos que, de forma sistêmica, encontram-se como outsiders e que sofrem estigmas pelos profissionais, comunidade e pelos próprios outsiders. Conclusão: A autonomia, em enfermagem, alcançada pelos profissionais liberais está, em alguns aspectos, restrita por leis e resoluções que regem a sua atuação. Os profissionais em enfermagem ainda dependem, de uma forma realista, de uma maior organização da categoria e de incentivos na fase acadêmica por meio de disciplinas de empreendedorismo para, assim, buscarem a efetivação de políticas públicas que desburocratizem o exercício liberal da profissão.Descritores: Autonomia Profissional, Enfermagem no Consultório, Cuidados de Enfermagem.

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12

Flores Kanter, Pablo Ezequiel, and Leonardo Adrián Medrano. "Affection and its dimensions: Models contrasted through confirmatory factor analysis of PANAS Schedule." Liberabit: Revista Peruana de Psiicología 22, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24265/liberabit.2016.v22n2.05.

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13

Masruri, Siswanto. "Paradigma Liberal dalam Pendidikan Global." Unisia 29, no. 60 (July 23, 2006): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/unisia.vol29.iss60.art3.

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14

Fedirko, Taras. "Liberalism in fragments: oligarchy and the liberal subject in Ukrainian news journalism." Social Anthropology 29, no. 2 (May 2021): 471–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8676.13063.

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15

Mohamed, Feisal G. "Liberty before and after Liberalism: Milton's Shifting Politics and the Current Crisis in Liberal Theory." University of Toronto Quarterly 77, no. 3 (July 2008): 940–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.77.3.940.

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16

Higuera Rubio, José. "Las artes del Arte: las artes liberales en la evolución del Arte luliano." Medievalia 16 (February 5, 2014): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/medievalia.94.

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17

Barker, Chris. "JS Mill on Nineteenth Century Marriage and the Common Law." Law, Culture and the Humanities 15, no. 1 (February 22, 2015): 106–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872115569223.

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This article seeks to clarify the meaning of marriage for Millian liberals by examining marriage in the context of the nineteenth century common law. JS Mill argues that the family can become a school for free institutions. He identifies a ‘‘morality of justice’’ that must replace chivalry or submission as the normal mode of gendered relations. By using pamphlets, speeches, and legal commentaries, it is possible to explain the meaning of Mill’s ‘‘morality of justice,’’ and also to distinguish his liberal conception of marriage from its common law foundations and from sacramental approaches that define marital dissolubility and flexibility differently.

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18

Hua, Lu, and Matthew Galway. "Freedom and its limitations: The contemporary mainland Chinese debate over liberalism." China Information 32, no. 2 (March 8, 2018): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18760849.

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The emergence of Chinese liberalism carries with it a specific China-centric character that reflects both a Chinese and a foreign focus on the nation’s complicated domestic situation. As part of the research dialogue on the intellectual public sphere in China, this article provides a historical perspective of the development of contemporary Chinese liberalism and explores the complexities of those Chinese liberals’ engagement with a number of key issues in political thought, both among themselves and with their principal opponents, the New Left. We review four themes in these ongoing debates: the relationship between freedom and equality; the liberals’ demands for a more open civil society; their call for balanced social structures, including a mechanism for expressing interest; and their search for a new synthesis of Chinese tradition with a strong nation state. Contemporary Chinese liberals propose their visions for a China that operates within and against a Euro-American-dominated system. Thus, their interpretation of classical liberal texts is characterized by one of creative adaptation, and informed by both local and foreign intellectual resources. The article’s ultimate goal is to provide a deeper understanding of the internal debates among Chinese liberals, which may give a sense of the multifarious predicaments and opportunities that China’s intellectuals face as China attempts to pursue wealth, power, and a revitalized role in a new world order.

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19

Shweder, Richard A. "Shouting at the Hebrews: Imperial Liberalism v Liberal Pluralism and the Practice of Male Circumcision." Law, Culture and the Humanities 5, no. 2 (June 2009): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872109102491.

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20

Kymlicka, Will. "Deschooling multiculturalism." Ethnicities 19, no. 6 (May 14, 2019): 971–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796819840722.

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In recent work, Geoffrey Brahm Levey has argued that we can distinguish various schools of multiculturalism on the basis of their methodology (in particular, how they relate theory to practice), and their substantive normative commitments (in particular, their normative commitments regarding liberalism and nationalism). In this article, I offer some reservations about Levey’s analysis. I suggest instead that the various authors Levey discusses in fact share a surprisingly similar diagnosis and remedy. They all seek to expose the selectivity in liberals’ self-understanding of core liberal concepts such as impartiality, colour-blindness, equality, anti-discrimination, secularism, citizenship, civic nationalism, or constitutional patriotism. This selectivity operates in a way that impugns minority claims as always already sectarian, partial and exceptional, while rendering majority claims as always already universal, impartial, and normal. And these authors also broadly agree on the proper remedy to this bias, which is not to reject these core liberal values, but to reinterpret them in a more even-handed way. I offer several examples of how this shared mode of argument is found across the different authors that Levey identifies, and how Levey's attempt to put authors into distinct schools is potentially distorting.

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21

BEAUPRE, MYLES. "“What Are the Philippines Going to Do to Us?” E. L. Godkin on Democracy, Empire and Anti-imperialism." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 3 (March 23, 2012): 711–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001290.

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From his position as editor of theNationfrom 1865 until 1899, E. L. Godkin steered one of the liberal standard-bearers in a transatlantic network of cosmopolitan liberals. From this position he helped define nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism. However, while Godkin fitted in the mainstream of liberal thought in 1865, by the time he retired he occupied the conservative fringe. Godkin never made the transition from a nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism to a newer nationalistic democratic liberalism because democracy failed him. Instead of peace, commerce, and learning, democracy created an American Empire rooted in war, protectionism, ignorance, jingoism, and plunder, culminating in the Spanish–American War. Godkin's critique of American imperialism was thus based on his pessimistic but perceptive reading of the flaws of American democracy. Godkin believed that the rise of “jingoist” democracy had doomed the American “experiment” and thought that the nation had slipped into the historical, degenerative cycle of empire. By tracing Godkin's increasingly bitter warnings about the dangers of democracy in the second half of the nineteenth century, we can catch a glimpse of a dying worldview that questioned the ability of democracy to act as a moral force in the world.

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22

Gómez Blanes, José Luis. "Organización e intelecto. Necesidad militar de una educación liberal." Tiempo devorado 3, no. 3 (December 20, 2016): 511–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/tdevorado.90.

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Cerrar la brecha entre la teoría y la práctica exige comprender la interacción entre educación e instrucción. Este artículo constituye una aproximación histórica a la solución de ese problema implementada por Scharnhorst en el ejército prusiano a comienzos del siglo XIX, que complementa el artículo “El arte de la guerra: una asignatura pendiente”. (Revista Ejército nº 866).

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23

Sauvé, Guillaume. "A Reluctant Opposition: Soviet Liberals within the Moscow Tribune." Slavic Review 81, no. 3 (2022): 722–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2022.227.

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The Moscow Tribune was the most prestigious and influential political discussion club in recent Russian history. In the last years of the Soviet Union, the club regularly gathered Moscow's who's who of the Soviet liberal intelligentsia and played a prominent role in the rise of movements that challenged Gorbachev's leadership over reforms. This article tells the forgotten story of the Moscow Tribune to historicize the notion of opposition in the context of perestroika, drawing on comparative studies of dissent in late communist regimes. A close analysis of the debates taking place at the club between 1988 and 1991 shows that Soviet liberals’ dramatic shift towards opposition was reluctant, reactive, and constantly disputed, thus revealing a lasting yet implicit dilemma regarding the need for opposition in democracy.

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24

Sanjuán, Ruth. "Enfrentar a Hegel y Danto y afrontar el “fin del arte”." Laocoonte. Revista de Estética y Teoría de las Artes, no. 7 (December 21, 2020): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/laocoonte.0.7.18610.

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Raquel Cascales se enfrenta al “fin del arte”, uno de los tópicos más discutidos de la Estética contemporánea, en su obra El fin del arte. Hegel y Danto cara a cara, donde analiza las trasformaciones sufridas en y por el arte desde el Romanticismo a nuestros días y las teorías que llevaron a la Filosofía a pensar que el arte pudiera tener un final. Hegel se presenta como referente inaugural para analizar algunos de los aspectos más importantes de su filosofía del arte de la que han derivado tantas interpretaciones, siendo la más célebre la propuesta de Danto, y por eso que tenga gran interés establecerse un diálogo entre ellos. El fin del arte. Hegel y Danto cara a cara es un estudio imprescindible de las teorías de los dos autores y las interpretaciones venidas de la idea inicial hegeliana del “fin del arte” que se ven aquí enfrentadas, dialogadas y contextualizadas en relación a ambos. La autora nos ofrece algunas pautas para comprender mejor el arte de nuestro tiempo, un arte liberado de las exigencias de la historia del arte y emancipado en tanto creación, interpretación, pensamiento y teoría. Un arte liberado, en última instancia, de los lazos de la primacía de una sola y única belleza, la aparencial, desdoblada en belleza externa e interna -en cuanto a concepto y contenido de la obra- que tanto Hegel como Danto defendían.

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25

Arruda Leal Ferreira, Arthur. "GOVERNAMENTALIDADE E PRÁTICAS PSICOLÓGICAS: A GESTÃO PELA LIBERDADE." Revista de Filosofia Aurora 21, no. 28 (May 4, 2009): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/rfa.v21i28.1138.

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O objetivo deste artigo é estabelecer as relações entre práticas psicológicas e práticas de governo ou governamentalidade, conceituada por Michel Foucault como arte de “condução da conduta alheia”. O guia utilizado para se entender este trabalho genealógico são os cursos Segurança, Território, População e O Nascimento da Biopolítica. Trabalho prosseguido por Nikolas Rose, buscando atrelar de modo específico o surgimento dos saberes psicológicos aos modos liberais de governo. O ponto nevrálgico dessa história do governo se encontraria no século XVI, quando começam a proliferar os Manuais de Governo, fundamentados na Razão de Estado. Estes manuais não estariam mais baseados em dispositivos legais, mas na necessidade do disciplinamento e registro constante de inúmeros aspectos das vidas dos governados, caracterizando o “Estado de polícia”. Contudo, notadamente a partir do século XVIII, surgem novas tecnologias de governo, patrocinadas pelos pensadores fisiocratas e liberais. A população é vista como um ente natural do qual se deve governar, não mais intervindo em todos os detalhes como no “Estado de polícia”, mas acompanhando todas as suas flutuações livres. Aqui o governo se define como tecnocracia, no conhecimento científico dos movimentos naturais e espontâneos dos governados, investindo especialmente na gestão destes através da sua liberdade. Nestas novas formas de governo presentes nas sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, as práticas psicológicas teriam especial importância enquanto modo de gestão liberal pautada pelo esquadrinhamento de um grupo de variáveis da vida dos indivíduos e pela incitação a uma série de mecanismos de autorregulação e autogoverno.

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26

Parker, J. "Editorial: Liberal Education." Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 5, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474022206061197.

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27

Vernon. "What Was Liberalism, and Who Was Its Subject?; Or, Will the Real Liberal Subject Please Stand Up?" Victorian Studies 53, no. 2 (2011): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/victorianstudies.53.2.303.

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28

Souza, Tadeu de Paula. "O nascimento da biopolítica das drogas e a arte liberal de governar." Fractal : Revista de Psicologia 26, no. 3 (December 2014): 979–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1984-0292/1246.

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O presente artigo aborda alguns vetores constitutivos da genealogia das drogas enquanto um problema de ordem política, tendo como conceitos centrais biopolítica e governamentalidade. Articulando estes dois conceitos com contribuições de pesquisas sobre a história das políticas de drogas no ocidente, tecemos uma trama que que demarca o processo de constituição das drogas enquanto um objeto de interesse político e estatal. Nessa genealogia da biopolítica das drogas, pudemos explorar aparentes contradições em torno do exercício de fazer viver e fazer morrer que se efetivam através das políticas de drogas. A partir do dispositivo da sexualidade e do tema do racismo pode-se acompanhar as variações e funções estratégicas que as políticas de repressão às drogas cumpriu ao longo do século XX. Desta forma, traçamos um diagrama que emerge com o nascimento do cristianismo e se consolida com a arte de governar liberal.

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29

Melo, Sharine Machado Cabral. "Arte e governo da vida." MATRIZes 13, no. 3 (December 26, 2019): 205–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1982-8160.v13i3p205-228.

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O artigo discorre sobre o trabalho artístico a partir dos conceitos de invenção de si e governamentalidade, analisados por Foucault, Veyne e Bennett. Nas racionalidades liberais, a vida é tomada como campo de governo e como capital. O artista investe sua vida, suas percepções e afetos na criação das obras. Mas esse interesse também pode conduzir a políticas identitárias. Para evitar que o campo se fragmente, as artes devem ser compreendidas, em suas relações de força e contingências históricas, como bens públicos e comuns, que manifestam, mais do que um capital, a potência humana de invenção. Contudo, transformar hábitos culturais é tarefa de longo prazo, que envolve o Estado, a iniciativa privada e a sociedade civil.

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30

Dewantoro, M. Hajar, Abd Madjid, Alef Theria Wasim, and Tasman Hamami. "Liberasi Kepemimpinan Propetik dalam Satuan Sekolah Dasar dan Menengah Muhammadiyah." Millah 20, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): 385–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/millah.vol20.iss2.art8.

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Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan dan menganalisis transformasi misi pendidikan dasar dan menengah Muhammadiyah dalam kepemimpinan profetik, menjelaskan pengembangan tujuan strategis kecerdasan profetik siswa, dan mendeskripsikan dampak kepemimpinan profetik terhadap organisasi termasuk perubahan yang terjadi pada peserta didik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dalam perspektif psikologi pendidikan. Metode pengumpulan data yang digunakan yaitu dokumentasi, wawancara, dan observasi langsung. Teknik analisis data penelitian ini mengacu pada teknik eksplikasi, yaitu proses memaparkan dengan jelas pernyataan yang masih bersifat implicit (tersirat) dari responden penelitian. Hasil penelitian ini diperoleh bahwa transformasi misi dalam kepemimpinan profetik diaktualisasikan oleh kepala sekolah yang ditransformasikan dalam manajemen tujuan strategis sekolah di Pendidikan Dasar dan Menengah Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, konseptualisasi model kepemimpinan profetik yang diterapkan relevan dengan nilai profetik dan terwujud dalam program tujuan strategis profetik untuk mencapai kemajuan sekolah unggulan baik sekolah berasrama ataupun non asrama, aktualisasi kepemimpinan profetik berdampak bagi organisasi sekolah dan kecerdasan profetik peserta didiknya di pendidikan dasar dan menengah Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta berupa prestasi baik dibidang akademik maupun di luar akademik, melaksanakan perintah agama, berakhlak mulia, menjunjung tinggi almamater, terlepas dari sifat-sifat remaja, separti tawuran dan sifat-sifat yang dilarang agama, memiliki jiwa usaha dan kepemimpinan, jujur dan bermental mandiri. Untuk penelitian selanjutnya, sistem pendidikan berbasis profetik harus diterapkan secara holistic dengan pendekatan yang komplit sehingga dapat mencapai visi akhlak al-karimah.

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Roberts, Graham. "The Liberal Democrats." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 17, no. 4 (October 1997): 463–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689700260871.

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Vigara Zafra, José Antonio. "Reseña de: Gilarranz Ibáñez, Ainhoa, El Estado y el Arte. Historia de una relación simbiótica durante la España liberal (1833-1875)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie VII, Historia del Arte, no. 9 (October 15, 2021): 651–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfvii.9.2021.31680.

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Reseña de: Gilarranz Ibáñez, Ainhoa, El Estado y el Arte. Historia de una relación simbiótica durante la España liberal (1833-1875). Valencia, Publicacions de la Universitat de València, 2021. ISBN: 978-84-9134-797-2, 294 pp.

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Geary, Daniel. "Racial Liberalism, the Moynihan Report & the Dædalus Project on “The Negro American”." Daedalus 140, no. 1 (January 2011): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00058.

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In 1965, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, then an official in the Johnson administration, published The Negro Family: The Case for National Action, better known as the Moynihan Report. He was influenced by his participation in two conferences organized by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in the mid-1960s, as well as two issues of its journal Dceda-lus, on the topic of “The Negro American.” Arguing that the “damaged” family structure of African Americans would impede efforts to achieve full racial equality in the United States, the Moynihan Report launched an explosive debate that helped fracture a fragile liberal consensus on civil rights. Geary examines the report alongside the Dcedalus project, establishing its roots in the racial liberalism of the mid-1960s and connecting it to efforts by liberals to address the socioeconomic dimensions of racial inequality. He considers the close relationship between scholarship and public policy that existed at the time and reflects on the ways liberal ideas about race have changed in the decades since.

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Ribeiro, Felipe Figueiredo De Campos, and Bruna. "Neoliberalismo como máquina de guerra (ou sobre a crise da Biopolítica): Lazzarato contra Foucault." Argumentos - Revista de Filosofia, no. 29 (January 1, 2023): 228–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.36517/argumentos.29.19.

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O objetivo deste ensaio é passar em revista a crítica que vem sendo elaborada por Lazzarato à concepção “positiva” de poder de Foucault, cuja síntese está no conceito de biopolítica. Isto, tomando como marco balizador o modelo neoliberal de governamentalidade, caro a ambos os autores. O pensamento de Lazzarato acolhe apenas parcialmente a noção foucaultiana – segundo ele demasiadamente ampla e pouco atenta às factualidades históricas (atinentes à financeirização, às relações coloniais centro-periferia, às “guerras totais”, às crises e revoluções ininterruptas) - de “arte liberal de governar”. As ideias de “ação sobre a ação” - de um “governo sobre os comportamentos” cujas técnicas consistiriam em incluir, incitar e produzir - seriam úteis à compreensão apenas de uma das duas faces da governamentalidade neoliberal. Ocultando a outra - a da máquina de guerra que estaria constantemente explorando (pelo trabalho), ocultando e matando - o conceito foucaultiano de biopolítica teria prestado uma espécie de desserviço ao que o Lazzarato chama de teorias críticas contemporâneas: teria induzido estas a um diagnóstico inverossímil e estéril sobre o funcionamento do poder nas sociedades ocidentais liberais e neoliberais contemporâneas. Pois tal conceito teria abdicado categorias imprescindíveis como classes sociais, fascismo, guerra, revolução, financeirização e capital.

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Prokudin, Boris. "The Drama of Russian Westernism: the Social Ideal in the Novel by Ivan Turgenev “Smoke”." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021611-1.

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Turgenev's novel “Smoke” is written in the genre of satire. It presents a caricature of russian revolutionaries and reactionaries of the 1860s. For a long time, literary critics have been arguing which of them Turgenev ridicules more. In this article we will change the angle of view. We will try to reconstruct the system of social views of 1865—1867 years in Russia, outlined in the novel. The main hypothesis of this article is that Turgenev during this period had seen the danger of merging slavophiles and socialists into a single coalition of «samobytniki». This coalition opposed the liberals. It defended the backward rural community, rejected the achievements of western civilization and hindered liberal reforms in Russia. In the novel «Smoke» Turgenev contrasted the program of «samobytniki» with the program of russian westernism.

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Loobuyck, Patrick. "Liberal multiculturalism." Ethnicities 5, no. 1 (March 2005): 108–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796805051679.

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Cuadra Martínez, David, Pablo Castro Carrasco, Cristián Oyanadel Véliz, Ingrid González Palta, José Sandoval Díaz, and Daniel Pérez Zapata. "Formación de la identidad profesional frente a la crisis global socioambiental." LIBERABIT. Revista Peruana de Psicología 27, no. 2 (November 12, 2021): e504. http://dx.doi.org/10.24265/liberabit.2021.v27n2.05.

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Antecedentes: nos encontramos ante una crisis global que amenaza la subsistencia del planeta. Aunque durante las últimas décadas se han propuesto un conjunto de medidas para enfrentar esta crisis global, los resultados no han sido auspiciosos. Estado del arte: dado el importante rol de los profesionales en la sociedad, en este trabajo se argumenta que un desarrollo sistemático de la identidad profesional en la formación inicial, es clave para el desarrollo sustentable. Se propone que esta identidad profesional podría construirse en base a las dimensiones (a) integración de saberes subjetivos, profesionales y científicos, (b) creatividad para abordar los problemas actuales y futuros, (c) prosocial y (d) ecológica . El objetivo de este trabajo es sustentar la urgencia de esto para dar respuesta a la crisis global y proporcionar sugerencias que orienten el desarrollo sistemático de la identidad profesional durante la formación inicial, en base a estas dimensiones. Conclusiones: a partir de la literatura científica, se argumenta la necesidad de formar sistemáticamente la identidad profesional en base a estas dimensiones, proporcionando sugerencias al respecto. Contribución de Autoría DC-M: elaboración del manuscrito. PC-C: revisión del manuscrito, escritura general y apoyo en búsqueda de bibliografía. COV: revisión general del artículo y apoyo en la elaboración de la conclusión. IG-P: revisión general del artículo y apoyo en la elaboración del desarrollo del artículo. JSD: revisión general del artículo y apoyo en la elaboración de la introducción del artículo

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Barros, Nilson Cortez Crocia de. "Delgado de Carvalho e a geografia no Brasil como arte da educação liberal." Estudos Avançados 22, no. 62 (April 2008): 317–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-40142008000100021.

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O trabalho expõe aspectos da contribuição de Miguel Delgado de Carvalho (1884-1990) à construção da geografia moderna no Brasil. Emprega com esse objetivo combinadamente as perspectivas contextual (ferramentas historiográficas circularidade e sítio cultural) e também epistemológica.

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Purseigle, Pierre. "Uma arte liberal da guerra: a grã-bretanha e a primeira guerra mundial." Ler História, no. 66 (October 1, 2014): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lerhistoria.765.

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40

Fonseca Ramírez, Cristina. "El ocaso de las azucenas. El impacto de las leyes de Reforma y del Segundo Imperio mexicano en el convento dominico de Santa Catalina de Siena de Morelia." Vegueta. Anuario de la Facultad de Geografía e Historia 22, no. 2 (July 29, 2022): 557–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.51349/veg.2022.2.10.

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El convento de monjas dominicas de Santa Catalina de Siena de Valladolid-Morelia fue una sólida institución religiosa fundada en el siglo XVI. Importante espacio de resguardo de mujeres pertenecientes a la oligarquía e importante institución activadora de la economía durante el periodo colonial debido a su función prestamista. Sin embargo, todo el esplendor económico y social que tuvo esta corporación se fue mermando a lo largo del siglo XIX hasta llegar a su casi extinción. Comenzando con la aplicación de medidas reformistas por parte de la monarquía española, pasando por la primera etapa de la Reforma liberal, cruzando el espejismo de paz que significó el Segundo Imperio mexicano y culminando con las fuertes disposiciones liberales impuestas en la República restaurada. The convent of Dominican nuns of Santa Catalina de Siena in Valladolid-Morelia was a well-established religious institution founded in the 16th century. It served as an important refuge for women belonging to the oligarchy as well as a great activator of the economy during the colonial period due to its practices of moneylending. However, all the economic and social splendour theretofore enjoyed by the institution dwindled throughout the 19th century until it almost passed from existence. This began with the application of reformist measures by the Spanish monarchy, continued through the first stage of the Liberal Reform, traversed the mirage of peace embodied by the Second Mexican Empire and culminated with the robust liberal regulations imposed by the restored Republic.

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Costanzo, Denise R. "“A Truly Liberal Orientation”." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 74, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2015.74.2.223.

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After World War II, the American Academy in Rome faced a choice: remain a bastion of declining Beaux-Arts classicism or pursue a more modernist agenda. In “A Truly Liberal Orientation”: Laurance Roberts, Modern Architecture, and the Postwar American Academy in Rome,Denise R. Costanzo demonstrates how Laurance Roberts, director of the Academy from 1946 to 1959, orchestrated its reorientation and welcomed architectural modernism. Under Roberts, a reconfigured Rome Prize in architecture—with no prescribed activities or stylistic limits—attracted graduates of top modern programs. During the 1950s conservative alumni attempted a counterreformation, and Roberts’s efforts to engage prominent modernists as resident architects faltered, highlighting the Academy’s limited relevance to the postwar discipline. Despite these challenges, Roberts established a more progressive administration that allowed Louis Kahn’s and Robert Venturi’s epochal stays, kept Rome on the American architect’s map, and offered one possible model of a “modernist academy.”

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STEPHENSON, NIAMH. "Interrupting Neo-liberal Subjectivities." Continuum 17, no. 2 (June 2003): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304310302746.

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43

Sanz Fernández, Francisco. "Ramírez, Juan Antonio (Dir.): Escultecturas Margivagantes." Boletín de Arte, no. 28 (March 25, 2018): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/bolarte.2007.v0i28.4517.

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La plástica contemporánea, y, de un modo especial, la arquitectónica, se halla mayoritariamente sometida a los dictados y parámetros institucionales, a encargos muy precisos, donde la función y el uso, seculares definidores de este arte liberal, imponen la forma, apariencia, distribución y medidas de casi todas las propuestas.

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Peset, José Luis. "Ciencia y enseñanza: una familia liberal de manuales." Arbor 187, no. 749 (June 30, 2011): 525–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/arbor.2011.749n3006.

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WRIGLEY, CHRIS. "‘For Women, for Wales and for Liberalism’: Women in Liberal Politics in Wales, 1880-1914 by Ursula Masson." Gender & History 23, no. 1 (March 21, 2011): 206–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0424.2010.01631_16.x.

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Fusar Poli, Elisabetta. "Oltraggi d’autore." LawArt 1, no. 1 (January 30, 2020): 140–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17473/lawart-2020-1-6.

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Lo studio propone un’indagine in prospettiva storica intorno al dialogo multiforme fra arte e diritto, prendendo in considerazione l’arte come oggetto di diritto e, al contempo, come dispositivo di interrelazione, ovvero come diaframma materiale e concettuale fra cultura giuridica e cultura tout court. Entro questa prospettiva, è affrontata la questione della ‘vera arte’ nell’interpretazione del giurista, attraverso la giurisprudenza in tema di oltraggio al pudore, fra codice penale liberale e codice del 1930. La transizione fra i due testi normativi, che vedono la luce in contesti storici e culturali profondamente differenti, porta a un apparente affrancamento normativo dell’arte dalla morale, finché la libertà dell’arte troverà forma costituzionale. Il dissidio fra arte e morale, tuttavia, si mantiene vivo per il giurista, facendosi intrinseco alla possibilità di qualificare un’opera dell’ingegno quale opera d’arte.

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Spitz, Elaine, and Gottfried Dietze. "Liberalism Proper and Proper Liberalism." Eighteenth-Century Studies 20, no. 1 (1986): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2738610.

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Murillo, Susana Isabel. "nueva cuestión social y el arte neoliberal de gobierno." Cátedra Paralela, no. 8 (June 30, 2021): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/cp.vi8.121.

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"La idea de “nueva cuestión social” alude a algunas diferencias substanciales con la denominada “cuestión social” tal como se planteaba a partir del siglo XIX, en nuestro país fundamentalmente a partir de 1869 con la llegada masiva de in- migrantes, momentos en los que la ciudad de Rosario era la segunda ciudad del mundo, después de Chicago, en crecimiento de población (Municipalidad de la Ciudad de Buenos Aires, 1889). Para nosotros, la cuestión social fue conceptualmente hablando de la brecha que se estableció entre los principios planteados por la elite liberal, centrados en la igualda diferencias, ese entramado es el que, con diversidades que ahora no es posible describir, fue constituyendo durante el siglo XX el núcleo de lo que se conoce como “políticas sociales”" (extracto de texto)

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Siegel, Jonah. "The Culture of Property: The Crisis of Liberalism in Modern Britain, and: Cultivating Victorians: Liberal Culture and the Aesthetic (review)." Victorian Studies 47, no. 2 (2005): 309–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2005.0078.

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Abdi, Supriyanto. "UNDERSTANDING RELIGION-STATE RELATIONS IN MUSLIM SOCIETIES: Beyond Essentialist and Secular-Liberal Narratives." Indonesian Journal of Interdisciplinary Islamic Studies 1, no. 1 (September 2017): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20885/ijiis.vol1.iss1.art2.

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