Academic literature on the topic 'Art, Zulu (African people)'

There is never an end to stories.“The art of composing oral narratives,” said Nongenile Masithathu Zenani, a Xhosa storyteller,is something that was undertaken by the first people, long ago, during the time of the ancestors. When those of us in my generation awakened to earliest consciousness, we were born into a tradition that was already flourishing. Narratives were being performed by adults in a tradition that had been established long before we were born. And when we were born, those narratives were constructed for us by old people, who argued that the stories had initially been created in olden times, long ago. That time was ancient even to our fathers; it was ancient to our grandmothers, who said that the tales had been created years before by their grandmothers. We learned the narratives in that way, and every generation that has come into being has been born into the tradition. Members of every generation have grown up under the influence of these narratives.In the late 1960s and in the 1970s, I made a number of research trips to southern Africa for the purpose of studying the oral traditions of the Xhosa, Zulu, Swati, and Ndebele peoples. The Xhosa and Zulu live in South Africa, the Swati in Swaziland, and the Ndebele in the southern part of Zimbabwe. During each of those trips many of the performances and discussions were taped. I witnessed thousands of performances.

This article analyzes narratives about living with HIV/ AIDS amid stigma, using the notion of “fragile stories” to further detail the linguistic practices through which people narrate experiences in danger of not being told. The article is based on fieldwork in 2008 in Durban, South Africa with a Zulu gospel choir in which all group members are living with HIV/AIDS. Close analysis of recorded narratives demonstrates how institutional story frameworks and the normative performance of gender helped storytellers to breach boundaries drawn by stigma. The article consolidates research on narrative tellability and fragile stories, verbal art, and stigma. The article has implications for research amid stigma, advocating linguistic analysis of narrative to emphasize the relationship between stories told and life events involving stigmatization.

Section 211(3) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 provides that no recognition of customary norms may be upheld if such norms are in conflict with either the constitution or any other law that deals specifically with customary law: “The courts must apply customary law when that law is applicable, subject to the Constitution and any legislation that specifically deals with customary law.” The current Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998 deals explicitly with the recognition of customary marriages which are concluded in accordance with customary law (s 1). Customary law is defined as the “customs and usages traditionally observed among the indigenous African peoples of South Africa and which form part of the culture of those peoples”. It follows from a further reading of section 1 that a customary marriage is reserved for those indigenous African peoples who observe such customs and usages. It is provided in section 10(4) that “[d]espite subsection (1), no spouse of a marriage entered into under the Marriage Act, 1961, is, during the subsistence of such marriage, competent to enter into any other marriage”. This must be read with the definitions contained in section 1: “‘customary law’ means the customs and usages traditionally observed among the indigenous African peoples of South Africa and which form part of the culture of those peoples; ‘customary marriage’ means a marriage concluded in accordance with customary law”. Without the requisite legal competency, no legal subject can enter into any relationship to which the law may attach any consequences. Nobody can enter into a customary marriage if any of the presumed future spouses is already in a civil marriage according to the Marriage Act 25 of 1961, not even if the two parties are married to each other. According to the custom of various indigenous nations, if a man enters into a valid customary marriage with a woman who had never been married before but who is the mother of children born out of wedlock (spurii), the metaphor applies that he “who takes the cow also acquires the calf”. He will as part and parcel of the lobola ceremony be seen as the adopting stepfather of his wife’s children, with all the accompanying consequences. He will automatically be responsible for the future maintenance of those children as his adoptive children and they will acquire all rights and privileges that are bestowed on a child, including the right to inheritance and the right to his family name. As a consequence of this new relationship, all legal ties with the biological father of the adopted child are severed and the biological father will no longer be responsible for the maintenance of his offspring. In January 2019 an erstwhile law professor from UNISA who still retained his German citizenship, was gravely ill and cared for on life-support at a hospital in the Pretoria district. While in hospital, he tied the marriage knot with Miss Vilakazi, a Zulu woman with whom he had been in a relationship for the past five years. Miss Vilakazi was a spinster, but she had a Zulu daughter who was born out of wedlock more than eight years previously out of a relationship with an erstwhile Zulu lover. This child had been in the care of her maternal grandmother in Natal and, according to Zulu customary norms, was considered part of the house of her maternal grandfather, Vilakazi. She consequently carried the name Vilakazi as her registered surname on her official birth certificate. The marriage, which was conducted on 29 January 2019 in the hospital in Pretoria, was concluded with adherence to all the requirements of Act 25 of 1961. The civil marriage was duly registered as such. The late professor passed away in the hospital barely three weeks later on 19 February 2019. Less than 24 hours before the demise of the professor a purported customary marriage was concluded, apparently on behalf of the professor with the recently married Mrs Schulze by proxy by a friend of his in the Newcastle district in Natal after having paid R60 000 as ilobolo. The ceremony was concluded with the ceremonial slaughtering of the prescribed goat. However, during this ceremony the groom was not present but on life support in a Pretoria hospital and not necessarily compos mentis – the court was told that he was represented by a friend. Zulu customary law, however, does not recognise a marriage concluded by proxy with a substitude bridegroom as was known in Roman-Dutch law as “a wedding with the glove”. Neither the Marriage Act nor the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act, however, recognises a second marriage after the conclusion of a civil marriage by any of the purported newly weds – even if both “spouses” had been present in person. The mother of the late Professor Schulze, after his demise in South Africa, amended her last will in Germany and appointed her lifelong partner as sole beneficiary of her significant estate. She passed away in Germany in October 2019. In November 2019 the recently married Mrs Schulze, on behalf of her minor daughter, successfully approached the high court in Pietermaritzburg, where Zaca AJ issued an order compelling the South African department of home affairs to issue the daughter with a new birth certificate that reflects the late Professor Schulze as her father. Notwithstanding the unease of the officials at home affairs with this court order, the minister of home affairs, Mr Motsoaledi, personally intervened in August 2020 and the new birth certificate was issued as requested. Relying on this newly issued birth certificate, the applicant claims an amount of not less than R8 million in Germany from the estate of the late mother of Professor Schulze. For this purpose, the applicant relies on a principle in German law, the Pflichtteilsanspruch, according to which any descendant of the deceased has a right to a prescribed portion, a so-called legitimate portion of the estate, if not mentioned or sufficiently bestowed in the last will. This raises a number of seriously flawed legal arguments that are analysed in this article. It is submitted that the perceived lobola marriage ceremony conducted on behalf of the late professor on 18 February 2019 in Newcastle, less than 24 hours before his demise, is void because of the explicit constitutional provision and the relevant section 10(4) of the Recognition of Customary Marriages Act 120 of 1998, which excludes any competency to enter into a customary marriage if any of the parties involved is already married. At the date of the perceived lobola ceremony, Mrs Schulze had already been civilly married to Professor Schulze for more than three weeks and thus both spouses lacked the necessary competency to enter into a valid customary marriage. Whether a valid customary marriage could have been concluded at all with a man who did not live according to the customs and usages of the Zulu, is also highly questionable. Because the perceived lobola marriage is a nullity, no legal consequences can flow from this nullity and the so-called customary adoption of the daughter (“the calf with the cow”) is a nullity too. At no stage was any of the requirements for a valid adoption as governed by the Children’s Act 38 of 2005 adhered to. The minister of home affairs should have immediately given notice of appeal after the unconvincing judgment of Zaca AJ was handed down in January 2020. As the responsible minister, he should guard the upholding of the constitution and the applicable legal provisions unambiguously contained in the relevant section 10(4) of Act 120 of 1998. It is a pity that the so-called adherence to the principles of the “rule of law” is not even paid lip service in this case. Bennett, as a renowned expert on customary law, correctly pointed out that the legal orders are not unconnected. It may never be assumed that the people concerned are unaware of how to manipulate the resources offered them by legal pluralism (A Sourcebook of African Customary Law for Southern Africa (1991) 50).

Revenge, as an instance of oppositionality, typifies past wrongs, evils, violations and disregard for human dignity which have been imputed and for which the offender must be reprimanded. The foregoing sequence is remindful of the dastardly apartheid dispensation in South Africa, which is a strong metaphor for strife and ‘ruptured’ human interactions. While the transition of South Africa to constitutionality was substantially heralded by the negotiating preponderances of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), a number of people have adjudged the TRC to be a mere attempt to draw a curtain on the past - in sharp contrast to the spirit and letter of the commission. By so doing, there is a popular opinion that there are still some ‘unfinished business’ that ironically link the present with the past. Therefore, it is considered a ‘must’ that these ‘silences’ be addressed in order for the present and future of South Africa not to be intractably burdened by the past. Bhekizizwe Peterson’s and Ramadan Suleman’s Zulu Love Letter (both film and scripted play) has joined this discourse by artistically amplifying the need for an engagement with these ‘deafening silences’. It is in the light of the aforementioned that this article investigates the process of wrong and attempts by the hegemony to expiate such wrongs, in the context of impervious agents, who disregard the processes for peaceful engagements, but rather scorn and threaten victims of their vicious actions for daring to seek justice. The article sees such a repudiation of one’s evil act and the conciliatory stance of the government as capable of breeding revenge. However, the article concludes that when medicated, using certain cultural and religious beliefs, the bleeding heart that is prone to seeking revenge or retaliation (vengeance) might also be a carrier of forgiveness and collectivism.

Dans Les Amazoulous de Abdou Anta Kâ, Chaka est un « bâtard » devenu le guide de la multitude du peuple Zoulou. Au-delà de l’héroïsme mythique de Chaka qu’elle véhicule, la pièce permet de saisir l’accomplissement du destin glorieux d’un enfant renié par son père, pourchassé par ses demi-frères et qui réussit à s’imposer et à imposer la trajectoire qu’il a voulu donner à l’histoire de son peuple. Cependant, une tension gouverne les relations entre Chaka et son demi-frère. Cette rivalité aboutie à l’assassinat de Chaka. Ce fratricide, source de tragédie précipite Latyr dans la boue de l’histoire. Il est maudit pour son acte ignoble. L’œuvre donne l’occasion au dramaturge de mettre sur les planches la rivalité au sein de la fratrie. Kâ semble poser les problématiques de la fratrie et de la gestion de l’héritage dans la famille polygame africaine. In Abdou Anta Ka’s “Amazoulous”, Chaka is a "bastard" who became the guide of the Zulu multitude people. Beyond Chaka’s mystical heroism carries, the play allows to grasp the glorious destiny fulfillment of a child disowed by his father, chased by his half-brothers and who managed to impose and enforce the path he wanted to his people’s history. However, tension governs the relationship between Shaka and his half-brother. This rivalry resulted in the murder of Shaka. This fratricide, source of tragedy precipitates Latyr in the mud of the history. He is cursed for his ignoble act. The work gives the opportunity to the playwright to put on stage the rivalry among the siblings. Kâ seems to pose the siblings and heritage management in the African polygamous family.

This article explores the relevance of Western models of marriage counselling in the African context and specifically with Zulu couples. It argues that because of different worldviews, there are elements of western therapeutic approaches with couples that do not fit with the beliefs and values of many African people. The article examines some of the philosophies that underlie marriage in contemporary Zulu society, as well as the worldview, values and practices of Zulu people with regard to marriage. It then examines a selection of Western marriage counselling approaches in order to establish whether the Western based marriage counselling theories that are taught and practiced by social workers in South Africa today are relevant when used with Zulu couples.

AbstractThe South African University of KwaZulu-Natal has developed an ambitious language policy aiming “to achieve for isiZulu the institutional and academic status of English” (UKZN LP 2006/2014). Part of this ambition is a mandatory Zulu language module that all undergraduate students have to pass if they cannot prove knowledge of the language. In this article, we examine attitudes of South African Indian students towards this compulsory module against the strained history and relationship between Zulu and Indian people in the province. Situated within the approach of Language Management Theory (LMT), our focus is on students as micro level actors who are affected by a macro level policy decision. Methodologically combining quantitative and qualitative tools, we attempt to find answers to the following broad question: What attitudes do South African Indian students have towards Zulu more generally and the UKZN module more specifically? The empirical findings show that students’ motivations to learn Zulu are more instrumental than integrative as the primary goal is to ‘pass’ the module. South African Indian students have developed a blind spot for the prevalence and significance of Zulu in the country which impacts negatively on the general attitudes towards the language more general and the module more specifically. Language ideologies that elevate the status of English in the country further hamper the success of Zulu language learning.

ABSTRACTChildren in many African societies have meaningful names – unlike their Western counterparts, whose names are primarily labels. In Zulu, Xhosa, Sotho, Tswana, and many other cultures, namegivers traditionally chose personal names that pointed to a range of people and circumstances that were relevant at the time of the child's birth. These highly individual or unique names were part of particular social frameworks that have long been evolving with Western acculturation. Like the social frameworks within which they are embedded, naming practices are in the process of change.This article investigates change in Zulu naming practices as a reflection of wider social changes. Taking historical accounts as the source of traditional namegiving, an analysis of rural, farm, and urban names shows quantitative and qualitative differences in naming practices. Contemporary names differ significantly from traditional ones, and provide evidence that the world view within which names are given is in the process of redefinition. (Anthropological linguistics, naming, South Africa, Zulu)

Wearing black make-up to impersonate black individuals has become highly controversial in many countries, even when it is part of long-standing cultural traditions. Prominent examples of such traditions include Saint Nicolas celebrations in the Netherlands (which feature a black character known as “Black Pete” who hands out candy to children), Epiphany parades in Spain (which feature impersonations of the biblical king Balthasar who is traditionally portrayed as black) and the annual Zulu parade in New Orleans (which features impersonations of South African Zulu warriors). In this article, I challenge the widely held view that black make-up traditions are categorically wrong. Specifically, I argue that these traditions can be morally vindicated if (i) the large majority of individuals who help to maintain them do not believe that they denigrate black people; (ii) the relevant traditions do not depict black people in denigrating ways; and (iii) the relevant traditions are not gratuitously offensive. While the Dutch Saint Nicholas tradition fails to satisfy these conditions, the New Orleans Zulu tradition is found to satisfy them, as is the Spanish Epiphany tradition in certain cases. I end by identifying another set of conditions under which black make-up traditions might be morally justified.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, History of Art, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed on Jul 21, 2009). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-10, Section: A, page: 3782. Adviser: Patrick R. McNaughton.

Mini-thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree B.A. Honours in the History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1998.
This paper seeks specifically to analyse the history of the people who were forcibly removed from the present day Richards Bay (previously called Mhlathuze Lagoon.) to the arid land of Ntambanana. The Paper will concentrate on the experience endured by these people' during this unfortunate episode. The experience entailed difficulties, deaths, hunger, resistance and even in some cases willingness or happiness, homelessness etc. It is also interesting to indicate that the Group Areas Act, which strongly manifested itself through force removal was forcefully implemented in moving the original inhabitants of Richards Bay.

Magister Artium - MA
The issue of personhood has long been of concern to many philosophers. The primary concern has been about determining the necessary and sufficient conditions for an entity to be a person at a particular point in time. The most common answer in Western terms is that to be a person at a time is to have certain special mental properties such as psychological connectedness. On the other hand, others argue that we can only ever understand the ascription of mental characteristics as part of a necessarily joint set of physically instantiated properties. Most recent contributions to the topic have however cast doubt on these earlier attempts to understand personhood solely in terms of bodily and psychological features. Not only do they suggest a model of personhood that is individualistic, they also fail to make reference to communal and social elements. In particular, many non-Western, specifically African, cultures foreground these communal and social aspects. This is true of the Akan, Yoruba and Igbo cultures. As Kwasi Wiredu and Kwame Gyekye; Dismas Masolo; Segun Gbadegesin; and Ifeanyi Menkiti have shown respectively. However, there is a lack of comparable philosophical inquiry in the Southern African context. The primary aim of this study is to critically explore the metaphysical, cultural, linguistic and normative resources of the Zulu people in understanding what it means to be a person. The approach is predominantly conceptual and analytic, but it also draws on some empirical data with a view to extending the results of the literature-based study. Not only does this extend the field of cultural inquiry to personhood, it also opens up new opportunities to tackle old problems in the debate, including the question of what should be the proper relationship between the individual and the community. Specifically, I argue that rather than focus attention on the priority of the individual or community in relation to each other, consideration of the notion of personhood in Zulu culture reveals that notwithstanding significant communal constraints forms of agency are available to individuals. http://

Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree B.A. Honours in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1993.
The History of the Mkhwanazi tribe between the UMhIathuze and the UMlalazi rivers in the east and west respectively and the Indian Ocean and the Ongoye moun tains in the South and North is an off shoot of the Mkhwanazi tribe of the chief Somkhele in the Hlabisa district • Its history can be clearly' understood by first looking at the history of the Mkhwanazi tribe in the Hlabisa district.

Submitted to the Faculty of Arts in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University of Zululand, 2005.
This dissertation seeks to take up the challenge of contributing to such an understanding of chieftainship by looking at the chieftainship succession disputes in the Cele clan of Phungashe and AmaNgwane clan of Bergville in the Province of KwaZulu -Natal, South Africa. The incorporation of indigenous political structures within the wider South African state has a long history, starting from the movements of people from one area to the other, the formation of smaller chiefdoms and bigger chiefdoms and to the rise of the Zulu kingdom. The entire process of Zulu state formation has been through a series of succession disputes which exist among many clans even nowadays. Also, the role of successions runs from the arrangements of indirect rule at the latter part of the nineteen-century to the pivotal role played by traditional leaders in the homeland administration and after 1994, the recognition of the institution, status and role of traditional leadership in the country's first democratic constitution and the enactment of the Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act. No. 41 of 2003 which makes provision for the establishment of the Chieftainship Dispute Resolution Commission.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music at the University of Zululand, 2005.
This document on umaskandi is about a vocal musical style that was created and nurtured by the Zulu people. Externally and, at a distance, the style may not appear to be artistically captivating, praiseworthy, and linguistically significant. It is but only on closer scrutiny that the aesthetic worth of the music can be realized. Even then, without a considerable research into a sizeable amount of the people's arts in relation to their life activities, a casual listener may not identify any worthiness in the practice of umaskandi music. This is generally the case with all the music of Africa. The music is contained in the life activities of the people. Having discovered the entertaining element in the music, a serious listener will still be faced with the greater challenges of fathoming the organization of sound, the significance of the libretto and the physical execution, in relation to the lifestyles of the performers. The sound of the music, the observed rhythmic activity of the performers, and the language of the libretto and its elocution are only the surface of the activity. There is still, but, more signification in the unsaid source of the music. The reason for the neglect of this music style by Western cultures and by some modern local indigenous Africans, was not a mere oversight, but a result of stigmatization of all African arts by Europeans, whose intention was to dominate the whole of Africa. They would not succeed in managing the people dictatorially without destroying the latter's culture- For some time, therefore, because of such pressures and the demands of the culture of cities, and missionary education, the Westerners were able to 'convert' some Africans against their own (African) culture. Such attempts to 'Europeanize' Africans took place wherever there were European settlers on African soil. But, because of the breadth of the continent, they could not cover the whole surface of the country. Even amongst those that were reached, like the Zulus, there were always people who were not willing to abandon their indigenous heritage. Many were unbending and insisted on maintaining their traditional arts and cultures. It was from such a cultural attitude and disposition that umaskandi idiom was born. The coming in of democratic rule in South Africa has, however, restored the dignity of every human culture in the country. Therefore, all nationalities are free to practise their various cultures with firmness and self-assurance. This attitude lent more confidence to those that performed umaskandi music. It took some time before 'sophisticated' Africans could appreciate the sound and movement in performance of umaskandi performance style. The other nationalities took a little longer. Up to this day, those that have not been orientated in the language of the performers have not grasped the essence in umaskandi music, because of the social contextual nature of the music. Should a form of prejudice against indigenous African languages be sustained, ignorance about the life and thought patterns of Africans shall grow. This will be a drawback for the South African people as a whole. This phenomenon is worthy of mention because the propagation of isiZulu is getting threatened in many ways. First: There is a big population of Zulu and non-Zulu learners that do not receive tuition of their vernacular because some school managers are negative towards African languages. Secondly: Umaskandi musicians, who are the custodians of isiZulu language and culture, and other Zulu artistes, shall never be comprehended if the language is ignored. So, for those unfortunate learners who do not have isiZulu in their curriculum, the doors are closed on both sides. Since they are not given tuition in the classroom, they are most likely to develop a negative attitude towards the language, which would be a great disaster. In their schooling career, they will also miss the further * education through music' that is provided by Zulu music practitioners at large. Umaskandi musicians, who are speakers of isiZulu language, are in their own way, keepers and propagators of isiZulu culture. Their instruments are tuned in isiZulu style, which is their own instrumental creation bashed on their singing style. Their libretto is in isiZulu. They are historians of isiZulu life and its relevant culture of yesteryear. This will be missed. Umaskandi concept, which embraces the isiZulu instrumental tuning, isiZulu manner of dancing, isiZulu vocal harmony and isiZulu elocution of izibongo (praise poetry) , originated in the indigenous lives of the Zulu people. These people were so solid in their belief and practice that they clang tenaciously onto their culture even when they were exposed to a conglomeration of foreign cultures in the horrible mining environment. Umaskandi concept, therefore, had an effect on the people's behaviour. When the African indigenous people came across the new musical instrumentation at their disposal, they adapted the latter and used them to become an extension of their vocal styles. When conditions in the mines were depressing, degrading and debasing, they painfully sang of the good life that they had left behind in their indigenous homes. Through this umaskandi style, they have, therefore, been able to relate a people's history. The final question in the last chapter is whether umaskandi concept can be a method of education in the performance of instruments just as tonic solfa is a method of vocal music. The question can be extended further to inquire whether umaskandi concept can be a method of moral and cul tural determination and perseverance as it has been the case with Zulu musicians.

The figure of Shaka (c. 1780-1828) looms massively in the historical and symbolic landscapes of Southern Africa. He has been unquestioningly credited, in varying degrees, with creating the Zulu nation, murderous bloodlust, and military genius, so launching waves of violence across the subcontinent (the "mfecane"). The empirical evidence for this is slight and controversial. More importantly, however, Shaka has attained a mythical reputation on which not only Zulu self-conceptions, but to a significant degree white settler self-identifications have been built. This study describes as comprehensively as possible the genealogy of white Shakan literature, including eyewitness accounts, histories, fictions and poetry. The study argues that the vast majority of these works are characterised by a high degree of incestuous borrowing from one another, and by processes of mythologising catering primarily to the social-psychological needs of the writers. So coherent is this genealogy that the formation of an idealised notion of settler identity can be discerned, especially through the common use of particular textual "gestures". At the same time, while conforming largely to unquestioning modes of discourse such as popularised history and romance fiction, individual writers have attempted to adjust to socio-political circumstances; this study includes four close studies of individual texts. Such close stylistic attention serves to underline the textually-constructed nature of both the figure of Shaka and the "selves" of the writers. The study makes no attempt to reduce its explorations to a single Grand Unified Explanation, and takes eclectic theoretical positions, but it does seek throughout to explore the social-psychological meanings of textual productions of Shaka - in short, to explore the question, Why have white writers written about Shaka in these particular ways?

A research project submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for B.A. Honours degree in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1995.
AbaKwaMthethwa form a very important component of the Zulu nation as we know it today. They were in fact the vanguards in the implementation of the idea of a confederation of smaller states (clans) under one supreme ruler or a king who become their overlord. The history of abaKwaMthethwa is so wide that one would need volumes to do justice to it. This project is only going to deal with their movement from around uBombo mountains round about AD 1500 to 1818 when king Dingiswyo was assassinated by Zwide, inkosi of the Ndwandwe people. This project will furthermore concentrate on the life of Dingiswayo from the time he escaped death from his father. The project also seeks to examine the controversy surrounding Dingiswayo's formative journey. It is intended that Dingiswayo's influence and his contribution socially, politically, military and economically to the upliftment of the Mthethwa confederacy will be examined. Finally mention will be made of the royal imizi, some principal imizi not necessarily royal ones, as well as religious imizi that are to be found at KwaMthethwa.

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree B.A. Honours in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1997.
Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuvusa ugqozi lokufuya kubantu. Esikhathini eside abantu balahle amasiko abo , balibala amasiko ezinye izizwe. Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuqwashisa iSintu ukuthi, yize sesingasazi ukuthi kumele sibhekephi, nokho lisekhona ithemba nekhambi elingenziwa. Uma nje besingaba nesineke, sivume ukuqalaza emuva, nokho bezingabuya emasisweni . Lolu cwaningo luzoveza ngokusobala bha ukuthi kwakukhonjwa ngophakathi kwelokhokho. Kuzovela yonke in::okozo yasekhaya ngaphandle kokuwa uvuka , uqhathanisa onsumbulwana. Ingani phela uphokophele ukuthola ukudla okwakha umzimba, njengobisi , amasi nokunye. Lolu cwa.'1ingo luzoveza ukubambisana komndeni ekumiseni insika yawo isibaya. Lolu cwaningo luzoveza isidingo sesibaya emzini womnumzane .

Numerous ethical guidelines are referred to when medical research is conducted on human participants. These guidelines include the Nuremberg Code, the Declaration of Helsinki, and the International Ethical Guidelines for Biomedical Research Involving Human Subjects. From a Western viewpoint, these guidelines may seem like well-reasoned, universally applicable codes for conducting medical research on human subjects. Some of the guidelines, however, merely impose Western values on developing countries without giving adequate consideration to their worldviews. I explore the applicability of current codes and guidelines of ethics on medical research with human subjects to the Zulu of South Africa and the Kikuyu of Kenya. Through a study of African traditional religions and philosophy and the community mindset that flows out of them, I have gained insight into the limitations of current universal codes when applied to traditional Kikuyu and Zulu communities.

This chapter examines the historical significance of Ipi Tombi, a 1974 musical by South African writers Bertha Egnos and her daughter Gail Lakier, and describes it as an episode in the secret history of learning Zulu. Ipi Tombi was produced with the collaboration of black people, contains African music and dance, and was enthusiastically consumed by black audiences. After opening in Johannesburg in March 1974, where it ran for several years at the Brooke Theater, Ipi Tombi toured in various cities worldwide, including New York where it sparked protests from groups who accused the show of being a propaganda ploy by the South African government. The chapter also considers the legend of Johnny Clegg, a pop singer who blended rock with elements of Zulu music and performance, and concludes with a discussion of the meaning of the phrase “Ipi Tombi” as “Where are the girls?”.

This chapter explores the narrative that people associate strongly with a Zulu identity, but which also resonates beyond South Africa, a moral schema demanding that the good life requires respect for all people. It talks about hierarchies, how it affects people's perception of who they are, and how they learn to live with them. It defines inequality as the kind of situation when someone with lesser power has to figure out how to demand better treatment from someone in power. The chapter discusses how South African people manage with precarity — a situation when people have a source of income, a supportive social group, and a home to live in, yet they are always hovering just at the edge of losing those basic necessities. It also talks about respect as a moral code, respect being at the intersection of work and the good life, and it asks if respect is truly achievable.

The Republic of South Africa, known as South Africa, occupies the most southern tip of Africa with a coastline stretching from the border of Namibia on the Atlantic Ocean (south-west coast) of Africa, down to the tip of Africa and then north along the south-east coast to the border of Mozambique on the Indian Ocean. South Africa is bordered by Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Eswatini (formerly Swaziland), and Mozambique and surrounds the small landlocked Kingdom of Lesotho in the east-central region of South Africa. The total area of South Africa is approximately 1.22 million square kilometres (km), with a population of an estimated 58.78 million (2019). The country is divided into nine provinces, Western Cape, Eastern Cape, Northern Cape, Free State, Kwa-Zulu Natal, Northwest, Gauteng, Mpumalanga, and Limpopo. Gauteng Province is the most densely populated province with approximately 809.6 people per square kilometre, Kwa-Zulu Natal being the second most densely populated at 120.7 people per square kilometre, with Western and Eastern Cape following substantially behind at 59.1 and 51.1 people per kilometres respectively. There are three capitals in South Africa: Pretoria in the Gauteng province (administrative), Cape Town in the Western Cape (Legislative), and Bloemfontein in the Free State (Judicial). The

Radikobo Ntsimane’s chapter is an examination of the intersection of food and death among the Tswana and Zulu peoples in South Africa, discussing the function of funerals in feeding the living, and the ways in which funerals can help socially and economically sustain a community. His analysis of the shift in the economic sustainability of funeral feasting in times of scarcity and widespread diseases such as AIDS in Africa is both valuable and important, providing a social and cultural critique that forces the reader to think about the function of funerals, and their effects on the community. In this chapter, the reader understands that the funeral attendants are dying to eat, both literally and figuratively.

Apartheid like colonialism was anchored on the divisions of African people according to ethnic and tribal orientations among others. The idea of the South African apartheid government was to build tribal exceptionalism and superiority which would make one tribe feel more superior than the other. A Zulu would feel better human than a Sotho, while a Venda would feel the same over a Tsonga, for example. This is a qualitative desktop study investigating how apartheid education was used to fuel tribalism and xenophobia in South Africa.

South Africa is a multi-lingual country with a population of about 40.5 million people. South Africa has more official languages at a national level than any other country in the world. Over and above English and Afrikaans, the eleven official languages include the indigenous languages: Southern Sotho, Northern Sotho, Tswana, Zulu, Xhosa, Swati, Ndebele, Tsonga, and Venda (Pretorius & Bosch, 2003). Figure 1 depicts the breakdown of the South African official languages as mother tongues for South African citizens. Although English ranks fifth (9%) as a mother tongue, there is a tendency among national leaders, politicians, business people, and officials to use English more frequently than any of the other languages. In a national survey on language use and language interaction conducted by the Pan South African Language Board (Language Use and Board Interaction in South Africa, 2000), only 22% of the respondents indicated that they fully understand speeches and statements made in English, while 19% indicated that they seldom understand information conveyed in English. The rate of electrification in South African is 66.1%. The total number of people with access to electricity is 28.3 million, and the total number of people without access to electricity is 14.5 million (International Energy Agency, 2002). Although the gap between the “haves” and “have-nots” is narrowing, a significant portion of the South African population is still without the basic amenities of life. This unique environment sets the tone for a creative research agenda for HCI researchers and practitioners in South Africa.

This chapter studies the theme of racism and fear of Africans among people of Indian origin. The relationship between indentured Indians and Zulu speakers in the province of Natal was tense and contentious throughout the twentieth century. The large riots in 1949 in Durban when Indian homes were attacked by African workers, as well as subsequent conflicts in 1985 and after apartheid, left a legacy of apprehension between the two communities that periodically erupt in racist allegations from both sides. The chapter also explores the tension between the so-called “racism's two bodies”—notions of surface and substance—in racial practices among Indians. It argues that the influx of large numbers of Africans in Chatsworth has transformed the idea of the area as a knowable site of cultural intimacy.

Vivian Owusu, a stunning twenty-one-year-old African woman who grew up in Ghana, was about to walk out of the university counseling center when I went to the waiting room to get her for our initial appointment. Her first psychiatric provider had retired a year after meeting her and her next one took a different job six months later, so I was her third psychiatrist in less than a year. Vivian had not shown for her first two appointments with me and now, due to a double-booking error that was my fault, I was thirty minutes late. I apologized and asked if she had time to stay and meet with me. I could see her anger and agitation. “I suppose.” Irritated but still poised, Vivian followed me down the hall to my office. What an unfortunate beginning, I thought, feeling harried. We had been short-staff ed for months and I had been squeezing patients in as best I could, feeling like I wasn’t doing my best work. Vivian settled herself upright on my couch and looked at me coolly. She had big dark eyes, flawless brown skin, beautifully braided hair, a button nose, and a hostile expression. In response to my questions, she told me she was a junior, pre-law. She hadn’t slept for three or four days. Depression had been plaguing her and she had been having thoughts of killing herself. Her expression of hostility briefly showed a trace of sadness. “I don’t trust people,” she said. “I take things personally and I get annoyed.” She often felt emotionally volatile and easily got upset with people if she felt they were rejecting her. I had skimmed her medical record prior to the appointment and saw that she had had multiple emergency contacts with our clinicians and two psychiatric hospitalizations, the second five months earlier. She said she wasn’t having suicidal thoughts currently and would call us if she did. What she wanted from me was a refill of medicines she was taking to help with the depression and anxiety.

African concept of visual design was derived from the concept of creation which has been noted to be the exclusive preserved of the gods. Design and art as it were, are created with intrinsic value such as inventions, innovations technical prowess and deep imagination. To create design in Africa content is unique therefore; design forms which keep on occurring in African arts obviously have significance in the life of those who created them for the purpose of aesthetics and beauty in African digital designs This paper is not mere description or just an historical narration of African digital design and visuals but centers on the deviation of African people from their original system of design and imbibing computer graphic digital application as an alternative to pen and paint box creative designs The paper concluded that the conventional African visual designs should be guided against because African design is center on values and experience which is concern with the essence of African personality and existence of transmission of design legacy from parents to children which leads to physical or merit pattern, which later becomes the object of perception, admiration, and utilization. Computer graphics and visual design reflection in African design is therefore cognitive reaction scientifically which implies conceptualization and, inspiration in 21st century.

There are close relationships between the cultural structures of societies and residential areas. The place where the society chooses to live and the ways it is organized is an expression of the cultural structure. Traditional houses are accepted as the most obvious indicator of this situation. One of the ways of preserving cultural sustainability today is to read the design principles of these houses correctly. Culture is about what kind of environment people live in and how they live. Human behaviors are based on cultural references. Religion, view of life and perceptions of the environment are both dialectically shaped culture and shaped by culture. Culture is about where and how human meets his needs throughout his life. It can be said that culture is one of the basic factors that direct human behavior and life. Therefore, the cultural embedding of sustainability thought is important in shaping the world in which future generations will live. Regarding various cultures in the literature; the structure of the society, their way of life and how they shape their places of residence, etc. there are many studies. The riches that each culture possesses are considered to be indisputable. These important studies are mostly based on an in-depth analysis of that culture, concentrating on a single specific culture. In this study, it is aimed to make a more holistic analysis by examining more than one culture. Thanks to this holistic perspective, it is thought that it will be possible to make inferences that can be considered as common to all societies. This study, which especially focuses on Asian and African societies, is the tendency of these societies to maintain their cultural structure compared to other societies. The reflections of cultural practices on residential spaces are examined through various examples. The dialectical structure of Berber houses, integration of Chinese houses with natural environmental references, Toroja houses associated with the genealogy in Indonesia, etc. examples will be examined in the context of cultural sustainability in this study. With this holistic approach, where the basic philosophy of cultural sustainability can be obtained, important references can be obtained in the design of today's residences. This paper was produced from an incomplete PhD dissertation named Evaluation of Cultural Sustainability in the Application of House Design at Yildiz Technical University, Social Sciences Institution, Art and Design Program