Academic literature on the topic 'Art Political aspects United States'
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Journal articles on the topic "Art Political aspects United States"
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Ouellette, Alicia, Arthur Caplan, Kelly Carroll, James W. Fossett, Dyrleif Bjarnadottir, Darren Shickle, and Glenn McGee. "Lessons Across the Pond: Assisted Reproductive Technology in the United Kingdom and the United States." American Journal of Law & Medicine 31, no. 4 (December 2005): 419–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009885880503100402.
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Scholars of differing political affiliation and the President's Council on Bioethics have called for regulation of assisted reproductive technology (ART) that would emulate many aspects of the regulatory system of the United Kingdom, in particular that of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority. Specifically, scholars and the Council have argued that research in the U.S. involving gametes and human embryos lacks consistent oversight. While the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) produces an annual ART success rate report, submission of data is guaranteed only by the promise that non-responders will be noted as such in the appendix of CDC's report, and most ART clinics publish success rates on the Internet in a much more recognized forum: website advertising. Moreover, U.S. law does not require licensing or accreditation of infertility programs and few regulations govern embryo research. While the large majority of clinics report their success rate data, and many follow practice standards and apply for accreditation from private agencies, these practices are strictly voluntary. Clinics failing to report their success rates face no legal consequence.
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Fletcher, Jamie, and Jane Marriott. "Beyond the Market: The Role of Constitutions in Health Care System Convergence in the United States of America and the United Kingdom." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 42, no. 4 (2014): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12168.
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Two narratives have emerged to describe recent health care reforms in the United States of America (US) and the United Kingdom (UK). One narrative speaks of revolution, that the adoptions of the Affordable Care Act 2010 (ACA) in the US, and the Health and Social Care Act 2012 (HSCA) in the UK, have resulted in fundamental, large-scale philosophical, political and legal change in the jurisdictions’ respective health care systems. The other narrative evokes evolution, identifying each new legislative scheme as a natural development of existing governance structures. Policymakers in both the US and UK face the problem of a health care system which, as traditionally envisaged, cannot offer universal access to health care at a reasonable, or politically acceptable, price
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Piper, Nicola. "Gendering the Politics of Migration." International Migration Review 40, no. 1 (March 2006): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2006.00006.x.
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Although every aspect of the migration process is shaped by political factors and migration presents many political challenges on the domestic and international levels, the attention of political scientists in the United States and Europe has been limited to relatively few topics, including control over entry and exit, and issues of incorporation and citizenship. Work that considers the political aspects of migration from a gender perspective constitutes an even smaller body of work. In considering the contribution that political science might make to our understanding of gendered migration, this essay points both to some pioneering studies of gendered patterns of migration and incorporation, and also to the growing concern with gender among international organizations and policy makers. Interestingly, the essay shows that it is scholars in neighboring disciplines who have more often have taken up questions of governance and the development of gender-fair policy towards migrants. The essay raises questions about the relationship between disciplinary boundaries and topical areas and also about the ways in which regional contexts shape the nature of scholarly inquiry by contrasting work on Asia with that in Europe and the United States.
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Khalilov, Vladimir. "Contemporary American Drama: Socio-Political Aspect." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 1 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018948-9.
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The article deals with the topical issues of American drama based on the analysis of works by contemporary US playwrights, many of whom are representatives of groups classified as oppressed (in a white patriarchal society). The author examines popular topics and trends in cultural life in the context of public and political life in the United States over the past 70 years - from the Civil Rights Movement, "Women's Liberation" and Stonewall to "Black Lives Matter", "#MeToo" and LGBTQ prides. The author concludes that the current repertoire was directly influenced by the progressive agenda with its ambitious plan for large-scale social transformations that affected all cultural institutions, including theater. By highlighting the struggle for social equality and justice, the rights of blacks, women, ethnic and sexual minorities, diversity and inclusion, as well as condemnation of capitalism and American imperialism, progressivism has placed art at the service of ideology, once again turning cultural figures into 'engineers of human souls' - but also contributed to the expansion of opportunities for members of under-represented groups, integration, the development of intercultural dialogue and the emergence of new dramatic voices.
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Gurpegui Palacios, José Antonio. "So Far So Close: Irish and Mexican Migrant Experience in the United States." Oceánide 13 (February 9, 2020): 111–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37668/oceanide.v13i.47.
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Irish and Mexicans conform two singular migratory groups in the United States. Nowadays it is possible to find important differences between both groups that could lead to think that in both cases the migratory experience responded to different patterns. However, as we empirically analyze the historical, sociological, and political roots of the arrival and settlement of Irish and Mexicans in the United States, it is possible to verify that the two models are not so different. In both cases similar reasons and behaviors are reproduced in aspects related to why they migrated, to settlement patterns, the complex relations with the hegemonic group, or self-protection systems.
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Gable, Lance. "The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Public Health, and the Elusive Target of Human Rights." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 39, no. 3 (2011): 340–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.2011.00604.x.
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The passage of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) in March 2010 represents a significant turning point in the evolution of health care law and policy in the United States. By establishing a legal infrastructure that seeks to achieve universal health insurance coverage in the United States, the ACA targets some of the major impediments to accessing needed health care for millions of Americans and by extension attempts to strengthen the health system to support key determinants of health. Yet, like many newly passed legislative provisions, the ultimate effects and significance of the ACA remain uncertain. Those charged with implementing the ACA face formidable obstacles — indeed, some of the same obstacles that have been erected to impede other major pieces of social legislation in the past — including entrenched political opposition, constitutional challenges, and what will likely be a prolonged struggle over the content and direction of how the law is implemented. As these debates continue, it is nevertheless important to begin to assess the impact that the ACA has already had on health law in the United States and to consider the likely effects that the law will have on public health going forward.
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Avey, Paul C. "Confronting Soviet Power: U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War." International Security 36, no. 4 (April 2012): 151–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00079.
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Many self-identified realist, liberal, and constructivist scholars contend that ideology played a critical role in generating and shaping the United States' decision to confront the Soviet Union in the early Cold War. A close look at the history reveals that these ideological arguments fail to explain key aspects of U.S. policy. Contrary to ideological explanations, the United States initially sought to cooperate with the Soviet Union, did not initially pressure communist groups outside the Soviet orbit, and later sought to engage communist groups that promised to undermine Soviet power. The U.S. decision to confront the Soviets stemmed instead from the distribution of power. U.S. policy shifted toward a confrontational approach as the balance of power in Eurasia tilted in favor of the Soviet Union. In addition, U.S. leaders tended to think and act in a manner consistent with balance of power logic. The primacy of power over ideology in U.S. policymaking—given the strong liberal tradition in the United States and the large differences between U.S. and Soviet ideology—suggests that relative power concerns are the most important factors in generating and shaping confrontational foreign policies.
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Taxel, Joel. "Multicultural Literature and the Politics of Reaction." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 98, no. 3 (March 1997): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146819709800302.
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The social climate of the United States of today is dramatically different from that which gave birth to multicultural children's literature. Conservatism's rise to political ascendancy has sharpened the contentious “culture wars” that surround virtually all aspects of American culture. One important dimension of today's conservative movement is a backlash against the multicultural movement. Conservative defenders of the traditional literary canon, for example, see multicultural literature as a threat to the very fabric of Western civilization. Within children's literature circles, charges abound that advocates of multicultural literature are ignoring traditional literary values and are focusing instead on ill-defined notions of “political correctness.” This article explores this complex issue and the challenges it poses to those concerned with the creation, production, distribution, and consumption of children's literature. The discussion addresses questions that speak to the very nature and function of children's literature: its status as art, as entertainment, as a source of role models and ideology for children's “impressionable” minds. Also discussed is the relation between the politically charged question of whether books about African Americans are to be written only by African Americans, books about Native Americans by Native Americans, and so forth, and the freedom of writers to write without restriction.
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Shacillo, Vyacheslav. "Russian Diplomacy and the USA’s Seizure of the Phillipine Islands." ISTORIYA 13, no. 5 (115) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021545-8.
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The article examines the main aspects of the foreign policy of the Russian Empire concerning the seizure of the Philippine Islands by the United States during the Spanish-American War of 1898. This event did not affect the vital interests of the Russian Empire and Russia during this war avoided taking any steps that could damage the friendly relations with the United States. On the other hand, while pursuing an active foreign policy in the Pacific region in those years, St. Petersburg feared the strengthening of the positions of the British and German Empires in the Far East. That is why the seizure of the Philippine Archipelago by the United States Russian diplomacy met with understanding and this step did not cause any objections in Saint Petersburg.
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Kugler, Kholofelo. "United States – Anti-Dumping and Countervailing Measures on Certain Coated Paper from Indonesia (US–Coated Paper (Indonesia)), DS491." World Trade Review 17, no. 2 (April 2018): 360–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745618000125.
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Indonesia challenged two measures of the United States' (US): first, the imposition of anti-dumping and countervailing duties (CVDs) on certain coated paper from Indonesia. In particular, Indonesia challenged certain aspects of the US States Department of Commerce (USDOC) final determination ‘as applied’ in its CVD investigation on certain coated paper from Indonesia, and the US International Trade Commission's (USCIT) final threat of injury determination regarding subsidized and dumped imports from Indonesia and China. Second, Indonesia challenged ‘as such’ Section 711(11)(B) of the US Tariff Act. In particular, Indonesia challenged the use of this provision in affirmative threat of injury determinations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Art Political aspects United States"
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Younge, James Gavin Forrest. "The mirror and the square : a study of ideology within contemporary art systems with special reference to the American avant-garde in the period 1933-1953." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/16370.
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Bibliography: pages 232-240.This dissertation argues that abstract art is not ideologically neutral. In spite of many artists' anti-fascist stance early in their careers, the mantle of neutrality was assumed as a reaction to the protracted struggle between the two major ideologies confronting artists living in Europe and the United States of America in the period 1933-1953, namely capitalism and communism. These ideologies were not peripheral to artists lives, but were actively debated by both artists and intellectuals and resulted in the establishment of powerful cultural organisations. The ensuing growth in prestige and influence of left-wing artist's organisations was countered by a campaign which included direct suppression of left-wing artists as well as a form of ideological control. This control was vested in what has been called the specifics of patronage and is reflected in the establishment of the Arts Council in Britain and the private art museums in the United States. Changes in the art market have meant that, together with dealers and critics, these institutions wielded almost complete economic control over artists. The prevailing ideology of liberal humanism, which glorified individualism and defined democracy as a middle ground between the left and the right, favoured the development of a seemingly apolitical abstract art style. Analysis of the demise of the Artists International Association and the American Artist's Congress supports the conclusion that the figurative tradition lost prestige as a result of the stigma attached to Socialist Realism and the idealised realism demanded by National Socialism in Germany. Account is also taken of the attempt by well-positioned and influential commentators to identify all forms of realism with totalitarianism. It is not surprising therefore, that it was commonly believed that to paint in an abstract modern style was to strike a blow against fascism. In the same way that realism was identified with the regimentation of Soviet society, the avant-gardes' abstract experiments came to symbolize democracy. Drawing on the texts of writers, critics, artists and theorists, this dissertation shows that the force of the identification of progressive realism with totalitarianism, prepared the way for acceptance of the idea that freedom of expression epitomised freedom in general. In this way, anti-Stalinism and the post-war liberal philosophy of individual freedom, coupled with a search for 'essences' and the 'universal', directed artists inward to the medium of art as relevant subject-matter. This dissertation argues that this identification was ideologically motivated in respect to the balance of social and political power in America.
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Shaw, Nancy (Nancy Alison) 1962. "Modern art, media pedagogy and cultural citizenship : the Museum of Modern Art's television project, 1952-1955." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36790.
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The Museum of Modern Art's television project sponsored by the Rockefeller Brother's Fund between 1952 and 1955 was designed to educate a democratic and cultured citizenry through the principles and practices of modern art and liberal humanism. Through a close reading of four television programs, related policy documents and exhibitions, as well as critical, educational and promotional literature, this study will show how within the context of the MoMA's mandate and history, the television project was a decisive, yet highly troubled attempt to forge cultural citizenship through the burgeoning media of modern art and television. This exploration will establish how the television project was an integral aspect of the MoMA's efforts since World War II to situate modern art as essential to the formation of an international polity shaped around the promise of universality, yet dependent on upholding the primacy of free and creative individuals. In addressing such a challenge, this dissertation will contend that television was not necessarily antithetical to modernism, rather it was just one among an array of struggling forces falling within the rubric of the modern. Moreover, this analysis will consider the importance of culture in logics of liberal governance. In order to elucidate the dimensions of cultural democracy as they emerged through the MoMA's television project, this study will be shaped around a discussion of three components crucial to the formation and maintenance of citizenly conduct---civic education, democratic cultural communications, and cross-cultural governance. To these ends, a range of sources from the disciplines of Communications, Cultural Studies and Critical Artistic Studies will be drawn on in order to investigate the provisional links forged between modern art, media pedagogy, and cultural citizenship in the Cold War period.
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Okoro, Iheanyi Emmanuel. "The Role of the U.S. Mass Media in the Political Socialization of Nigerian Immigrants in the United States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279111/.
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A mail survey of Nigerian immigrants in Dallas, Texas, and Chicago, Illinois, was conducted during October and November 1995. Four hundred and sixty-eight Nigerian immigrant families in the two cities were selected by systematic sampling through the telephone books. Return rate was approximately 40% (187). The variables included in the study were media exposure variables, general demographics, immigration traits, U.S. demographics, Nigerian demographics, and political and cultural traits. New variables which had not been included in previous studies were also tested in this study: television talk shows, talk radio, diffuse support for the U.S. political system, authoritarianism, self-esteem, and political participation. This study employed multiple regression analysis and path analysis of the data. This study found that Nigerian immigrants have high preference for television news as their main source of political information. This finding is in consonance with previous studies. Nigerian immigrants chose ABC news stations as their number one news station for political information. Strong positive associations existed between media exposure and length of stay in the United States and interest in U.S. politics. Talk radio positively associated with interest in U.S. politics and negatively associated with length of stay in the United States. Thus, this finding likely means that talk radio is a good source of political socialization for more recently arrived immigrants and those interested in U.S. politics. Significant associations existed between diffuse support for the U.S. government and interest in politics and security of immigration status. This study also found that adjustment to U.S. political culture was a function of media exposure, pre-immigration social class, diffuse support for the U.S. political system, and political knowledge.
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Yang, Victor. "Unleashing power : pathways to inclusion and representation in U.S. AIDS activist organisations : a comparative case study of political representation in the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5b51086e-cd00-4d92-b39a-2865219ea5a1.
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The thesis proposes a theory for the development of substantive representation among social movement organisations (SMOs). Substantive representation (SR) is the extent to which political institutions advance the policy interests of their constituents, in particular the most disenfranchised. Despite their noble proclamations, institutions of representative democracy often fail to advance the interests of groups who have been ignored and absent at the proverbial table. The thesis establishes a causal process to explain the divergence in SR outcomes among informal SMOs, or all-volunteer groups that disavow formal hierarchy in favour of egalitarian modes of decision-making. It utilises a case study of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), an umbrella organisation dedicated to ending the HIV/AIDS crisis in the United States and worldwide. It explains an anomalous story of SR attainment through the ACT UP Philadelphia chapter, compared to sister groups in New York City and Boston. The analysis draws from 92 semi-structured interviews, 13 months of participant observation, periodical review, and archival databases. ACT UP Philadelphia translated common SMO intentions of inclusivity into the uncommon rituals of practice. It forged a deliberate pipeline to invest not only in the presence but also the power of disenfranchised people with HIV, people too dark and poor to interest counterpart groups in other cities. Through an analytic retelling of ACT UP's history, the thesis argues that the fulfilment of SR depends on the ability of SMOs to appeal to member self-interest. Critically, SMOs can offer material incentives and nurture feelings of debt and obligation: causal steps to recruitment and sustainability of a heterogeneous membership. In building a crucial if contentious core of dissimilar people and partnerships, SMOs can unleash an oft-unrealised power for collective action and SR, by and for disenfranchised peoples who had thought change to be impossible.
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Kurdi, Ammr. "Regulation and Political Costs in the Oil and Gas Industry: An Investigation of Discretion in Reporting Earnings and Oil and Gas Reserves Estimates." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30481/.
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This study investigates the use of discretion by oil and gas companies in reporting financial performance and oil and gas reserve estimates during times of high political scrutiny resulting from increases in energy prices. Hypotheses tested in prior literature state that companies facing the risk of increasing taxes or new regulations reduce reported earnings to reduce this risk. This study uses a measure of high profitability (rank order of return on assets relative to industry peers) to identify oil and gas companies more likely to manage earnings during the period from 2002 to 2008. Two measures of discretionary accruals (total and current discretionary accruals), and a measure of discretionary depreciation, depletion, and amortization (DDA) were used as indicators of discretion exercised in reporting earnings. Data on oil and gas reserve disclosures was also hand-collected from Forms 10-K to investigate whether managers use reserve estimate revisions to reduce reported earnings through increasing the annual depletion expense. Results suggest that both oil and gas refining and producing firms use negative discretionary accruals to reduce reported earnings. Results also indicate that profitability is an important determinant of the use of negative discretionary accruals by these companies regardless of the time period examined. There is also evidence that oil and gas producing firms opportunistically revise their oil and gas reserve estimates to increase depreciation, depletion, and amortization expense during periods of high oil prices.
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Craig, McKinzie. "Rubber Stamps and Litmus Tests: The President, the Senate, and Judicial Voting Behavior in Abortion Cases in the U.S. Federal District Courts." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3985/.
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This thesis focuses on how well indicators of judicial ideology and institutional constraints predict whether a judge will vote to increase abortion access. I develop a model that evaluates a judge's decision in an abortion case in light of ideological factors measured at the time of a judge's nomination to the bench and legal and institutional constraints at the time a judge decides a case. I analyze abortion cases from all of the U.S. Federal District Courts from 1973-2004. Unlike previous studies, which demonstrate that the president and the home state senators are the best predictors of judicial ideology, I find that the Senate Judiciary Committee at the time of the judge's nomination is the only statistically significant ideological indicator. Also, contrary to conventional wisdom, Supreme Court precedent (a legal constraint) is also a significant predictor of judicial voting behavior in abortion cases.
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DeMerle, Carol. "A multi-state political process analysis of the anti-testing movement." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5501/.
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I applied McAdam's political process model for social movement analysis to examine the level of collective resistance to high stakes testing in California, Massachusetts, New York, South Carolina, and Texas from 1985 to 2005. Data on protest occurrences in those states were gathered from online news reports, anti-testing organization websites, and electronic interviews from individuals associated with the anti-testing movement. Variables used in the analysis included each state's key educational accountability legislation, political affiliations of state political leaders, state political leaders' support of accountability issues, student ethnicity profiles, poverty indicators, dropout rates, and collective bargaining laws. I examined the relationship between those variables and protest development in terms of the political process model's three components: framing processes, mobilizing structures, and political opportunity. I concluded California and Massachusetts, with their strong networks of anti-testing organizations, showed more instances of protest than any other state. Slightly fewer protests occurred in New York. Texas showed few instances of anti-testing protests and there were no reports of protests in South Carolina. There was evidence of framing efforts from both proponents and opponents of high-stakes testing, with proponents' framing efforts tending to be more covert. I found that anti-testing protests were primarily initiated by middle-class and affluent groups of citizens, who demonstrated greater political access but whose major concerns differed by state. Evidence showed that although all five states have Republican governors, protests emerged more readily in the three states whose legislatures had a Democratic majority. I found that protest efforts were inhibited when protesters faced serious consequences as a result of their actions. In addition, state political leaders began to take part in the anti-testing protest movement once the state became subject to sanctions under the strict performance requirements imposed by No Child Left Behind. Overall, the political process model proved to be a highly efficient analytical tool in this context.
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Lo, Bianco Joseph. "Officialising language : a discourse study of language politics in the United States." View thesis entry in Australian Digital Theses Program, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20020902.101758/index.html.
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Pokross, Amy Elizabeth. "The American Community College's Obligation to Democracy." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5129/.
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In this thesis, I address the dichotomy between liberal arts education and terminal vocational training in the American community college. The need is for reform in the community college in relation to philosophical instruction in order to empower citizens, support justice and create more sustainable communities. My call for reform involves a multicultural integration of philosophy into terminal/vocational programs as well as evolving the traditional liberal arts course to exist in a multicultural setting. Special attention is focused on liberating the oppressed, social and economic justice and philosophy of education.
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McCall, Sarah B. "The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government Investigations of Musicians in the United States, 1930-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277608/.
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Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities' (HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States. Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in leftist organizations. The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing in New York City. There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.
Books on the topic "Art Political aspects United States"
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The FBI files. Brooklyn, N.Y: Hanging Loose Press, 2004.
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Dubin, Steven C. Arresting images: Impolitic art and uncivil actions. London: Routledge, 1992.
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Saunders, Frances Stonor, and Frances Stonor Saunders. The cultural cold war: The CIA and the world of arts and letters. New York: New Press, 2000.
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Lily, Prince, ed. Something to say: Thoughts on art and politics in America. Teaticket, Mass: Leapfrog Press, 2011.
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Dan, Cameron, Duncan Michael 1953-, Storr Robert, Orange County Museum of Art (Calif.), and Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts., eds. Peter Saul. Ostfildern, Germany: Hatje Cantz, 2008.
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America is the prison: Arts and politics in prison in the 1970s. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010.
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Jacobs, Karrie. Angry graphics: Protest posters of the Reagan/Bush era. Salt Lake City: Peregrine Smith Books, 1992.
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Shaping the body politic: Art and political formation in early America. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2011.
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Art and the city: Civic imagination and cultural authority in Los Angeles. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008.
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Painting Indians and building empires in North America, 1710-1840. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Art Political aspects United States"
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Friedland, William H. "Women and Agriculture in the United States: A State of the Art Assessment." In Towards a New Political Economy of Agriculture, 315–38. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429269493-20.
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Jarty, Julie, and Karina Batthyány. "Recent Evolutions of Gender, State Feminism and Care Models in Latin America and Europe." In Towards a Comparative Analysis of Social Inequalities between Europe and Latin America, 361–85. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-48442-2_12.
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AbstractThis chapter presents and characterises the way in which, in the twenty-first century, after years of feminist struggles inside and outside of institutions, gender relations are organised in the different countries of the INCASI project (on the European side, Spain, Italy, Finland, France and the United Kingdom, on the side of the South American Southern Cone, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay). It pays special attention to the implementation of feminist issues on political agendas, and in particular the assignment of women to unpaid care work—an aspect of the power continuum that we look to relate to other aspects. Gradually and for almost a century all countries in both continents have granted women the status of subjects, citizens and employees. However, the conditions, challenges and timelines of this process differ considerably from one continent to another, so they need to be addressed separately. The neoliberal era did not have the same impact in Europe as it did in South America (nor was it exactly the same between particular European countries or among South American ones).
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Baarda, Rachel, and Rocci Luppicini. "Shaping Digital Democracy in the United States." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 213–31. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6122-6.ch014.
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Ethical challenges that technology poses to the different spheres of society are a core focus within the field of technoethics. Over the last few years, scholars have begun to explore the ethical implications of new digital technologies and social media, particularly in the realms of society and politics. A qualitative case study was conducted on Barack Obama's campaign social networking site, my.barackobama.com, in order to investigate the ways in which the website uses or misuses digital technology to create a healthy participatory democracy. For an analysis of ethical and non-ethical ways to promote participatory democracy online, the study included theoretical perspectives such as the role of the public sphere in a participatory democracy and the effects of political marketing on the public sphere. The case study included a content analysis of the website and interviews with members of groups on the site. The study's results are explored in this chapter.
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Maisel, L. Sandy. "The context of American elections and political parties." In American Political Parties and Elections: A Very Short Introduction, 1–30. 3rd ed. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780197605110.003.0001.
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Abstract “The Context of American Elections and Political Parties” explains the framework under which elections are run in the United States. This is laid out in the Constitution, which outlines the basic tenets of democracy in America. The most important aspects of that framework are the separation of powers, with a single executive separate from and elected separately from the legislature, and the federal system with residual powers left to the states. The Electoral College system, unique to the United States, is a result of the initial decisions made at the time of the framing of the Constitution.
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Baldwin, Nicholas, and Amy Lynn Fletcher. "Asteroid Futures." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 291–301. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-6772-2.ch020.
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This chapter evaluates the emerging industry of asteroid mining and the pivotal role of the United States in shaping the new rules for an extra-terrestrial economy. The Outer Space Treaty 1967 (OST) governs the use of space, with over 100 signatories, including the United States and China. However, as space exploration expands to encompass both public and private stakeholders, there is a growing international debate about whether the OST's provisions prohibit the assertion of sovereignty and, hence, property rights, in outer space. With the Commercial Space Launch Competitiveness Act (2015), the United States has pursued a legal framework that facilitates commercial asteroid mining and a political strategy that focuses on bilateral space exploration agreements with countries such as Luxembourg, Italy, and the United Arab Emirates. Due to its dominant position in the space sector, the United States will strongly influence the regulatory roadmap for the era of Space 2.0.
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Barber, N. W. "Introduction to the Regionalisation of Power." In The United Kingdom Constitution, 217–25. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852315.003.0013.
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States can be divided into unitary and federal forms. This chapter considers these forms, and the relationship between them. The reasons for regionalising power, primarily the constitutional recognition of national groups and the principle of subsidiarity, are examined. Whilst the UK is often presented as the paradigm of a unitary state, this presentation requires two qualifications. First, the UK consists of constituent territories, regions which have their own constitutional identities and, arguably, possess the right of exit. Second, whilst the legal form of the UK constitution may be unitary, the political balance between central government and the devolved regions may have federal aspects. Finally, the chapter identifies some of the pressures that threaten the territorial integrity of the UK.
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Shaked, Nizan. "Conceptual Art and identity politics: from the 1960s to the 1990s." In The Synthetic Proposition. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992750.003.0002.
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This chapter asks how a precisely articulated set of practices, defined by artists in the 1960s as Conceptual Art, evolve into a broad notion of conceptualism, and how the latter had expanded into its present forms. It shows how, in the United States context, some of the most important strategies of conceptualism developed through the influence of contemporaneous politics, more specifically the transition from Civil Rights into Black Power, the New Left, the anti-war movement, feminism, and gay liberation, as well as what later came to be collectively named “identity politics” in the 1970s. A range of artists who have self-defined as conceptualists synthesised Conceptual analytic approaches with an outlook on identity formation as a means of political agency, and not as a representation of the self, a strategy that significantly expanded in the 1970s. Two major aspects of identity politics have impacted the field. The first, activist and administrative, consisted of protests against existing institutions, the developments of action groups and collectives, and the subsequent formulation of alternative spaces. The second was the bearing that it had on artistic strategy, form, and subject matter. This chapter focuses on practices that took a critical outlook on identity formation.
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Schain, Martin A. "Where Are the Gates?" In The Border, 25–44. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199938674.003.0002.
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This chapter explores the question of where the border has been controlled in Europe and the United States. The border is not a uniform area of control, but an area that is controlled at different points in different ways. Some points of control may indeed be somewhere on the lines of the map, while others may be deep within the territory of the state. Others, moreover, are far from the state itself, in the territory of other states. Border control varies and defines different aspects of the frontier. This chapter also explores variations in the regulation of people and trade. How is it possible to regulate movement of people across the border, in the face of economic forces that push for greater openness, while security concerns and powerful political forces push toward greater closure? The chapter examines whether the hardening of border control for people necessarily obstructs the growth of free trade.
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Żądło, Łukasz. "Wpływ stosunków z państwami ościennymi oraz wybranymi organizacjami międzynarodowymi na kształt systemu politycznego Angoli w latach 1975–2002." In Jedność z różnorodności. Zbiór studiów nad różnymi aspektami dziejów Afryki, 235–62. University of Warsaw Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.9788323556565.pp.235-262.
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The main goal of this paper is to present the relationships between Angola and neighbouring states and show how those relationships influenced the development of Angolan state structure. This will allow for presenting a set of political, social, and economic interdependencies between Angola and its neighbours. This, in turn, will serve to verify the hypothesis that Angola as a state has become a stabilizer of security in the region. An important aspect that also influenced the shape of the political system, and was therefore also taken into account, is Angola’s relations with international organizations such as the United Nations, Comecon, and the Organization of African Unity. The period that has been analyzed is 1975–2002, that is, from the regaining of independence to the end of the civil war in Angola. This period was chosen because of its crucial nature for the history of modern Angola: it was then that the foundations for the present Angolan state were shaped in practice, and the process itself also influenced all the states of the region. The political system of Angola formed under the influence of wars, including civil wars, which also determined the relationship that Angola has today with its neighbours, who took an active part in those wars. The paper also considers the relationship that Angola’s major political parties of the period had with neighbouring states and the political groupings that were active there, and the involvement of those states in the events of Angola’s civil war. Aspects of the Cold War are also covered, in particular the division of influence between the USSR, Cuba, China, and the USA. The methodology that was used in the creation of the paper is the analysis of historical written sources and newspaper and scientific articles.
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Griffiths, Paul J. "Saeculum–Ecclesia–Caliphate: An Eternal Golden Braid." In Fundamentalism or Tradition, 94–107. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823285792.003.0006.
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The secular state, the church, and the caliphate are associations that each hold universal aspirations, at least implicitly. While the universal aspirations of the church and caliphate may be obvious enough, every state seeks dominion over the whole world. (“Secular” describes states that limit their vision to this world, as opposed to the transcendence to which both the church and caliphate appeal.) As an essay in Catholic speculative theology, Griffiths asks two questions: Whether Catholic theology supports or discourages the variety of political orders, and whether these orders could be ranked in terms of goodness from a Catholic perspective? In response to these questions, Griffiths appeals to two aspects of St. Augustine’s political thought: Political rivalries serve the common good; and the principal indicator of the degree to which a state serves the common good is its explicit service to the god of Abraham. The United States (a secular state) is compared with ISIS (an attempted caliphate).
Conference papers on the topic "Art Political aspects United States"
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Mohammed Ameen, Peshraw. "the presidential and the semi-presidential system." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp152-163.
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In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.
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Hidayatullah, Nur, and Achmad Nurmandi. "The success of E-Participation in Supporting the development of Smart Cities in Spain, Italy, United States and Germany." In 8th International Conference on Human Interaction and Emerging Technologies. AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002806.
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This study aims to analyze the role of E-participation in supporting the success of smart city development. This research method uses qualitative research with a bibliometric analysis approach. Sources of research data obtained 218 documents from the Scopus database using the keywords "smart city" and "e-participation" with a span of 7 years from 2015 to 2022. The data analysis phase of this research used VOSviewer and NVivo12 Plus software to visualize the data. This study indicates that e-participation is essential in creating the successful implementation of smart cities. The implementation of e-participation in four countries has different participation strategies. Spain is increasing participation forms online communities and public participation platforms. Italy utilizes digital technology and involves volunteers in public participation. Germany, in increasing participation, develops digital participation platforms and implements practical participation projects. The United States applies a political approach and involves interest groups supported by digitization. Furthermore, increasing participation is supported by information and communication technology, services, and agile management are the main focus. Spain, management focuses on location data management, and service aspect focuses on service platforms, and technology focuses on blockchain technology. Italy, the service aspect focuses on open service, and the technology aspect focuses on open source technology. In the United States, the management aspect pays attention to location data management. Then, the technological aspect focuses on civil technology practices. Germany, management and service are not yet a top priority in this aspect. While the technology aspect only pays attention to the web technology sector. Based on these findings, Spain is a country that dominates various aspects. This means being a country that can be an example of e-participation development in realizing a smart city.
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Brunner, Martin, and Alfred Sigg. "Waste-to-Energy in Europe and Technology Highlights From Von Roll Inova Projects." In 15th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec15-3200.
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Von Roll Inova is a major provider of thermal treatment technologies ranging from combustion, energy recovery, air pollution control, and residue processing. The company is headquartered in Switzerland and its portfolio includes over 300 WTEs around the world, processing more than 100,000 metric tons of solid wastes per day. This paper discusses the technological and political trends in Europe regarding waste-to-energy, the state-of-the-art-technology and presents an an overview of recently executed projects by Von Roll Inova. During the hiatus on new plant construction in the U.S., European countries pursued a variety of different approaches. Not all the results showed environmental, social or economic promise. Of the aspects developed since the mid-nineties, some are applicable to the United States. Particularly the advances in air pollution control technology and improved thermal efficiency will be useful as new Waste-to-Energy capacity is added in the U.S. and delays in permitting may be avoided by taking advantage of such experience transfers.
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Vučković, Jelena. "VIDOVDANSKI USTAV – SIMBOL (NE)JEDINSTVA PRVE JUGOSLOVENSKE DRŽAVE." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.107v.
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In the paper, the author analyzes one of the basic starting points of the theory of constitutional law, according to which the constitution as the highest formal legal act simultaneously represents a symbol of unity and vitality of a state, a sign of its identity and a factor of social integration. If it succeeds in constituting a legal and socio-political order, the constitution has its future. From the aspect of such a theoretical definition, the Vidovdan Constitution has only partially fulfilled its function. Created three years after the unification into a common state of peoples of the same ethnic, but completely different cultural, religious, economic and historical origin, it has become more a symbol, and less a factual and legal reality. The paper will analyze the socio-political circumstances that led to its enactment and adoption, as well as the reasons that opened the question of its change from the moment it was adopted and entered into force. If we know that the quality of a constitution is crucial for its internal properties, its content, the circumstances under which it was adopted, the manner in which it was adopted, the intentions and goals of the constitution maker, it is clear that the Vidovdan Constitution, apart from becoming a formal legal symbol of unification, could satisfy the opposing aspirations of the Serbian and Croatian, as well as the Slovenian political establishment, the intellectual elite, but also the population itself. The Serbian political course of unification included a unitary system, a monarchical form of government led by the Karadjordjevic dynasty and a state that would have all members of the Serbian people within its borders. The Croatian political elite saw the new state as a transitional solution on the path to independence and the realization of a centuries-old dream of an independent Croatian state, based on the ideology of historical and state law. Slovenians perceives the idea of unification primarily as protection from Germanization, to which it was constantly exposed within Austro-Hungary. Thus, differences in the approach to the idea of unification will become the germ of conflict in the future common state. The Vidovdan Constitution could not resolve the antagonisms and mutually opposing views, but further deepened them. However, its importance is reflected in the fact that it shows that law is powerless in the face of socio-political reality if it does not primarily represent its framework, and that this thesis is current a century earlier, equally relevant today
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شریف اسماعیل, سركوت. "The impact of the foreign relations of the Iraqi state on the Anfal operations, (America) is a model." In Peacebuilding and Genocide Prevention. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicpgp/15.
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"The Anfal crime of 1988 was a series of political, military and propaganda campaigns carried out by Saddam's Ba'athist regime against a part of the Kurdish people.In this process, all the means of genocide were used, from killing, slaughter, arrest, expulsion and expulsion to the demolition of houses, burning of fields and gardens and looting of their livestock and belongings. The Ba'ath regime's excuse for this crime was nothing but religious and political propaganda that the Kurdish nation had deviated from Islam and had turned against the state These excuses were to justify his crime because the process was named after a chapter of the Holy Qur'an, which was Anfal. For such a big and heinous crime, of course, you have to make all the internal and external factors available before you start, because without the availability of both factors, it would have been impossible for such a big and important process to succeed Therefore, Saddam's Ba'athist regime had secured international and external factors along with the availability of domestic factors to a good extent, so it carried out the process in such a comprehensive and widespread manner. The United States, which was one of the most powerful and influential countries of the time, had a strong relationship with Saddam and the Iraqi government in all political, military, economic and other aspects The Americans, who served Saddam Hussein's regime in the success of the Anfal process, not only provided military and logistical assistance to the Iraqi government, but also provided intelligence assistance to the regime On the other hand, for the sake of the Ba'ath and Saddam regimes, he had cut off all kinds of cooperation from the Kurds and refused to even welcome the Kurdish representatives when they wanted to convey the truth about the Anfal crime to the US and the world.This was one of the reasons why Saddam's regime was protected from international condemnation and prosecution thanks to its cooperation and strong ties with the Americans."
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Reed, Shad A., Bret P. Van Poppel, and A. O¨zer Arnas. "An Undergraduate Fluid Mechanics Course for Future Army Officers." In ASME/JSME 2003 4th Joint Fluids Summer Engineering Conference. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/fedsm2003-45422.
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The mission of the United States Military Academy (USMA) is “To educate, train, and inspire the Corps of Cadets so that each graduate is a commissioned leader of character committed to the values of Duty, Honor, Country; professional growth throughout a career as an officer in the United States Army; and a lifetime of selfless service to the nation.” [1] The academic program at the USMA is designed to meet the intellectual demands of this mission statement. One very unique aspect of this academic program is the requirement that each cadet take a minimum of five engineering courses regardless of his or her major or field of study. Because of this requirement, nearly one-third of every graduating class take Fluid Mechanics. The Fluid Mechanics course taught in the USMA’s Department of Civil and Mechanical Engineering differs from others throughout the country for two primary reasons: 1) Within every class there is a mixture of cadets majoring in engineering and those who are in other majors, such as languages, history, and political science, 2) Each cadet will be commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in the United States Army immediately upon graduation, [2] and [3]. In this course cadets learn about fluid mechanics and apply the principles to solve problems, with emphasis placed upon those topics of interest to the Army and Army systems that they will encounter as future officers. The course objectives are accomplished through four principal methods. The first is through engaging, interactive classroom instruction. Cadets learn about the principles of fluid statics, conservation laws, dimensional analysis, and external flow; specialized topics, such as compressible flow and open channel flow have also been integrated. The second method is through hands-on laboratory exercises. Pipe friction, wind tunnels, and smoke tunnels are examples of laboratories in which cadets take experimental measurements, analyze data, and reinforce concepts from the classroom. The third method occurs in the “Design of an Experiment” exercise. In groups, cadets design their own experiment—based upon an Army parachutist—that will predict the coefficient of drag of a parachute system. The fourth method is a hands-on design project that culminates in a competition. In teams, cadets build a water turbine to lift a weight on a pulley from ground level to a designated height. Competition categories include the torque competition, in which maximum lifted weight determines the winner and the power competition judged by minimum time to lift a designated weight. This project, implemented within the curriculum prior to formal instruction on the design process, requires cadets to develop their own design process through analysis, experimentation, and trial and error.
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Schumerth, Dennis J. "The Nuclear Renaissance: Materials of Choice for Surface Condensers and BOP Heat Exchangers." In ASME 2008 Power Conference. ASMEDC, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2008-60004.
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Amidst the clamor and increasing world demand for energy, the continued use of fossil fuels for electric power generation has recently emerged as the bane of the industry. Green power is being championed as the new fuel de jour kid on the block. Environmentalists and other global warming advocates are successfully lobbying their political agendas for emission caps, carbon sequestration, NOx and SOx and other greenhouse gas limits. In many cases, these efforts have resulted in the outright cancellation, delay or unit reductions of new coal-fired plants. Similarly, simple and combined cycle gas turbine (CCGT) units, popularized during the Enron “gas bubble” era are at the mercy of unstable fuel prices which have, in large part, relegated this generation type from base load to load follow. Wind, biomass, hydro, photovoltaic and other renewables continue to produce an increased percentage of the power base but total contribution remains costly, inefficient and pitifully low. Enter the nuclear renaissance. A dramatic paradigm shift, even by the green power advocates, has allowed the nuclear phoenix to rise with the promise of emission-free power, generation efficiencies, increasing ROI revenues and demonstrating an enviable safety record since TMI and Chernobyl. Assuming this energy source conceives and bears the gestated fruit of a renaissance, the next decade will be telling in terms of the challenges brought forward by licensing, design, financing, construction and operation of a new generation of nuclear power reactors. Paramount among these is a new, time-tested generation of construction materials that will be evaluated to insure a 40 to 60 or even 80 year operational life of these new plants. Consider the problematic copper materials that were chosen during the early 70’s for their high thermal conductivity, competitive cost and ease of fabrication. Contrast these past lessons-learned to current-day, state-of-the-art generation fleet construction standards where demonstrated long-term sustainability coupled with state-of-the-art designs & materials must emerge as the prominent industry players of choice. The paper will examine these and other relevant aspects of the technical and commercial supply chain that is predicted to both challenge and reward designers and material suppliers well into the next decade.
Reports on the topic "Art Political aspects United States"
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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.
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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.