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1

Brylak, Agnieszka. "SOME REMARKS ON THETEPONAZCUICATLOF THE PRE-HISPANIC NAHUA." Ancient Mesoamerica 27, no. 2 (2016): 429–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653611600002x.

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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to use the example of one type of pre-Hispanic Nahua song, theteponazcuicatl,or “log-drum song,” to present the problems that arise in the classification of preconquest Nahua verbal art identified by sixteenth century Europeans according to Western criteria of categorization as songs, poetry, or the verbal component of performances. A close examination of this genre, focused on its relationship with performance and, particularly, with pre-Hispanic theater, provides insights into how sixteenth century scribes' interpretation of Nahua oral discourse and the graphic arrangement of the alphabetically transcribed text influenced in the way Nahua culture and discourse are perceived.
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Colmenares, David Horacio. "“Postreros acentos de la lira indiana”: The Discovery of the Cantares mexicanos in the Nineteenth Century." Hispanic American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (August 1, 2022): 415–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-9798278.

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Abstract The exhumation, in 1895, of the manuscript known as Cantares mexicanos y otros opúsculos in the Biblioteca Nacional de México made available for the first time authentic examples of sixteenth-century Nahua song (cuicatl). This article traces the history of the rediscovery of this manuscript and, more broadly, the history of the literary recuperation—through editing, translation, and study—of Nahua verbal art during the nineteenth century. By studying earlier unsuccessful attempts at incorporating the Cantares mexicanos into the emerging canon of Mexican literature, the article reconstructs the changing epistemic conditions and disciplinary realignments between Mexico and the United States that eventually made the 1895 exhumation possible. The Porfirian encounter with the Cantares not only made Nahua song available for an international audience but also established a paradigm of literary interpretation that continues to shape our understanding of this form of Indigenous verbal art to this day.
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Caplan, Allison, James M. Maley, and John E. McCormack. "Bridging Biology and Ethnohistory: A Case for Collaboration." Ethnohistory 67, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 355–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-8266379.

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Abstract Interdisciplinary scholarship that combines research questions and methodologies from biology and ethnohistory generates new insights into historical interactions between human and bird populations in ancient and colonial Mesoamerica. Codices, ethnohistorical sources, and surviving feather art point to the religious, economic, and artistic importance of various types of birds to Nahua people. Alongside the well-known resplendent quetzal and lovely cotinga, many additional species were significant to ancient and colonial Nahuas. This article presents potential directions for scholarship that bridge biology and ethnohistory and surveys key resources, including natural history collections and online databases. Finally, the article employs the biological literature to describe eleven bird species of great importance to Nahuas, detailing the species’ appearance and plumage, geographic range, variation, habitat, behaviors, and current status. Ultimately, the article demonstrates how insights from natural history and ethnohistory together allow for a fuller understanding of Nahuas’ material and conceptual interactions with these birds.
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Montiel, Jorge. "Aztec Metaphysics—Two Interpretations of an Evanescent World." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (November 14, 2019): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040059.

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This paper contrasts two contemporary approaches to Nahua metaphysics by focusing on the stance of the Nahua tlamatinime (philosophers) regarding the nature of reality. Miguel León-Portilla and James Maffie offer the two most comprehensive interpretations of Nahua philosophy. Although León-Portilla and Maffie agree on their interpretation of teotl as the evanescent principle of Nahua metaphysics, their interpretations regarding the tlamatinime metaphysical stances diverge. Maffie argues that León-Portilla attributes to the tlamatinime a metaphysics of being according to which being means permanence and stability and thus, since earthly things are continuously changing, being cannot be predicated of them, hence earthly things are not real. I present textual support to show that León-Portilla does not read Nahua metaphysics through the lens of a metaphysics of being and thus that León-Portilla does not interpret the tlamatinime as denying the reality of earthly things. I then provide an exegetical analysis of León-Portilla’s texts to show that, in his interpretation, metaphysical concerns are intimately linked to existential questions regarding the meaning of human life. Ultimately, I argue that, in León-Portilla’s interpretation, the tlamatinime conception of art functions as poiesis, that is, as the process of aesthetic creation that gives meaning to human life.
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Glockner, Julio. "The Barroque Paradise of Santa María Tonantzintla (Part I)." Ethnologia Actualis 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 8–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eas-2016-0001.

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Abstract The baroque church of Santa María Tonantzintla is located in the Valley of Cholula in Central Mexican Plateau and it was built during 16th-19th century. Its interior decoration shows interesting symbolic fusion of Christian elements with Mesoamerican religious aspects of Nahua origin. The scholars of Mexican colonial art interpreted the Catholic iconography of Santa María Tonantzintla church as Assumption of Virgin Mary up to celestial kingdom and her coronation by the holy Trinity. One of those scholars, Francisco de la Maza, proposed the idea that apart from that the ornaments of the church evoke Tlalocan, paradise of ancient deity of rain known as Tlaloc. Following this interpretation this study explore a relation between Virgin Mary and ancient Nahua deity of Earth and fertility called Tonatzin in order to show profound syncretic bonds which exist between Cristian and Mesoamerican traditions.
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Glockner, Julio. "The Barroque Paradise of Santa María Tonantzintla (Part II)." Ethnologia Actualis 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eas-2017-0002.

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Abstract The baroque church of Santa María Tonantzintla is located in the Valley of Cholula in the Central Mexican Plateau and it was built during 16th-19th century. Its interior decoration shows an interesting symbolic fusion of Christian elements with Mesoamerican religious aspects of Nahua origin. Scholars of Mexican colonial art interpreted the Catholic iconography of Santa María Tonantzintla church as the Assumption of the Virgin Mary up to the celestial kingdom and her coronation by the holy Trinity. One of those scholars, Francisco de la Maza, proposed the idea that apart from that, the ornaments of the church evoke Tlalocan, paradise of the ancient deity of rain known as Tlaloc. Following this interpretation this study explores the relation between the Virgin Mary and the ancient Nahua deity of Earth and fertility called Tonatzin in order to show the profound syncretic bonds which exist between Christian and Mesoamerican traditions.
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7

Carmack, Robert M. "Ethnic Identity in Nahua Mesoamerica: The View from Archaeology, Art History, Ethnohistory, and Contemporary Ethnography." Hispanic American Historical Review 89, no. 2 (May 1, 2009): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-088.

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8

Ringle, William M. "THE ART OF WAR: IMAGERY OF THE UPPER TEMPLE OF THE JAGUARS, CHICHEN ITZA." Ancient Mesoamerica 20, no. 1 (2009): 15–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536109000030.

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AbstractThis paper reexamines the art and architecture of the Upper Temple of the Jaguars, Chichen Itza, in light of new unpublished digital images of Adela Breton's copies of the murals. Following discussion of the construction date of the building and previous interpretations of the murals, examination of costume, setting, and house form suggests that rather than depicting mythic or symbolic episodes, these murals illustrate actual military encounters between Chichen and its enemies. The occasion for their production seems to be the utilization of the Upper Temple of the Jaguars by a specific sector of Chichen Itza's military, perhaps for rites of investiture. This sector is argued to have been associated with the Cloud Serpent, either as the title of its leader or as a patron deity, and the structure itself is perhaps related to later Nahua buildings associated with penitential rites involving warfare and investiture.
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9

Collins, Gabriel Silva, and Antonia E. Foias. "Maize Goddesses and Aztec Gender Dynamics." Material Culture Review 88-89 (December 9, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1073849ar.

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This article provides new evidence for understanding Aztec religion and worldviews as multivalent rather than misogynistic by analyzing an Aztec statue of a female deity (Worcester Art Museum, accession no. 1957.143). It modifies examination strategies employed by H. B. Nicholson amongst comparable statues, and in doing so argues for the statue’s identification as a specific member of a fertility deity complex—most likely Xilonen, the Goddess of Young Maize. The statue’s feminine nature does not diminish its relative importance in the Aztec pantheon, but instead its appearance and the depicted deity’s accompanying historical rituals suggest its valued position in Aztec life. As documented by Alan R. Sandstrom and Molly H. Bassett, modern Nahua rituals and beliefs concerning maize and fertility goddesses add to the conclusions drawn from the studied statue and suggest that historical Aztec religion had a complementary gender dynamic.
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Olko, Justyna. "Remote Stories, Local Meanings: Knowledge Transfer and Acculturation Strategies in Nahua Sociocultural History." Americas 79, no. 1 (January 2022): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.106.

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AbstractIn this paper I carry out a microphilological study of a section of the Codex Indianorum 7, a colonial devotional manuscript in Nahuatl preserved in the John Carter Brown Library. It contains wisdom teachings derived from the biblical Book of Tobit and directed to both parents and their children. I argue that this hitherto unstudied text reveals the Native author's liberty to creatively mold and adapt a culturally remote European prototype into the Native genre of oratorical art—the huehuehtlahtolli, or “words of the elders.” The author also skillfully embedded and contextualized the content of the biblical instruction in local cultural meanings understandable and valid to an Indigenous audience. As an example of cross-cultural translation and colonial textual production, this source provides new insights into Native forms of agency, intellectual autonomy, and acculturation strategies reflected in creative dialogues with European traditions, developed and maintained despite the seemingly substitutive Christianization policies imposed on Indigenous people in the sixteenth century.
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11

Jordan, Keith. "SERPENTS, SKELETONS, AND ANCESTORS?: THE TULA COATEPANTLI REVISITED." Ancient Mesoamerica 24, no. 2 (2013): 243–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536113000205.

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AbstractSince Acosta's work in the 1940s, relief carvings of serpents entwined with partially skeletonized personages on the coatepantli at Tula have frequently been identified as images of the Nahua Venus deity, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli. Comparing these Toltec sculptures with this deity's iconography in Late Postclassic to Colonial period manuscripts, however, provides no support for this identification. Based on the northern Mesoamerican cultural connections of the Toltecs, the author suggests parallels between the coatepantli reliefs and the public display of ancestral and sacrificial human remains at Chalchihuites sites. Identification of the coatepantli figures as venerated ancestors from an ancestral cult is also supported by iconographic and archaeological evidence from Tula. Parallels to the coatepantli images in depictions of both living elites and ancestors juxtaposed with serpents from other Mesoamerican art traditions bolster this interpretation. On the basis of the evidence, the author hypothesizes that the skeletonized figures at Tula symbolize deceased kings and honored warriors rather than conquered foes.
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12

Bassett, Molly H. "Aztec Religion and Art of Writing: Investigating Embodied Meaning, Indigenous Semiotics, and the Nahua Sense of Reality. By Isabel Laack." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 88, no. 3 (June 24, 2020): 888–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfaa026.

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13

Lara, Irene. "Tonanlupanisma." Aztlán: A Journal of Chicano Studies 33, no. 2 (2008): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/azt.2008.33.2.61.

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This essay draws on Chicana/o cultural studies and art history to interpret the way three artworks by Chicana artists address the relationship between spirit and flesh through the indigenous inflected iconography of la Virgen de Guadalupe. Recognizing the significance of the transcultural link between Tonantzin (the Nahua mother “goddess”) and Guadalupe, I introduce the concept of Tonanlupanisma as a prism through which to understand cultural productions that engage the contested histories and iconographies of Tonantzin-Guadalupe from a decolonial feminist perspective. Countering the subjugation of Tonantzin in dominant Guadalupana visual culture and discourse in general, Tonanlupanisma critically privileges Mesoamerican indigenous worldviews that render a more complex and humanized image of the mother goddess and woman and thus challenge the spiritual/sexual dichotomies of Christian-influenced Western thought. Integrating scholarly research and personal narrative, the essay reinterprets two well-known artworks through a Tonanlupanista lens, Yolanda López’s Margaret F. Stewart: Our Lady of Guadalupe (1978) and Ester Hernández’s La Ofrenda II (1990), and offers the first published interpretation of Isis Rodriguez’s Virgen II (1990).
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14

Sampeck, Kathryn E. "LATE POSTCLASSIC TO COLONIAL TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE LANDSCAPE IN THE IZALCOS REGION OF WESTERN EL SALVADOR." Ancient Mesoamerica 21, no. 2 (2010): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536111000174.

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AbstractThe Izalcos Pipil were pre-Hispanic residents of the Río Ceniza Valley of western El Salvador and had clear linguistic ties to the Aztecs and other Nahuas of central Mexico. Both archaeological and documentary data are presented that show strong evidence that the Izalcos Pipil also maintained Nahua social and political institutions. The Izalcos Pipil emphasized characteristics of Nahua social practices that depend on dynamic mobility on the landscape to articulate discrete cultural elements, and these characteristics are observable in Izalcos inter- and intrasite settlement organization and the distribution of Nahua settlement in southern Mesoamerica. The degree of mobility on the landscape was shown in the internal organization of sites, architectural arrangements, and the relationships among sites and is indicated in historical documents. Pipil concepts, institutions, and boundaries provided the foundation for the Spanish colonial political economy. This region became a jewel in the Spanish Crown in part because of prodigious cacao production that the Izalcos Pipil established long before Spanish contact. The degree of nucleation before and after conquest did not change dramatically, but the analysis of mobility showed that even though some elements of patterning appeared superficially the same, underlying causes were fundamentally different. The most important conquest-induced change was the transition to capitalism, which created a static, disarticulated landscape of nucleated settlements, enclosures, and private property that discouraged human movement. The tensions between these two contrasting systems of landscape use heightened with the passage of time.
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15

Hlúšek, Radoslav. "Mountains in the Worldview of the Nahuas of Central Mexico." Český lid 110, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 451–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21104/cl.2023.4.03.

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Mountains as reservoirs of water have always been an immanent and crucial part of the Mesoamerican ritual landscape. Considered living beings, mountains are an important component of the core part of the Native worldview, which is particularly observable in Central Mexico, a region dominated by the highest peaks in Mesoamerica. Long before the Spanish conquest, the Nahua people who live in the area adopted and developed the ancient Mesoamerican tradition of sacred mountains, ritual landscapes and the agricultural cycle and have preserved it to this day, despite the efforts of Spanish missionaries after the conquest. This paper deals with the position of mountains within the framework of Nahua ritualism, as it has been preserved in Nahua communities in Central Mexico. The aim is to point out their central role as the structural axis of the Nahua worldview, as places where rituals associated with rainmaking, fertility and the agricultural cycle are performed.
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Paz, R. C. R., T. O. Morgado, C. T. R. Viana, F. P. Arruda, D. O. Bezerra do Nascimento, and L. D’A Guimarães. "Semen collection and evaluation of captive coatis (Nasua nasua)." Arquivo Brasileiro de Medicina Veterinária e Zootecnia 64, no. 2 (April 2012): 318–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-09352012000200010.

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Semen samples (n=105) were collected through eletroejaculation from six adult male coatis (Nasua nasua) between January 2007 and December 2008 at Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso Zoo, Cuiabá, Brazil. Mean values were: volume (mL); concentration (sperm/mL); total motility (%); progressive sperm motility (scale, 0-5); live spermatozoa (%); acrossome integrity (%); primary defects (%); and secondary defects (%). There was high correlation between total motility and live sperm; total motility and progressive sperm motility; total motility and acrossome integrity; live sperm and progressive motility; live sperm and acrossome integrity and volume and concentration. The method for semen collection was considered safe and efficient. It can be used for the evaluation of breeding potential of coati in captivity and for the establishment of new assisted reproductive technology (ART) for threatened neotropical carnivores species.
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Sautron, Marie. "Le patio du poète nahua." Caravelle 76, no. 1 (2001): 131–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/carav.2001.1290.

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Isaac, Barry L. "AZTEC CANNIBALISM: Nahua versus Spanish and mestizo accounts in the Valley of Mexico." Ancient Mesoamerica 16, no. 1 (January 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536105050030.

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This article engages the debate about Aztec cannibalism principally through the analysis of three accounts of cannibalism by trickery set in the Valley of Mexico. These three tales are practically the only form in which cannibalism appears in the major Nahua (indigenous Nahuatl-speaking) writings of the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The stories portray cannibalism as shocking, even abhorrent, to Aztecs—rather than as customary—and as a stratagem for humiliating an enemy or provoking a community to war. The contemporaneous Spanish writings, in contrast, are replete with allegations of customary cannibalism, while the major mestizo (Nahua mother and Spanish father) authors are divided in their treatment of the subject. The three-way critical comparison (Nahua, mestizo, Spanish) raises the possibility that the idea of customary cannibalism originated in Spanish culture and was then transmitted to the indigenous population during post-Conquest religious conversion and Hispanicization.
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Macri, Martha J. "NAHUA LOAN WORDS FROM THE EARLY CLASSIC PERIOD: Words for cacao preparation on a Río Azul ceramic vessel." Ancient Mesoamerica 16, no. 2 (July 2005): 321–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536105050200.

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The discovery of words in a Nahua language on a Maya ceramic vessel provides evidence of Nahua influence in the Maya region as early asa.d.480, centuries earlier than previously believed. The words are spelled in syllabic Maya signs painted on a pot known to have contained chocolate (Hall et al. 1990). The words occur within the context of the primary standard sequence, a well-known Maya formula, and describe the chocolate drink that among the later Mexica (Aztec) was reserved for “rulers and esteemed noblewomen.” This new reading supports the Uto-Aztecan etymology ofcacaoproposed by Karin Dakin and Søren Wichmann (2000) and their assertion that an economically and militarily powerful Nahua-speaking people were responsible for the spread of the wordcacaointo southern Mesoamerica. More broadly, these findings have implications for the role of Uto-Aztecan speakers in the formation and spread of Mesoamerican civilization.
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Viveros Espinosa, Alejandro, and Julio Vera Castañeda. "Saber enciclopédico y medicina nahua. Una aproximación al capítulo 28 del libro X de la Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España (1577)." Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino 27, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.56522/bmchap.0060020270002.

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Este artículo tiene por objetivo reflexionar sobre la Historia general de las cosas de Nueva España (1577), de Bernardino de Sahagún, considerado como ejemplo de un saber enciclopédico relacionado con el mundo cultural nahua postconquista. Nos interesa posicionar la Historia general como un ejercicio de traducción cultural realizado por Sahagún y sus colaboradores indígenas, quienes ulteriormente fueron activos participantes en la elaboración de un conocimiento médico nahua en diálogo directo con el saber natural europeo durante la modernidad temprana. Para ello, el trabajo considera un estudio en torno al contexto de producción de esta obra de Sahagún, desarrollando específicamente una aproximación al recetario que forma parte del capítulo 28 del libro X a través de un análisis comparativo sobre los contenidos de algunas imágenes relativas a enfermedades y remedios.
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Szoblik, Katarzyna. "CHALCHIUHNENETZIN—BETWEEN MYTH AND HISTORY: SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF THE AZTEC NOBLEWOMEN OF THIS NAME." Ancient Mesoamerica 31, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653611800055x.

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AbstractThe aim of this work is to approach the strategies of transmitting knowledge of the past among the Nahua of the early Colonial period. The alphabetical sources of that epoch present a specific mix of contemporary European historiography and pre-Hispanic Nahua cultural memory. This article focuses on the second aspect, namely cultural memory that was a constant dialogue between the historical facts and the mythical structures into which these facts were “accommodated” to become culturally meaningful. The article analyzes narratives of two Aztec princesses called Chalchiuhnenetzin. The women named Chalchiuhnenetzin appear in two different historical contexts but, as shown in the analysis, the morphology of both stories and the role played by both women are quite similar. Thus, they can be regarded as examples of cultural re-elaboration of history by predominantly oral cultures.
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Madajczak, Julia. "LIFE-GIVER: THE PRE-HISPANIC NAHUA CONCEPT OF “FATHER” THROUGH COLONIAL WRITTEN SOURCES." Ancient Mesoamerica 28, no. 2 (2017): 371–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536117000086.

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AbstractThis paper explores the ancient Nahua concept of “father,” employing early Colonial sources written in both Nahuatl and Spanish. A careful contextual analysis of the occurrences of various Nahuatl terms for “father” or “parent” leads to the conclusion that the principal criterion for creating their metaphorical extensions differed considerably from parallel Spanish criterion. While the latter referred to the power relationship (“father” is the one who governs), the former was based on the concept of exchange (“father” is the one who gives). This principle has implications for studying many aspects of Nahua culture in which the terms for “father” appear: gender and social roles, political hierarchy, pre-Hispanic religion, or evangelization. The difference in the construction of such basic concepts in Nahuatl and Spanish leads to methodological considerations about studying sources that have arisen from the context of cultural contact.
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Rosa, Jorge Fernando Soares Travassos da, Amélia Paes de Andrade Travassos da Rosa, Nicolas Dégallier, and Pedro Fernando da Costa Vasconcelos. "Caracterização e relacionamento antigênico de três novos Bunyavirus no grupo Anopheles A (Bunyaviridae) dos arbovirus." Revista de Saúde Pública 26, no. 3 (June 1992): 173–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-89101992000300008.

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São descritos o isolamento e a caracterização de três novos arbovirus isolados na região da Usina Hidro-Elétrica de Tucuruí (UHE-TUC). Os três novos arbovirus pertencem ao grupo Anopheles A(ANA), gênero Bunyavirus (família Bunyaviridae). Os vírus Tucuruí (TUC), Caraipé (CPE) e Arumateua (ART) são relacionados entre si e com o vírus Trombetas (TBT), formando dentro do grupo ANA um complexo chamado Trombetas. Os arbovirus TUC, CPE e ART foram obtidos a partir de lotes de mosquitos Anopheles (Nyssorhynchus) sp capturados em Tucuruí, nas proximidades da usina hidrelétrica de Tucuruí, Estado do Pará, nos meses de fevereiro, agosto e outubro de 1984, respectivamente. Até o final de 1990 os vírus TUC, CPE e ART foram isolados 12, 32 e 28 vezes respectivamente, sempre na região da UHE-TUC, exceção feita ao vírus TUC, do qual se obteve uma amostra procedente de Balbina, onde também foi construída uma hidroelétrica. Até o presente, esses vírus só foram isolados a partir de mosquitos do grupo An. (Nys.) principalmente, a partir das espécies An. (Nys.) nuneztovari e An. (Nys.) triannulatus também consideradas vetores secundários da malária na Amazônia Brasileira. Testes sorológicos executados com soros humanos e de diversas espécies de animais silvestres foram negativos, com exceção de um soro de um carnívoro de espécie Nasua nasua que neutralizou a amostra TUC em títulos de 2.6 índice logaritmico de neutralização (ILN).
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Bradley, Richard. "Postconquest Coyoacan: Nahua-Spanish Relations in Central Mexico, 1519-1650.:Postconquest Coyoacan: Nahua-Spanish Relations in Central Mexico, 1519-1650." American Anthropologist 101, no. 2 (June 1999): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1999.101.2.467.

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Villalpando, Argelia del Carmen Montes. "Mujeres comunes nahuas, ciclo de vida." Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej 5, no. 1 (2015): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/sal201504.

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The poetry stimulates the imagination; is creation act of imaginary worlds without rules of credibility, or perception of reality, laws are suspended by the reader in the act of reading - invited by poetical faith to penetrate this universe-. It’s possible to establish interaction between an author and a reader, by a poetical element and artistic perception, moments of major value for the poem. Texts of nahuatl lyric poetry (cuicatl, “singings”, “poems”, and huehuetlatolli, “advice”), from before the conquest of the Mexico valley, are identified and analyzed on the basis of stylistic resources that help to reconstruct a life cycle of an ordinary woman. In this case, the expressive modalities of literary production are understood in social and cultural context. Through these lines, we will search the sense of poems and advice that gave sense to a stage of México’s history. The present text is an analytical exercise of a literary manifestation that still guards many secrets for discovering: the literature nahuatl.
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Declercq, Stan. "Necoc Yáotl ‘Enemigo de Ambos Lados’: La guerra azteca antiexpansionista / Necoc Yaotl ‘The Enemy of Both Sides’: Anti-expansionist Aztec warfare." Revista Trace, no. 82 (July 31, 2022): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22134/trace.82.2022.829.

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En el presente trabajo, se analizan las relaciones sociales entre los enemigos nahuas del Posclásico tardío. Mientras que tradicionalmente el acto de captura en la guerra se ha interpretado como una forma de producir «sujetos idénticos», aquí se entiende como un mecanismo que genera diferenciación social, basado en un «dualismo en perpetuo desequilibrio» (Lévi-Strauss 1992, 297). Con apoyo en el concepto de «alteridad constitutiva» (Erikson 1986), se exploran unos ritos fronterizos y el papel del enemigo en el proceso de la formación como persona del noble guerrero, y cómo, a su vez, este último pasa por un proceso de «enemización» (Vilaça 2010). También se retoma una (añeja) discusión entre Claude Lévi-Strauss y Pierre Clastres acerca de la guerra amerindia, que nos lleva a ubicar la guerra florida en el debate más general sobre el intercambio. Desde un enfoque relacional entre los adversarios, este artículo define esta guerra como un pacto basado en una relación de depredación.Abstract: In the present work, the social relations between the Nahua enemies of the Late Postclassic period are analyzed. While traditionally the act of capture in war has been interpreted as a way of producing «identical subjects», here it is understood as a mechanism that generates social differentiation, based on a «dualism in perpetual imbalance» (Lévi-Strauss 1992, 297). Based on the concept of «constitutive alterity» (Erikson 1986), border rites and the role of the enemy are explored in the process of formation as a person of the noble warrior and how, in turn, the latter goes through a process of «enemization» (Vilaça 2010). An (old) discussion between Claude Lévi-Strauss and Pierre Clastres about the Amerindian war is also taken up, which leads us to place the Aztec flowery war in a more general debate on exchange. From a relational approach between the adversaries, this artitle defines this war as a pact based on a predatory relationship.Keywords: identity; alterity; Aztecs; warfare; relational anthropology.Résumé : Dans le présent travail, les relations sociales entre les ennemis Nahua de la période postclassique tardive sont analysées. Alors que traditionnellement l’acte de capture en temps de guerre a été interprété comme une manière de produire des « sujets identiques », ici elle est comprise comme un mécanisme générateur de différenciation sociale, fondé sur un « dualisme en perpétuel déséquilibre » (Lévi-Strauss 1992, 297). Sur la base du concept « d’altérité constitutive » (Erikson 1986), les rites frontaliers et le rôle de l’ennemi sont explorés en cours de formation en tant que personne du noble guerrier, et comment, à son tour, ce dernier passe par un processus « d’enémisation » (Vilaça 2010). Une discussion (ancienne) entre Claude Lévi-Strauss et Pierre Clastres à propos de la guerre des Amérindiens est également reprise, ce qui nous amène à replacer la guerre fleurie dans le débat plus général sur l’échange. A partir d’une approche relationnelle entre les adversaires, cet article définit cette guerre comme un pacte fondé sur une relation prédatrice.Mots-clés : identité ; altérité ; aztèque ; guerre ; anthropologie relationnelle.
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Macri, Martha J., and Matthew G. Looper. "NAHUA IN ANCIENT MESOAMERICA: Evidence from Maya inscriptions." Ancient Mesoamerica 14, no. 02 (October 2003): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536103142046.

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28

Huber, Brad R. "The Recruitment of Nahua Curers: Role Conflict and Gender." Ethnology 29, no. 2 (April 1990): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3773755.

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29

Peters, Ulrike. "Laack, Isabel: Aztec Religion and Art of Writing. Investigating Embodied Meaning, Indigenous Semiotics, and the Nahua Sense of Reality. Numen Book Series. Studies in the History of Religions 161 (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2019), 435 S., ISBN 978-90-04-39145–1 (hardback), ISBN 978-90-04-39201–4 (e-book), 171 €." Zeitschrift für Religionswissenschaft 30, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfr-2022-0004.

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30

de Jesus Douglas, Eduardo. "The Colonial Self: Homosexuality and Mestizaje in the Art of Nahum B. Zenil." Art Journal 57, no. 3 (1998): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/777965.

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de Jesús Douglas, Eduardo. "The Colonial Self: Homosexuality and Mestizaje in the Art of Nahum B. Zenil." Art Journal 57, no. 3 (September 1998): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00043249.1998.10791888.

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32

Wiget, Andrew, James M. Taggart, Allan F. Burns, and Joel Sherzer. "Nahuat Myth and Social Structure." Western Folklore 45, no. 1 (January 1986): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1499603.

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33

Vázquez Valdés, Verónica, and Iván Gerardo Deance Bravo y Troncoso. "camino del nómada." HUMAN REVIEW. International Humanities Review / Revista Internacional de Humanidades 11, Monográfico (December 23, 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/revhuman.v11.4277.

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En este trabajo presentamos el proceso del ordenamiento, catalogación y curaduría de los materiales fotográficos de un antropólogo estadounidense que realizó trabajo de campo en Atlixco, Puebla, México, con indígenas de la etnia nahua en las décadas de 1970 y 1980La metodología utilizada para este trabajo se basó en una propuesta propia de catalogación mínima de materiales fotográficos.Concluimos que la catalogación mínima es adecuada para la interoperabilidad con los estándares internacionales y resulta fácil de aplicar en los contextos universitarios y de archivos locales.
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Olko, Justyna, and Julia Madajczak. "AN ANIMATING PRINCIPLE IN CONFRONTATION WITH CHRISTIANITY? DE(RE)CONSTRUCTING THE NAHUA “SOUL”." Ancient Mesoamerica 30, no. 1 (December 26, 2018): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536118000329.

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Abstract-Yolia is one of the principal indigenous terms present in Christian Nahua terminology in the first decades of European contact. It is employed for “soul” or “spirit” and often forms a doublet with ánima in Nahuatl texts of an ecclesiastical, devotional, or secular nature. The term -yolia/teyolia has also lived a rich and fascinating life in scholarly literature. Its etymology (“the means for one's living”) is strikingly similar to that of the Spanish word ánima, or “soul.” Taking into account the possibility that attestations of the seemingly pre-Hispanic -yolia can be identified in some of the written sources, we have reviewed historical, linguistic, and anthropological evidence concerning this term in order to revisit the Nahua concept of the “soul.” We also scrutinize the very origin of -yolia in academic discourse. This analysis, based on broader historical and linguistic evidence referring to both pre-Conquest beliefs and Christianization in sixteenth-century central Mexico, is the point of departure for proposing and substantiating an alternative hypothesis about the origin of -yolia. Our precise focus has been to trace and pinpoint a pervasive Christian influence, manifest both in indigenous Colonial texts and conceptual frameworks of modern scholars interpreting them. We conclude that -yolia is a neologism created in the early Colonial period.
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35

Greiner, Bernhard. "“This Nothing of a Voice”: Kafka’s Josefine Narrative as a Modern Reflection on Revelation and Language." Naharaim 15, no. 1 (May 24, 2021): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/naha-2020-0004.

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Abstract In reference to the paradoxical classification of art in Kafka’s Josefine story, religious aspects of the artist’s performances and their effect on the audience are scrutinized. The leading question is to what extent it evokes an allusion to the primal scene of divine revelation, following Stéphane Mosès’ commentary in his readings of the Bible. Josefine’s singing with a “nothing of a voice”, reduced to “the slightest of nullities”, the zero-point of signification, nevertheless affects an experience of presence and community that touches the listeners’ entire being. From the perspective of the artist, her song recitals are manifestations of supreme art of which she claims a soteriological significance in respect of her audience who belongs in Kafka’s portrayal obviously to the Jewish people. Around such a tension between maximal restraint of an utterance (the voice onset of the aleph of the word anokhi/I) and all-encompassing meaning (the name of God and all Commandments whose acceptance is constitutive for the Jewish people) circle the theological exegeses of the Sinai-scene (esp. Ex. 20,1) in the tradition of Rashi and Maimonides, in modernity e.g. of Gershom Scholem in dispute with Walter Benjamin on Kafka. It will be shown that the depicted paradoxes of Josefine’s art performances unfold the mentioned tension as an original literary reflection on revelation and language under the conditions of modernity.
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Gao, Lingfeng, Shan Xu, Xiangyun Hu, Shuang Liu, Qi Zhou, and Bingnan Yang. "Sedimentary Setting and Ore-Forming Model in the Songtao Manganese Deposit, Southwestern China: Evidence from Audio-Frequency Magnetotelluric and Gravity Data." Minerals 11, no. 11 (November 17, 2021): 1273. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/min11111273.

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The break-up of the supercontinent Rodinia in the late Neoproterozoic led to the formation of the Nanhua rift basin within the South China Block. The Datangpo-type manganese deposit, which developed in the Nanhua rift basin, is one of the most important types of manganese deposits in South China. Although it is widely accepted that deep sedimentary structures significantly affect the manganese ore system, the relationship between the manganese deposits in South China and the Nanhua rifting process is still unclear. The origin of the manganese ore layer remains controversial. In this paper, we integrated the audio-frequency magnetotelluric (AMT) data, gravity data, and comprehensive geological and borehole data analysis to characterize the structure of the Datangpo-type manganese deposit in Songtao, Guizhou Province. The resistivity and density models produced an inclined layered structure, which correlated well with the coeval sediment strata of the Nanhua rift basin. A high-resistivity cap was observed from the surface to a depth of 800 m, corresponding to the Cambrian Loushanguan (ϵ3−4ls) and Palang dolomite formation (ϵ2p), which has helped the storage of the manganese ore. The most significant low-resistivity anomaly (25–40 Ω·m) resides at a depth of 1400 m in the Nantuo (Nh3n) gravel sandstone and Datangpo (Nh2d) silty and carbonaceous shale, corresponding to the ore-forming layer. This distinct low-resistivity layer was possibly produced by aqueous fluids and pyrite in the syn-sedimentary fault and alteration zone. The accumulations of sulfide minerals in the rock samples suggest a possible anoxic-euxinic deposition environment during the manganese mineralization and precipitation. The fault revealed in the resistivity models is perhaps a previous fault zone produced by extension in the Nanhua rifting process, which provided migration and upwelling channels for ore-forming minerals. Based on our resistivity models, density models, and geological survey, the manganese ore-forming model was derived, which can help to provide geophysical evidence for the origin of the Datangpo-type manganese deposit.
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Wood, Joshua. "Gaming Xiuhpohualli: A (Chicano) Theory of Game Design." Design Issues 39, no. 1 (January 1, 2023): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/desi_a_00705.

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Abstract Game design has been a field largely dominated by white, male voices, to the exclusion of others. The lack of diversity among game developers results in a lack of diversity in the games themselves. This article presents one way forward, merging indigenous thought from the Nahua of Mexico and the Chicano movement with game design principles. Further, it presents a series of exercises to challenge the way designers think about games.
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38

Cooley, Mackenzie. "Teaching Tepahtia." Journal of Medieval Worlds 1, no. 3 (September 2019): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jmw.2019.130005.

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This pedagogical article discusses sources and methods for teaching the history of imperial science and medicine in the Nahua world from 1400 to 1600, a period that ranges from the spectacular growth of the Aztec Empire through the conquest to the creation of New Spain. By providing students tools to explore non-European ontologies and world-building, this article presents several exercises in which students act as archival researchers and themselves puzzle out the complexities of information transfer in the archive of sixteenth-century Latin America. Combining European paleography workshops, linguistic tools pioneered by the IDIEZ Nahuatl program, the study of Mesoamerican archeological objects, and an engagement with Mexican medicinal plants to recreate early modern remedies, students gain access to a world of New Spanish knowledge-creation.
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Huddlestun, John R. "Nahum, Nineveh, and the Nile: The Description of Thebes in Nahum 3:8–9." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 62, no. 2 (April 2003): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/376364.

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40

Conway, Richard. "Violence and vigilance in Nahua communities of seventeenth-century central Mexico." Colonial Latin American Review 26, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 439–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2017.1402231.

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41

Head, Gretchen. "Print Culture and Sufi Modernity: Al-Tuhāmī al-Wazzānī’s Embodied Reading of Morocco’s Nahḍa." Philological Encounters 6, no. 1-2 (July 23, 2021): 179–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-bja10012.

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Abstract Rethinking Arabic literary modernity, this article addresses what the act of reading means as Morocco moves from manuscript to print. In 1941, a leading figure of Morocco’s nahḍa, al-Tuhāmī al-Wazzānī, began to serialize his autobiography al-Zāwiya in one of the country’s earliest newspapers. Heralded as Morocco’s first novel, the moment marks the inauguration of a new reading public. Yet the text does not rely upon the reconfigured relationship with the reader accompanying the rise of print cultures in much of the Middle East and North Africa. Al-Zāwiya is a Sufi autobiography, a genre that invites its readers to assimilate the actions found within its pages. Al-Wazzānī draws upon this long tradition, using intertextual engagement to create a space of discourse that complicates the presumed secularity of Arabic literature during the nahḍa. Early Moroccan print culture thus provides an opportunity to reconsider the continuities of tradition embedded within modern literary practices.
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ZACHS, FRUMA, and YEHUDIT DROR. "Al-Bustānī's Approach to the Arabic Language: From Theory to Practice." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 29, no. 3 (June 6, 2019): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186319000130.

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AbstractBuṭrus al-Bustānī (1819–1883) was one of the leading figures of the Nahḍa period. In most studies on the Nahḍa, his activities, work and projects are seen as having made an important contribution to the revival of the Arabic language by transforming it to meet the needs of modern times. Although his lexical contribution has been researched there is no comprehensive research on his grammatical contribution to the Arabic language. This article shows that al-Bustānī's Encyclopedia reflects a conservative approach toward grammar in that he confined himself to abridging the grammatical rules enshrined by traditional grammarians. However, he took a liberal and reformist approach to the lexicon that drew on both classical and Western sources.
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43

Olko, Justyna, and Agnieszka Brylak. "Defending Local Autonomy and Facing Cultural Trauma: A Nahua Order against Idolatry, Tlaxcala, 1543." Hispanic American Historical Review 98, no. 4 (November 1, 2018): 573–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7160325.

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Abstract On February 12, 1543, in the city of Tlaxcala an indigenous governor, don Valeriano Castañeda, issued an order putting local alguaciles in charge of overseeing possible idolatrous or sinful acts in several localities. This document, housed in the Archivo Histórico del Estado de Tlaxcala, is probably the earliest dated Nahuatl document known to date. This essay, apart from transcribing and translating this brief, important testimony that deals with the extirpation of old beliefs, sets the text in the wider social, political, and religious context of the period immediately after a series of violent inquisitional acts in the mid- and late 1520s and late 1530s. The issuing of such an order by a member of the Tlaxcalan political elite is a clear example of a carefully implemented act of long-term indigenous agency, aimed at constructing and extending the domains of native power following the cultural trauma of the conquest and Christianization.
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44

Chance, John K. "The Noble House in Colonial Puebla, Mexico: Descent, Inheritance, and the Nahua Tradition." American Anthropologist 102, no. 3 (September 2000): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2000.102.3.485.

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45

Cuellar, Manuel R. ":Pilgrimage to Broken Mountain: Nahua Sacred Journeys in Mexico’s Huasteca Veracruzana." Journal of Anthropological Research 80, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/728354.

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46

Bultman, Dana. "Winds, heart, and heat in premodern Franciscan and Nahua concepts of ‘soul’." Colonial Latin American Review 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 296–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10609164.2018.1527525.

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47

Sazima, Ivan. "What coatis and mongooses have in common?" Biota Neotropica 10, no. 3 (September 2010): 457–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1676-06032010000300040.

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The coatis (Procyonidae) and some species of mongooses (Herpestidae) are diurnal, small to medium-sized carnivores that live in groups and feed opportunistically on small animals and fruits. A comparison of selected features is here presented for two coati species (Nasua narica and N. nasua) and the banded mongoose (Mungos mungo). The former two dwell in the Neotropical region, whereas the latter occurs in the Ethiopian realm. Both the coatis and the mongoose are apt to live near human settlements and capitalise on food refuse. Additionally, coatis and mongooses habituate to humans, and sometimes are a nuisance. These habits, plus their almost constant quest for food, lead these carnivores to meet other mammal types at feeders and garbage dumps and associate with these animals. White-nosed coatis associate with the Baird's tapir (Tapirus bairdii) and pick ticks on its body, whereas the banded mongoose does so with the common warthog (Phacochoerus africanus). These seem to be the two sole recorded instances of mammals cleaning non-conspecific mammals, and illustrate a remarkable case of convergence.
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48

Olivier, Guilhem, and Roberto Martínez. "TRANSLATING GODS: TOHIL AND CURICAUERI IN MESOAMERICAN POLYTHEISM IN THE POPOL VUH AND THE RELACIÓN DE MICHOACÁN." Ancient Mesoamerica 26, no. 2 (2015): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536115000280.

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AbstractAlthough it was common in Mesoamerica to adopt foreign deities from other pantheons, less is known about the processes of “translating” foreign deities as a function of the divinities' attributes. This article analyzes the degree of intelligibility among pre-Hispanic K'iche’, P'urepecha, and Nahua peoples based on the study of patron gods Tohil and Curicaueri and their possible equivalents in the Central Highland pantheon. We can see that the search for divine homologues on the part of Mesoamerican peoples implies, beyond cultural homogeneity, an ongoing exchange of information, and recognition of the religion of the “other” based on equal standing, which tends to be a characteristic of polytheistic peoples in general.
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49

Son, Jin-A., and Jeong-Hyun Lee. "Analysis of Mimesis Expressed in the Beauty Works from North American Hairdressing Awards." Korean Society of Beauty and Art 24, no. 1 (March 20, 2023): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18693/jksba.2023.24.1.7.

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Hairstyles are the results of creative activities in beauty art. For such hairstyling, there always exists a source of inspiration. In fact, creative works are being completed through the representation or partial imitation of the original. In other words, such process is related with a concept of ‘mimesis’, one of aesthetic factors. Therefore, this study attempted to theoretically review mimesis and examine its characteristics expressed in the works from the North American Hairdressing Awards (NAHA). For this, mimesis is conceptualized by the names of imitation, representation, expression and creation, and its type was classified into representative mimesis, metaphoric mimesis and creative mimesis. When the works from the NAHA were analyzed according to the characteristics of mimesis, in representative mimesis, the physical properties of natural objects were expressed as they were as much as possible. In metaphoric mimesis, on the contrary, target objects were mostly imitated, or inner images were metaphorically expressed. In creative mimesis, an artist’s subjective thoughts and emotions were expressed in an abstract fashion, not in a morphological way. It is anticipated that the above results would extend the scope of research on beauty works by establishing the ground to recognize such works again from a mimesis perspective and suggesting a possibility of studying them within the range of aesthetics.
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Oleson, J. D., J. J. McNutt, R. D. Pruisner, and J. J. Tollefson. "Corn Rootworm Larval Control, 1994." Arthropod Management Tests 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/amt/20.1.174.

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Abstract Rootworm planting-time, soil-insecticide test plots were established at 3 IA locations in 1994. Soil types were: Ames (Chapin), silty clay loam; Nashua, loam; and Sutherland, silty clay. Plots were planted 9, 2 and 3 May, respectively, on areas that had been planted to trap crop (late-planted corn, high plant population) the previous year. A RCBD with 4 replications for the experimental and cultivation tests and 8 replications for the yield trials was used. All treatments were applied to single 50-ft length rows with 30-inch row spacing. Granular insecticide formulations were applied with modified Noble metering units mounted on a 4-row John Deere 7100 planter. Planting-time liquid formulations were applied with a compressed-air delivery system built directly into the planter; 8003E nozzles delivered 13 gpa at 23 psi. Liquid cultivation-time insecticides were applied with a small-plot bicycle sprayer. Two 8002E nozzles, 1 on each side of the corn row, were positioned to deliver either a 7 or 15-inch band width around the base of the plants; 13 gpa at 25 psi. Broadcast (30-inch band) applications of Furadan 4F were applied to single rows. A boom containing three 8002 nozzles (19-inch centers) delivered 13 gpa at 32 psi. One untreated buffer row was left on each side of a “broadcasted” row. Granular cultivation-time insecticide applications were made with electrically-driven Noble units mounted on the tool bar of a 2-row, rear-mounted cultivator. Plastic tubes, positioned directly in front of the cultivator sweeps, directed the insecticide granules to both sides of the corn row for basal treatments. Chemical phytotoxicity was checked in early Jun by taking stand counts from 1/1000 acre and measuring extended leaf heights on 10 consecutive plants (experimental tests only). Rootworm larval feeding was evaluated in Jul by digging 5 roots from each treatment row and rating them on the Iowa 1-6 scale (1 equal to no damage or only a few minor feeding scars, and a 6 rating equal to 3 or more nodes of roots completely destroyed). Lodging counts were taken at harvest time. A plant was considered lodged if the angle between the base of the plant and the ground was 45° or less. Stand counts were taken in the yield plots at harvest time. Yields were measured by hand harvesting 1/1000 acre from each treatment at Nashua and Chapin, and machine harvesting 25 row-ft at Sutherland. To determine treatment differences, data were analyzed using ANOVA and means were separated with Ryan’s Q test (REGWQ).
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