Academic literature on the topic 'Art chinois – France – 1800-'

James D. Herbert, Paris 1937: Worlds on Exhibition (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 207 pp., £31.50, ISBN 0-801-43494-7. Andrea Kupfer Schneider, Creating the Musée d'Orsay. The Politics of Culture in France (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1998), 150 pp., $25.00, ISBN 0-271-01752-X. Juan Pedro Lorente, Cathedral of Urban Modernity. The First Museums of Contemporary Art, 1800–1930 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1998), £47.50, ISBN 1-859-28383-7. Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, Direction des Musées de France, Centre national de la Recherche Scientifique, Centre de Sociologie des Organisations, Musée National du Moyen Age, Publics et projets culturels. Un enjeu des musées en Europe. Actes des Journées d'étude 26 et 27 octobre 1998, Paris, Musée national du Moyen Age (Paris: L'Harmattan, 2000), price not given, ISBN 2-738-48645-2. Paul Rasse, Les Musées à la lumière de l'espace public. Histoire, évolution, enjeux (Paris: L'Harmattan, Logiques Sociales, 1999), 238 pp., price not given, ISBN 2-738-47769-0. Selma Reuben Holo, Beyond the Prado. Museums and Identity in Democratic Spain (Liverpool University Press, 1999), 222 pp., price not given, ISBN 0-853-23535-X. Brandon Taylor, Art for the Nation. Exhibitions and the London Public 1747–2001 (Manchester University Press, 1990), 314 pp., price not given, ISBN 0-719-05452-4.

The editors of this volume are to be commended for bringing together a thematically tight-knit and self-referential collection of essays to investigate the topic of how we understand the term medieval “urban culture.” The grouping of twelve essays in this collection utilizes a blend of the literary, historical and art historical, focusing on western European examples, notably England, France, Italy and the Low Countries, with a concluding chapter on China. Nevertheless, the purpose of this volume is not one of providing thorough coverage, but rather of demonstrating a series of interlinking investigations that explore aspects of cities, from material and representational spaces to networks of exchanges of ideas and goods.

The world population increased from 1 billion in 1800 to around 8 billion today. The Population Division of the United Nations predicts a global population of approximately 10.4 billion people by the end of the century. That represents over 2 billion more people. Moreover, the global community is currently experiencing a precarious state due to the enduring repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic across all sectors, including energy. Given the rising global population and the limited availability of primary energy resources, we must reach a balance between the demands of a growing human population and the planet’s carrying capacity. The dreadful conflict in Ukraine has precipitated an enormous energy crisis. This crisis has served as a warning to the world population of how much it depends on this resource to survive. In France, the building sectors, specifically residential and tertiary, account for 45% of the total final energy consumption. It is the first energy consumer of the country and one of the most polluting (i.e., about 34% of CO2 emitted by France). Consequently, we must consider alternative energy resource forms (i.e., substitution energy forms). Harvesting energy from the building envelope may be a viable technique for partially satisfying the electricity demands of building users. In this context, scientific research offers considerable potential for developing more innovative and efficient systems. This article aims to review the state-of-the-art of advances on the subject to orient and further optimize energy production systems, particularly electricity. This work addresses several points of view: it discusses the overall backdrop of the present study and introduces the subject; details the research strategy and procedures used to produce this paper; develops the state-of-the-art on the potential for generating or recovering power from the building envelope; presents the SWOT analysis of the earlier-described systems. Finally, it concludes by offering findings and viewpoints.

Abstract While France defined European hâute cuisine (royal dining for the purpose of expressing rankdistinction) around 1800, by the mid-nineteenth century the French court failed to hold the best chefs of Europe. Other European courts were rising in power and asserting their absolutist ideals in the century of revolution and socio-political change using meals. Within this context, the culinary art of Johann Rottenhofer in service of Maximilian II of Bavaria synthesized Antonin Careme’s hâute cuisine and Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin’s “political gastronomy” to communicate peace, foster international bonds, and establish equality among sovereigns. The works of Levi-Strauss and Norbert Elias find resonance in these culinary practices, wherein monarchs were represented at the table in the form of food. Mid-nineteenth century European monarchs not only appreciated the cultural symbolism and the political significance of food, but actively exploited it as a form of communication. I rely on the typologies provided by Ken Albala and Sara Peterson to decode food meanings in the cookbooks written by royals’ chefs after retirement.

Statement of the problem. Etienne Ozi stands out as a bassoonist due to his significant creative achievements in various spheres of his multifaceted activities. As a bassoonist soloist, he successfully debuted in the “Concerts Spirituels” and for more than two decades was actively performed in front of Parisians in the best halls of the capital. An equally significant achievement of Ozі as a teacher was the preparation of the first instructional manual for the specialists “Nouvelle méthode de basson adoptue par le Conservatoire” (1803), which remained the main official publication of the Paris Conservatory for many years. The composer’s work also became an important part of the bassoon repertoire, which was actively used by him and his students in performing and teaching activities. Despite the importance of E. Ozi’s contribution to all spheres of bassoon art, the artist’s multifaceted creative activity still has not been properly assessed by modern researchers and requires a more detailed study. Recent research and publications. Among the works of domestic scientists, there are hardly any publications dedicated to E. Ozi’s creative activity. An outstanding Ukrainian musician, teacher and scientist V. M. Apatsky (2017) in his fundamental reference publication «Bassoon from A to Z» covers only individual episodes of the musician’s biography. The figure of the French artist is considered more deeply by foreign researchers, among which it is necessary to single out the dissertation and monograph of H. E. Griswold «Etienne Ozi (1754–1813): Bassoonist, Teacher, and Composer» (1979), in which E. Ozi’s work is revealed in sufficient detail. However, over the forty-year period of its existence, a certain updating of historical materials took place, which requires clarification and correction of some facts. Among the latest publications, which in one way or another highlight E. Ozi’s work, it is worth mentioning O. Tiffou’s monograph «The French Bassoon in the 19th Century. Theory and Repertoire» (2022) and Á. D. Moreno’s thesis «Bassoon Playing in Perspective. Character and Performance Practice from 1800 to 1850» (2013). In each of the studies, the authors partly consider individual aspects of the musician’s creative work according to the chosen research direction. Objectives, methods, and novelty of the research. The purpose of the study is to identify the main directions of Etienne Ozi’s performance and his role in the process of formation of the French bassoon school of the late 18th – early 19th centuries. The scientific novelty of the paper is determined by disclosing little-known facts of E. Ozi’s performance and his contribution to the formation of the French bassoon school. The study of E. Ozi’s performance required the use of a number of methods, such as historical to reveal the ideological and socio-economic factors of influence of the French Revolution on the development of musical art; historiography analyses to study and interpret musical and critical sources of the 18th century, chronological one to determine the time sequence of E. Ozi’s main concert performances; contextual and biographical approaches to highlight important stages of the artist’s creative work. Research results. The process of becoming Ozi as a performer is related to military brass bands, which, due to the lack of special musical educational institutions in France in the 18th century, remained the only place, where it was possible to learn to play wind instruments. Then, successful bassoon lessons under the leadership of the outstanding German bassoonist G. V. Ritter opened him the door to the concert stage. From 1779, he became an active performer-soloist of the prestigious “Concerts Spirituels” in the royal palaces. After the French Revolution and the overthrow of the monarchy, E. Ozi continued a successful performing and teaching career in the Paris Conservatory, the orchestras of the Théâtre Italien, Théâtre Feydeau and Théâtre de la République et des Arts. An important achievement of the talented musician was a convincing victory in the competition of nominees for the post of soloist of the Grand Opéra Théâtre, which allowed him to take the most prestigious place for a bassoonist in France. Conclusion. E. Ozi is one of the first French musicians who presented the bassoon as a solo instrument and created a multi-genre concert repertoire for it. Regular performances at the most prestigious halls of Paris allowed him to confidently occupy a leading positions not only among the French, but also European bassoonists. Active performing activity of E. Ozi and his fruitful teaching practice at the Paris Conservatory had a crucial influence on the development of European bassoon art of the late 18th and early 19th centuries.

AbstractThe nucleus of the collection of paintings in the Mauritshuis around 130 pictures - came from the hereditary stadholder Prince William v. It is widely believed to have become, the property of the State at the beginning of the 19th century, but how this happened is still. unclear. A hand-written notebook on this subject, compiled in 1876 by - the director Jonkheer J. K. L. de Jonge is in the archives of the Mauritshuis Note 4). On this basis a clnsor systematic and chronological investigation has been carried out into the stadholder's. property rights in respect of his collectcons and the changes these underwent between 1795 and 1816. Royal decrees and other documents of the period 1814- 16 in particular giae a clearer picture of whal look place. 0n 18 January 1795 William V (Fig. 2) left the Netherlands and fled to England. On 22 January the Dutch Republic was occupied by French armies. Since France had declared war on the stadholder, the ownership of all his propergy in the Netherlands, passed to France, in accordance with the laws of war of the time. His famous art collections on the Builerth of in. The Hague were taken to Paris, but the remaining art objects, distributed over his various houses, remained in the Netherlands. On 16 May 1795 the French concluded a treaty with the Batavian Republic, recognizing it as an independent power. All the properties of William v in the Netehrlands but not those taken to France, were made over to the Republic (Note 14), which proceeded to sell objects from the collections, at least seven sales taking place until 1798 (Note 15). A plan was then evolved to bring the remaining treasures together in a museum in emulation of the French. On the initiative of J. A. Gogel, the Nationale Konst-Galerij', the first national museum in the .Netherlands, was estahlished in The Hague and opened to the public on ,31 May 1800. Nothing was ever sold from lhe former stadholder's library and in 1798 a Nationale Bibliotheek was founded as well. In 1796, quite soon after the French had carried off the Stadholder, possessions to Paris or made them over to the Batavian Republic, indemnification was already mentioned (Note 19). However, only in the Trealy of Amiens of 180 and a subaequent agreement, between France ararl Prussia of 1 802, in which the Prince of Orarage renounced his and his heirs' rights in the Netherlands, did Prussia provide a certain compensation in the form of l.artds in Weslphalia and Swabia (Note 24) - William v left the management of these areas to the hereditary prince , who had already been involved in the problems oncerning his father's former possessions. In 1804 the Balavian Republic offered a sum of five million guilders 10 plenipotentiaries of the prince as compensation for the sequestrated titles and goods, including furniture, paintings, books and rarities'. This was accepted (Notes 27, 28), but the agreement was never carried out as the Batavian Republic failed to ratify the payment. In the meantime the Nationale Bibliolkeek and the Nationale Konst-Galerij had begun to develop, albeit at first on a small scale. The advent of Louis Napoleon as King of Hollarad in 1806 brought great changes. He made a start on a structured art policy. In 1806 the library, now called `Royal', was moved to the Mauritshuis and in 1808 the collectiorts in The Hague were transferred to Amsterdam, where a Koninklijk Museum was founded, which was housed in the former town hall. This collection was subsequertly to remain in Amsterdam, forming the nucleus of the later Rijksmuseum. The library too was intended to be transferred to Amsterdam, but this never happened and it remained in the Mauritshuis until 1819. Both institutions underwent a great expansion in the period 1806-10, the library's holdings increasing from around 10,000 to over 45,000 books and objects, while the museum acquired a number of paintings, the most important being Rembrandt's Night Watch and Syndics, which were placed in the new museum by the City of Amsterdam in 1808 (Note 44). In 1810 the Netherlands was incorporated into France. In the art field there was now a complete standstill and in 1812 books and in particular prints (around 11,000 of them) were again taken from The Hague to Paris. In November 1813 the French dominion was ended and on 2 December the hereditary prince, William Frederick, was declared sovereign ruler. He was inaugurated as constitutional monarch on 30 March 1814. On January 3rd the provisional council of The Hague had already declared that the city was in (unlawful' possession of a library, a collection of paintings, prints and other objects of art and science and requested the king tot take them back. The war was over and what had been confiscated from William under the laws of war could now be given back, but this never happened. By Royal Decree of 14 January 1814 Mr. ( later Baron) A. J. C. Lampsins (Fig. I ) was commissioned to come to an understanding with the burgomaster of The Hague over this transfer, to bring out a report on the condition of the objects and to formulate a proposal on the measures to be taken (Note 48). On 17 January Lampsins submitted a memorandum on the taking over of the Library as the private property of His Royal Highness the Sovereign of the United Netherlartds'. Although Lampsins was granted the right to bear the title 'Interim Director of the Royal Library' by a Royal Decree of 9 February 1814, William I did not propose to pay The costs himself ; they were to be carried by the Home Office (Note 52). Thus he left the question of ownership undecided. On 18 April Lampsins brought out a detailed report on all the measures to be taken (Appendix IIa ) . His suggestion was that the objects, formerly belonging to the stadholder should be removed from the former royal museum, now the Rijksmuseum, in Amsterdam and to return the 'Library', as the collectiort of books, paintings and prints in The Hague was called, to the place where they had been in 1795. Once again the king's reaction was not very clear. Among other things, he said that he wanted to wait until it was known how extensive the restitution of objects from Paris would be and to consider in zvhich scholarly context the collections would best, fit (Note 54) . While the ownership of the former collections of Prince William I was thus left undecided, a ruling had already been enacted in respect of the immovable property. By the Constitution of 1814, which came into effect on 30 March, the king was granted a high income, partly to make up for the losses he had sulfered. A Royal Decree of 22 January 1815 does, however, imply that William had renounced the right to his, father's collections, for he let it be known that he had not only accepted the situation that had developed in the Netherlands since 1795, but also wished it to be continued (Note 62). The restitution of the collections carried off to France could only be considered in its entirety after the defeat of Napoleon at the Battle of Waterloo on 18 June 1815- This was no simple matter, but in the end most, though not all, of the former possessions of William V were returned to the Netherlands. What was not or could not be recovered then (inc.uding 66 paintings, for example) is still in France today (Note 71)- On 20 November 1815 127 paintings, including Paulus Potter's Young Bull (Fig. 15), made a ceremonial entry into The Hague. But on 6 October, before anything had actually been returned, it had already been stipulated by Royal Decree that the control of the objects would hence forlh be in the hands of the State (Note 72). Thus William I no longer regarded his father's collections as the private property of the House of Orange, but he did retain the right to decide on the fulure destiny of the... painting.s and objects of art and science'. For the time being the paintings were replaced in the Gallery on the Buitenhof, from which they had been removed in 1795 (Note 73). In November 1815 the natural history collection was made the property of Leiden University (Note 74), becoming the basis for the Rijksmuseum voor Natuurlijke Historie, The print collection, part of the Royal Library in The Hague, was exchanged in May 1816 for the national collectiort of coins and medals, part of the Rijksmuseum. As of 1 Jufy 1816 directors were appointed for four different institutions in The Hague, the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (with the Koninklijk Penningkabinet ) , the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Yoninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 80) . From that time these institutions led independenl lives. The king continued to lake a keen interest in them and not merely in respect of collecting Their accommodation in The Hague was already too cramped in 1816. By a Royal Decree of 18 May 1819 the Hotel Huguetan, the former palace of the. crown prince on Lange Voorhout, was earmarked for the Koninklijke Bibliotheek and the Koninklijk Penningkabinet (Note 87) . while at the king's behest the Mauritshuis, which had been rented up to then, was bought by the State on 27 March 1820 and on IO July allotted to the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen and the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden (Note 88). Only the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen is still in the place assigned to it by William and the collection has meanwhile become so identified with its home that it is generally known as the Mauritshui.s'. William i's most important gift was made in July 1816,just after the foundation of the four royal institutions, when he had deposited most of the objects that his father had taken first to England and later to Oranienstein in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamheden. The rarities (Fig. 17), curios (Fig. 18) and paintings (Fig. 19), remained there (Note 84), while the other art objects were sorted and divided between the Koninklijke Bibliotheek (the manuscripts and books) and the koninklijk Penningkabinet (the cameos and gems) (Note 85). In 1819 and 182 the king also gave the Koninklijke Bibliotheek an important part of the Nassau Library from the castle at Dillenburg. Clearly he is one of the European monarchs who in the second half of the 18th and the 19th century made their collectiorts accessible to the public, and thus laid the foundatinns of many of today's museums. But William 1 also made purchases on behalf of the institutions he had created. For the Koninklijke Bibliotheek, for example, he had the 'Tweede Historiebijbel', made in Utrecht around 1430, bought in Louvain in 1829 for 1, 134 guilders (Pigs.30,3 I, Note 92). For the Koninkijk Penningkabinet he bought a collection of 62 gems and four cameos , for ,50,000 guilders in 1819. This had belonged to the philosopher Frans Hemsterhuis, the keeper of his father's cabinet of antiquities (Note 95) . The most spectacular acquisition. for the Penninukabinet., however, was a cameo carved in onyx, a late Roman work with the Triumph of Claudius, which the king bought in 1823 for 50,000 guilders, an enormous sum in those days. The Koninklijk Kabinet van Zeldzaamhedert also received princely gifts. In 1821- the so-called doll's house of Tzar Peter was bought out of the king's special funds for 2.800 guilders (Figs.33, 34, ,Note 97) , while even in 1838, when no more money was available for art, unnecessary expenditure on luxury' the Von Siebold ethnographical collection was bought at the king's behest for over 55,000 guilders (Note 98). The Koninklijk Kabinel van Schilderyen must have been close to the hearl of the king, who regarded it as an extension of the palace (Notes 99, 100) . The old master paintings he acquzred for it are among the most important in the collection (the modern pictures, not dealt with here, were transferred to the Paviljoen Welgelegen in Haarlem in 1838, Note 104). For instance, in 1820 he bought a portrait of Johan Maurice of Nassau (Fig.35)., while in 1822, against the advice of the then director, he bought Vermeer' s View of Delft for 2,900 guilders (Fig.36, Note 105) and in 1827 it was made known, from Brussels that His Majesty had recommended the purchase of Rogier van der Weyden's Lamentation (Fig.37) . The most spectacular example of the king's love for 'his' museum, however, is the purchase in 1828 of Rembrandt's Anatomy Lesson of Dr. Nicolaes Tulp for 32,000 guilders. The director of the Rijksmuseum, C. Apostool, cortsidered this Rembrandt'sfinest painting and had already drawn attention to it in 1817, At the king'.s behest the picture, the purchase of which had been financed in part by the sale of a number of painlings from. the Rijksmuseum, was placed in the Koninklijk Kabinet van Schilderijen in The Hague. On his accession King William I had left the art objects which had become state propery after being ceded by the French to the Batavian Republic in 1795 as they were. He reclaimed the collections carried off to France as his own property, but it can be deduced from the Royal Decrees of 1815 and 1816 that it Was his wish that they should be made over to the State, including those paintings that form the nucleus of the collection in the Mauritshuis. In addition, in 1816 he handed over many art objects which his father had taken with him into exile. His son, William II, later accepted this, after having the matter investigated (Note 107 and Appendix IV). Thus William I'S munificence proves to have been much more extensive than has ever been realized.

In the first half of the 19th century in literature on art the term ‘Old Masters’ was disseminated (Alte Meister, maître ancienns, etc.), this in relation to the concept of New Masters. However, contrary to the widespread view, it did not result from the name institutionalization of public museums (in Munich the name Alte Pinakothek was given in 1853, while in Dresden the Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister was given its name only after 1956). Both names, however, feature in collection catalogues, books, articles, press reports, as well as tourist guides. The term ‘Old Masters’ with reference to the artists of the modern era appeared in the late 17th century among the circles of English connoisseurs, amateur experts in art (John Evelyn, 1696). Meanwhile, the Great Tradition: from Filippo Villani and Alberti to Bellori, Baldinucci, and even Winckelmann, implied the use of the category of ‘Old Masters’ (antico, vecchio) in reference to ancient: Greek-Roman artists. There existed this general conceptual opposition: old (identified with ancient) v. new (the modern era). An attempt is made to answer when this tradition was broken with, when and from what sources the concept (and subsequently the term) ‘Old Masters’ to define artists later than ancient was formed; namely the artists who are today referred to as mediaeval and modern (13th–18th c.). It was not a single moment in history, but a long intermittent process, leading to 18th- century connoisseurs and scholars who formalized early-modern collecting, antiquarian market, and museology. The discerning and naming of the category in-between ancient masters (those referred to appropriately as ‘old’) and contemporary or recent (‘new’) artists resulted from the attempts made to systemize and categorize the chronology of art history for the needs of new collector- and connoisseurship in the second half of the 16th and in the 17th century. The old continuum of history of art was disrupted by Giorgio Vasari (Vite, 1550, 1568) who created the category of ‘non-ancient old’, ‘our old masters’, or ‘old-new’ masters (vecchi e non antichi, vecchi maestri nostri, i nostri vecchi, i vecchi moderni). The intuition of this ‘in-between’ the vecchi moderni and maestri moderni can be found in some writers-connoisseurs in the early 17th (e.g. Giulio Mancini). The Vasarian category of the ‘old modern’ is most fully reflected in the compartmentalizing of history conducted by Carel van Mander (Het Schilder-Boeck, 1604), who divided painters into: 1) oude (oude antijcke), ancient, antique, 2) oude modern, namely old modern; 3) modern; very modern, living currently. The oude modern constitute a sequence of artists beginning with the Van Eyck brothers to Marten de Vosa, preceding the era of ‘the famous living Netherlandish painters’. The in-between status of ‘old modern’ was the topic of discourse among the academic circles, formulated by Jean de La Bruyère (1688; the principle of moving the caesura between antiquité and modernité), Charles Perrault (1687–1697: category of le notre siècle preceded by le siècle passé, namely the grand masters of the Renaissance), and Pellegrino Antonio Orlandi writing from the position of an academic studioso for connoisseurs and collectors (Abecedario pittorico, 1704, 1719, 1733, 1753; the antichimoderni category as distinct from the i viventi). Together with Christian von Mechel (1781, 1783) the new understanding of ‘old modernity’ enters the scholarly domain of museology and the devising of displays in royal and ducal galleries opened to the public, undergoing the division into national categories (schools) and chronological ones in history of art becoming more a science (hence the alte niederländische/deutsche Meister or Schule). While planning and describing painterly schools at the Vienna Belvedere Gallery, the learned historian and expert creates a tripartite division of history, already without any reference to antiquity, and with a meaningful shift in eras: Alte, Neuere, and lebende Meister, namely ‘Old Masters’ (14th–16th/17th c.), ‘New Masters’ (Late 17th c. and the first half of the 18th c.), and contemporary ‘living artists’. The Alte Meister ceases to define ancient artists, while at the same time the unequivocally intensifying hegemony of antique attitudes in collecting and museology leads almost to an ardent defence of the right to collect only ‘new’ masters, namely those active recently or contemporarily. It is undertaken with fervour by Ludwig Christian von Hagedorn in his correspondence with his brother (1748), reflecting the Enlightenment cult of modernité, crucial for the mental culture of pre-Revolution France, and also having impact on the German region. As much as the new terminology became well rooted in the German-speaking regions (also in terminology applied in auction catalogues in 1719–1800, and obviously in the 19th century for good) and English-speaking ones (where the term ‘Old Masters’ was also used in press in reference to the collections of the National Gallery formed in 1824), in the French circles of the 18th century the traditional division into the ‘old’, namely ancient, and ‘new’, namely modern, was maintained (e.g. Recueil d’Estampes by Pierre Crozat), and in the early 19th century, adopted were the terms used in writings in relation to the Academy Salon (from 1791 located at Louvre’s Salon Carré) which was the venue for alternating displays of old and contemporary art, this justified in view of political and nationalistic legitimization of the oeuvre of the French through the connection with the tradition of the great masters of the past (Charles-Paul Landon, Pierre-Marie Gault de Saint-Germain). As for the German-speaking regions, what played a particular role in consolidating the term: alte Meister, was the increasing Enlightenment – Romantic Medievalism as well as the cult of the Germanic past, and with it a revaluation of old-German painting: altdeutsch. The revision of old-German art in Weimar and Dresden, particularly within the Kunstfreunde circles, took place: from the category of barbarism and Gothic ineptitude, to the apology of the Teutonic spirit and true religiousness of the German Middle Ages (partic. Johann Gottlob von Quandt, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe). In this respect what actually had an impact was the traditional terminology backup formed in the Renaissance Humanist Germanics (ethnogenetic studies in ancient Germanic peoples, their customs, and language), which introduced the understanding of ancient times different from classical-ancient or Biblical-Christian into German historiography, and prepared grounds for the altdeutsche Geschichte and altdeutsche Kunst/Meister concepts. A different source area must have been provided by the Reformation and its iconoclasm, as well as the reaction to it, both on the Catholic, post-Tridentine side, and moderate Lutheran: in the form of paintings, often regarded by the people as ‘holy’ and ‘miraculous’; these were frequently ancient presentations, either Italo-Byzantine icons or works respected for their old age. Their ‘antiquity’ value raised by their defenders as symbols of the precedence of Christian cult at a given place contributed to the development of the concept of ‘ancient’ and ‘old’ painters in the 17th–18th century.

My research focused on Marie-Guillemine Benoist’s Portrait d’une Femme Noire, exhibited in the Paris Salon of 1800. This remarkable picture of a free woman of African descent was painted in the decade between the first abolition of slavery in the French colonies in 1794 and Napoleon Bonaparte’s reinstatement of it in 1804. I addressed the question of what we can make of the existing visual and literary representations of black women in this period, and how these representations can be used to understand something of the kind of roles or experiences the women had in French society. In the absence of firsthand accounts of art and writing by black women, I have analyzed the conditions of their existence, ideologies that shaped their experiences, and a varying range of representations of them made by white artists and writers.

The characteristics of the primary measurement standards of the volume gas flow rate at high pressure developed in various countries are considered. A hierarchical scheme for gas flow measuring instruments and a corresponding metrological traceability chain are presented. Described is a PVTt method, on which the primary standards of gas flow rate used in the USA, France, Japan, and Taiwan are based. The need to create in Ukraine primary measurement standards of gas flow rate at high pressure covering different parts of the total flow rate interval from 0,3 m3/h to 1800 m3/h at a pressure of 1 MPa to 5 MPa is substantiated. Metrological traceability of gas flow measurements is realized through a sequence of critical flow Venturi nozzles, which play a role of the reference flow rate material measures. The standards might be used to calibrate the primary reference Venturi nozzles of the most common 0,1 mm to 8 mm diameters. The characteristics and parameters of the standards are determined. By their metrological and technical characteristics, the standards will correspond to the state-of-the-art level. According to the programme of developing the measurement-standard facilities in Ukraine, in 2019 the primary standard PVTt-65 was created and work had started on the development of the primary standard PVTt-1800 and the working standard PE-5400. A detailed study of the metrological characteristics of the measurement standards will be the topic of further work.

À leur apogée, les Expositions universelles ou internationales, marques des processus de mondialisation et de modernisation, ne manquaient pas une participation chinoise de multi-forme et multi-niveau dans le principal pays organisateur, la France. L’étude de la présence chinoise suit chronologiquement ces grandes manifestations déroulées à Paris, cas par cas, durant près d’un siècle. Les représentations traitées évoluaient avec le temps, selon le contexte international, la relation franco-chinoise et le régime politique. La question d’éclairer les faits et de préciser les limites de la place de ce pays aux Expositions universelles françaises se situe à l’origine de la présente étude. À la fin de la dynastie, des Douanes maritimes impériales sous la direction des étrangers influençaient fortement les procédures d’organisation. Témoins de la mutation de la vie économique, des pavillons nationaux à Paris dévoilaient tant le déséquilibre de la répartition géographique de commerce que la disparité de la structure industrielle dans ce pays. De manière parallèle, des manifestations culturelles et artistiques présentaient une continuité survivant aux changements. De plus, l’analyse de ces participations permet d’examiner l’éventuelle capacité de se présenter sur l’échiquier international, ainsi que d’évaluer de premiers efforts d’industrialisation chinoise. Cette thèse a pour ambition de dresser un bilan des participations chinoises en France, afin de contribuer à l’un des aspects de l’histoire des expositions de la Chine moderne
In their heyday, the World’s fairs, landmarks of the processes of globalization and modernization, did not lack a Chinese participation of multiform and multi-level in the main organizing country, France. The study of the Chinese presence follows chronologically these great events held in Paris, case by case, for nearly a century. The representations treated evolved with time, according to the international context, the Franco-Chinese relationship and the political regime. The question of clarifying the facts and specifying the limits of the place of this country in the French World’s fairs is the origin of the present study. At the end of the dynasty, imperial maritime customs under the direction of foreigners strongly influenced the organizational procedures. Witnessing the mutation of economic life, national pavilions in Paris revealed both the imbalance of the geographical distribution of trade and the disparity of the industrial structure in this country. At the same time, cultural and artistic events presented a continuity that survived the changes. Moreover, the analysis of these participations allows us to examine the possible capacity to present itself on the international scene, as well as to evaluate the first efforts of Chinese industrialization. This thesis aims to draw up an assessment of Chinese participations in France, in order to contribute to one aspect of the history of exhibitions in modern China

Les meubles laqués chinois constituent le fil conducteur d'une analyse anthropologique consacrée aux relations qu'entretiennent avec ces objets des laqueurs chinois et français et des amateurs principalement français. Ces rapports qui s'instaurent au sein d'un réseau d'actions sur les actions -en l'occurence la filière du meuble en France- engendrent à la fois l'existence d'un type d'objets sur le marché et la construction d'immigrés chinois en laqueurs, de clients français en amateurs, d'apprentis français en artisans
This thesis focuses on the anthropological analysis of the interactions between Chinese and French lacquerers, amateurs (mainly French) on the one hand and Chinese lacquered furniture on the other hand. Those relations, embedded in a system of actions on the action of others (in this case, the provision system of furniture manufactered in France), involve, on the one hand, the existence of a type of object on the market, and on the other hand, the construction of Chinese immigrants as lacquerers, of French buyers as amateurs, of French apprentices as craftsmen

A l'âge classique (XVIe - XVIIIe siècles) cuisine et philosophie ont entretenu des liens étroits; les cuisiniers ont emprunté aux philosophes leurs idées sur la nature et sur la « nature humaine»; les philosophes se sont interrogés sur l'alimentation et sur l'art culinaire. Que signifie lire et interpréter les recettes de cuisine anciennes : du Mesnagier de Paris (1393) à L'Art de la cuisine française au XIX siècle d'Antonin Carême (1832) ; la classification et le statut des aliments; les relations entre médecine, pharmacopée et alimentation; la diététique; les relations entre l'âme et le corps; la physiologie de la nutrition; les relations entre alchimie et cuisine; qu'est-ce qu'un aliment ?; la structure et la dynamique de l'« espace alimentaire» ; les principes de cuisson des aliments; La Varenne et l'invention de la cuisine française au milieu du XVIIe siècle; la réforme de la matière et des savoirs alimentaires; les représentations et les modèles du goût et des saveurs; les savoirs des grands chefs du siècle des Lumières : L. S. R, Massialot, Marin, Menon ; l'architecture du système culinaire français; la cuisine et son statut parmi les arts: peut-on parler d'une esthétique culinaire? Le goût et les saveurs ont-ils une histoire?

1989 marque un tournant décisif dans l'histoire de l'art chinois. Depuis "Les Magiciens de la terre" première exposition de Fei Dawei qui présentait pour la première fois au public occidental des œuvres contemporaines chinoises et surtout depuis les événements de la Place Tien An Men, l'art contemporain chinois a pris une place prépondérante sur la scène internationale pour devenir omniprésente. Aujourd'hui, aucune biennale ou manifestation artistique internationale ne se conçoit sans œuvres, installations ou performances d'artistes chinois. Le XXIe siècle est une évidence : l'art contemporain chinois fait vendre. Mais pas n'importe quel sujet. Entre les "chinoiseries" prisées par les occidentaux et les œuvres qui ne font que reprendre la tradition classique sans renouvellement des techniques et des thèmes, se trouvent des créations intéressantes sur le thème de l'homme, innovantes, sensibles, souvent provocantes mais toujours en étroite relation avec la société chinoise en pleine mutation. L'art contemporain chinois a ceci de particulier qu'il est intimement lié à la mémoire individuelle et collective d'un peuple qui a subi une importante mutation depuis la mort de Mao Tse Toung. Les artistes chinois exilés en France livrent une vision étonnante de l'homme et de sa place dans la société contemporaine. Il ne s'agit pas seulement de l'homme chinois mais de l'homme tout court. Créant une véritable esthétique du déplacement, ils interrogent le statut de l'artiste à travers des œuvres troublantes souvent violentes et sombres. Dans une société en pleine transformation, entre passé et présent, entre mémoire et oubli, la question de l'identité est un véritable chemin de croix pour ces artistes en quête du Moi et de l'Autre. Car qu'est-ce qu'être chinois aujourd'hui ? Ou est le Je ? Aller à la rencontre de l'Autre est-ce aller à la rencontre de soi ? L'exil est-il le moyen de se trouver ou au contraire de se perdre ? Qui suis-je ? Ces questions existentielles prennent de l'ampleur en regard de l'exil, du "déplacement"
1989 mark a watershed in the history of Chinese art. Since "Les Magiciens de la Terre" first exposure of Fei Dawei which presented for the first time at the Western public of Chinese contemporary works and especially since the events of the Place Tien An Men, the Chinese contemporary art took a dominating place on the international scene to become omnipresent. Today, no biennial or international artistic event is conceived without works, installations or performances of Chinese artists. XXIe century is obviousness: the Chinese contemporary art makes sell. But not any subject. Between the "chinoiseries" appraisals by the Westerners and works which do nothing but take again the traditional tradition without renewal of the techniques and the topics, are interesting on the topic of the man, innovating, significant creations, often provocative but always in close relation with the Chinese company in full change. The Chinese contemporary art has this of private individual who it is closely related to the individual and collective memory of people which underwent an important change since the death of Mao Tse Toung. The Chinese artists exiled in France have this of private individual whom they deliver an astonishing vision of the man and his place in the contemporary company. It is not a question only of the Chinese man but of the very short man. Creating a true esthetics of displacement, they question the statute of the artist through often violent and dark disconcerting works. In a company in full transformation, between passed and present, memory and lapse of memory, the question of the identity is a true way of cross for these artists in search of Ego and Other. Because what to be Chinese today? Or is it I? To go to is the meeting of the Other to go to the meeting of oneself? Is the exile the means of being or contrary to losing itself? Who am I? These existential questions become extensive in glance of the exile, "displacement"

L'enquete repose sur l'etude des edifices lorsqu'ils subsistent, sur les archives, les plans originaux, les documents figures permettant de connaitre les motivations de louis, les modalites des creations et l'etat primitif des oeuvres. Nous avons reconstitue a partir de cette documentation, la vie de l7architecte et mene a bien l'analyse technique et artistique de ses oeuvres. La carriere de louis, tres feconde jusqu'a la revolution, a ete pratiquement interrompue a partir de ce moment ses creations permettent de saisir un temperament artistique plus que de definir un style. Rejete par les architectes de l'academie a cause de ses liens avec le marechal de richelieu pui le duc d'orleans, il a ete largement sollicite par une clientele privee qu'il a su satisfaire avec souplesse. Tenant du gout "a la grecque" pour la decoration, fortement marque par palladio, michel-ange, vignole, le bernin et piranese, il maitrise la tradition francaise des maitres-macons et sait en meme temps, user avec intelligence de techniques annoncant le 19e siecle
This research is based on the study of any buildings still extant, of archives, original plans and figured documents, which allow us to understand louis motivations, his creative methods, and original state of the works. With this we have been able to trace the architect's biography and to carry out the technical and artistical analysis of his works. Louis's career was very prolific until the french revolution, but was later virtually suspended. His creations enable us to apprehend an artistic temperament rather than to define a style. Rejected by the academy architects because of his ties with marechal de richelieu and the duc d'orleans, he was called upon by private clients who he satisfied with versatility. Champion of the "greek fashion" in decoration strongly influenced by palladio, michelangelom vignola, bernini and piranesi, he astered the french master masons tradition, while skilfully employing techniques foreshadowing the 19th century

Etude de l'emergence du concept de monument historique entre 1800 et 1840 dans le departement de maine-et-loire. Les relations entretenues par les angevins avec leurs monuments anciens, depuis la fin de la revolution jusqu'a la creation officielle du service des monuments historiques, sont analysees au travers des regards poses par les contemporains (personnalites, erudits, et artistes locaux ou etrangers) et des actions entreprises (demolition, reutilis ation, restauration). Les reponses donnees par les angevins aux sollicitations du gouvernement en matiere de monuments, l'engagement des antiquaires, et les interventions architecturales sont les principaux indicateurs d'une lente evolution de la prise de conscience patrimoniale locale. Le maine-et-loire semble se situer vers 1840 parmi les departements francais les plus soucieux de la reconnaissance et de la preservation de leur patrimoine monumental
This study deals with the emergence of the concept of the historic monument between 1800 and 1840 in the department of maine et loire. The relationships between the angevins and their monuments, from the end of the revolution to the official creation of a department of historic monuments, are analyzed through the opinions of contemporary personalities (sholars, local or foreign artists) and the actions undertaken (demolition, new uses, rehabilitation). The way the angevins responded to the government's initiatives as far as monuments were concerned, the commitment of antiquaries, and the architectural interventions are the main indicators of the slow evolution of their awareness of their local heritage. In 1840 the department of maine et loire seems to be among the most interested in the recognition and the conservation of their monuments

"L'affiche illustrée, depuis que Jules Chéret a créé le genre, est devenue une véritable oeuvre d'art. " Cette phrase résume à elle seule le credo partagé par un ensemble d'artistes, de critiques, de marchands et de collectionneurs qui, au tournant du XIXe et du XXe siècle, furent les acteurs de "l'affichomanie". La thèse propose de compléter les connaissances sur ce phénomène en le décrivant selon une approche socio-historique alimentée par des sources encore peu exploitées, avec le souci de poser la question de la position de l'affiche par rapport aux autres champs de la création artistique de son temps. L'objectif est donc d'articuler histoire de la réception et analyse esthétique.

Zazi (杂技), qui signifie « compétences variées » et dont l’équivalent en français est « l’acrobatie chinoise » est un ensemble d’arts vieux d’au moins trois millle ans. Il n’existe pas à ce jour en français de synthèse accessible et documentée par des sources chinoises de sa chronologie et de l’évolution de ses formes des origines à nos jours.Cette thèse a pour objectif de combler ce manque en documentant le sujet à partir d’un corpus d’ouvrages chinois et français. L’auteure de la thèse, chinoise, enseignante de français et traductrice, a pu accéder aux sources utiles et a conduit une enquête, voyageant entre France et Chine sur les différents terrains de conservation (bibliothèques, musées, documentation en ligne) et d’exploitation (spectacles, festivals, écoles) des arts acrobatiques chinois.La thèse met à disposition de furures recherches une synthèse des résultats obtenus lors de cette enquête, bibliographiques (250 références), iconographiques (128 documents), présentés chronologiquement en déroulant un vaste panorama, qui s’articulent en trois parties.La première propose une chronologie du développement des formes de l’acrobatie chinoise dans le contexte de chaque dynastie jusqu’à la dernière dynastie en 1912, à partir de sources et documents chinois, par des traductions originales et inédites de textes anciens ou contemporains de sinologues et d’historiens des spectacles en chine, notamment, et avec son autorisation, de textes du Pr Quifeng Fu, ainsi qu’une riche iconographie en collaboration avec la bibliothèque de Nanjing. En n’hésitant pas à s’affronter à ces problèmes de traductions, la thèse rend ainsi accessible au lecteur français une partie de l’histoire d’un des arts majeurs parmi les spectacles mondiaux.La deuxième partie étudie l’intégration en quatre étapes de l’acrobatie chinoise en France et de ses influences sur la société et la scène françaises, notamment à travers quelques exemples concernant les modes du « à la chinoise » et de la « Chinoiserie » entre les XVIIe et XIXe siècles. Elle s’intéresse ensuite aux échanges sous la République de Chine jusqu’au rebondissement de l’acrobatie chinoise au XXe siècle après la fondation de la République Populaire de Chine en 1949. Elle observe à cette occasion ses nouveaux codes artistiques et culturels, les messages politiques qu’elle véhicule lors de l’invitation des artistes chinois dans les grands festivals du cirque en France et à Monaco.La troisième partie dresse briévement les contours et les perspectives de collaborations artistiques sino-françaises en acrobatie et cirque au XXIe siècle, observe l’apport des acrobates chinois sur la scène contemporaine et les influences du spectacle vivant occidental sur l’acrobatie chinoise contemporaine, pour se questionner enfin sur le devenir de l’acrobatie chinoise en appliquant les résultats de ce voyage documentaire dans le temps et entre deux cultures, à un projet de création de festival franco-chinois de cirque et d’acrobatie en Chine
Zaji (杂技), which means « various competences » and is sometime translated in French "Acrobatie chinoise", is a form of art at least three thousand years old. To date, there is no French synthesis available to trace its origin, development and evolutions up to the present day.This thesis aims to fill this gap by documenting the subject from a corpus of Chinese and French publications and documentation. The author of the thesis, Chinese to French translator and teacher, has conducted an investigation through her access to documentary resources, exhibits of artifacts and live shows of Chinese acrobatic arts.The thesis provides a synthesis of the results obtained during this survey, presented chronologically in a broad panorama with bibliographical references (250) refrences and iconographical (128).The thesis is composed of three chapters. The first chapter proposes a chronology of the development of the forms of Chinese acrobatics in the context of each dynasty until the last dynasty in 1912, referring to archives and documents in China, including the published and unpublished, original and translations of ancient or contemporary texts. This chapter is completed with the assistance from historians of Zaji such as Professor Fu Quifeng, as well as the support of Nanjing Library. By confronting problems of translations, the thesis makes it accessible to French readers a major history of the world's oldest performing arts.The second chapter examines the integration and reception of Chinese acrobatics in France from senventeenth century to twentieth century and its influences on French theatre, particularly in the fashion of the "Chinoiserie", then go through reciprocal exchanges during the Republic of China until the rebound of Chinese acrobatics in the twentieth century after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949, specifically its new artistic forms and cultural codes, the political messages it conveys, the invitation of Chinese artists to circus festivals in France and Monaco.The third part briefly outlines the perspectives of Sino-French artistic collaboration in circus in the twenty-first century, observes the contribution of Chinese acrobats on the contemporary scene and the influences of the Western live show on contemporary Chinese acrobatics, to finally questions the future of Chinese acrobatics by applying the results of this documentary trip between two cultures, to open the conclusion of this thesis: a French-Chinese circus and acrobatic festival will be organized by the author to explore the artistic and innovating future of Zazi

La réforme catholique a suscité de nombreuses représentations artistiques en Franche-Comté, terre de fidélité à la foi romaine. L'articulation entre création artistique et dévotions est étudiée dans cette thèse divisée en cinq parties et dont les limites chronologiques couvrent plus d'un demi-siècle, de la publication des décrets du Concile de Trente en 1571 à la mort de l'archevêque Claude d'Achey en 1654. Dans une première partie, l'auteur souligne la spécificité de la société comtoise qui est sacralisée. La question des images, de la décoration des édifices religieux (églises, abbayes, couvents, collèges jésuites) et des demeures privées est ensuite abordée, ainsi que l'importance de la Franche-Comté comme foyer artistique vital au XVIIe siècle. L'auteur analyse le phénomène des dynasties d'artistes, leur activité au service des municipalités, des gouverneurs de Besançon et du clergé. Les liens entre dévotions et iconographie sont ensuite examinés à travers l'étude des représentations de la vierge et des saints, l'essor du culte des reliques et la piété christocentrique
The catholic reform aroused many artistic representations in Franche-Comté, land of fidelity at the catholic faifth. The articulation between artistic creation and devotions is studied in this thesis divided in five parts from the publication of the decrees of the Council of Trente in 1571 to the deadth of Claude d'Achey in 1654. In a first time, the autor emphasizes the specificity of Franche-Comté 's society which is sacred. The question of pictures, embellishment of churchs and houses is then tackled, and the importance of the Franche-Comté like an vital artistic center during the XVIIe century. The autor analyses the phenomenon of the artists 's dynasties, these activities for corporations, municipalities, clergy and governors of Besançon. The connections between devotions and iconography are studied trought representations of the blesses virgin mary, the saints, worship of relics and christian piety

Abstract Of all the many images that France can project, from the Lascaux caves to the Stade de France, perhaps the richest collection comes from the decades before the Great War: the Eiffel Tower, the Tour de France, the art nouveau signs of the Paris Metro, the can-can at the Moulin Rouge, Impressionist and post-Impressionist art. Across the country, towns and villages were remodelled by a new civic architecture of schools, army barracks, post offices, railway stations, town halls, and grand boulevards. Beyond these visual images lie two polit-ical ones: France was one of the two great imperial powers, alongside the United Kingdom, and one of the two great republics, alongside the United States of America. A sense that French history had finally ‘come right ‘ was promoted during the Third Republic by scholars led by Ernest Lavisse. Lavisse argued that French history naturally culminated in the unity of state, nation, and republic achieved after 1871, and his interpretation was fed to schoolchildren in a textbook known as the petit Lavisse because it condensed his lengthy studies into one primer. Modern historians have pursued these themes too: as mentioned in Chapter 2, François Furet wrote that the French Revolution ‘came into harbour ‘ with the Third Republic, while Eugen Weber argued this was the time when local loyalties were translated into ‘Frenchness ‘. Achievements in science, art, music, and literature

‘France’ explains how in early French estates the house and garden were usually designed independently. Distinctive features of 16th-century French gardens were the presence of a canal and plantings arranged in the flat ornamental flower gardens known as parterres. The apogee of French garden art is the 17th-century formal garden known as the jardin à la française, characterized by geometry. The greatest and most influential exponent was André Le Nôtre, who was responsible for the gardens at Versailles. The principal innovations of the 18th century were the jardin anglo-chinois, the ferme ornée, the fabrique, and the jardin anglais. French garden design in the 19th and 20th centuries is also discussed.