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Journal articles on the topic 'Army in Turkey'
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1
Vidal-Hall, Judith. "Enter the army." Index on Censorship 24, no. 4 (July 1995): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209502400405.
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Izci, Yusuf. "The evolution of military neurosurgery in the Turkish army." Neurosurgical Focus 28, no. 5 (May 2010): E16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2010.1.focus09232.
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The history of neurosurgery in the Turkish army is not long and complex. Neurosurgery was first practiced in the Ottoman army by Cemil Pasha, who was a general surgeon. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Turkey was established and modern neurosurgical procedures were applied at the Gulhane Military Medical Academy (GMMA). Maj. Zinnur Rollas, M.D., was the founder of the Department of Neurosurgery at GMMA in 1957. A modern neurosurgical program and school was established in 1965 by Col. Hamit Ziya Gokalp, M.D., who completed his residency training in the US. Today, 26 military neurosurgeons are on active duty in 11 military hospitals in Turkey. All of these neurosurgeons work in modern clinics and operating theaters. In this paper, military neurosurgery in the Turkish army is reported in 3 parts: 1) the history of neurosurgery in the Turkish military, 2) the Department of Neurosurgery at the GMMA, and 3) the duties of a military neurosurgeon in the Turkish army.
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Pavlova, Petya. "1974 – The transformation of “Cyprus dispute”." Lyuboslovie 21 (November 22, 2021): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/ojuw5377.
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One of the most crucial years in the dispute over the island of Cyprus is 1974. On July 15, the Cypriot army staged a military coup in the country, actively supported by Greece's ruling military junta. These actions еnable the Republic of Turkey, being one of the countries-guarantees to the Zurich-London Agreement, to undertake a military offensive to the island of Cyprus on the pretext that it should maintain the status quo. As a result only a few days later, the Turkish army occupies 36,2 % of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus and never left the island. Thousands of the citizens of Cyprus lost their relatives and loved ones, their livelihoods and homes, as Turkey acquired yet another advantage over the Cypriot Greeks and Greece on the so called „Cyprus dispute“.
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Örs, H. Birsen. "The Perception of the Army by Armenian Minorities Living in Turkey." Armed Forces & Society 36, no. 4 (December 22, 2009): 604–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x09344060.
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Guzaerov, R. "The Army and Foreign Policy of Turkey: the Current State of Air Defense." TRANSBAIKAL STATE UNIVERSITY JOURNAL 28, no. 9 (2022): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2022-28-9-33-38.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the state of the air defense forces of the Army of the Republic of Turkey. The object of the study is the military-technical development of Turkey. The subject of the study is the current state of Turkey's air defense. The purpose of the study is to demonstrate the current state of Turkey's air defense. For this purpose it is necessary to solve the following tasks: to consider command structure of Turkish Air Defense Forces; to analyze available samples of equipment in Turkish Air Defense Forces; to consider successes of Turkish Military Industrial Complex in construction of own samples of Air Defense Forces. The research methodology is based on a systematic approach to consider the Turkish MIC as an integral system. Event analysis is applied to trace the main developments in the field of Turkey's air defense development. Source analysis is used to study the websites of the official agencies of the companies in the field of the military-industrial complex. General scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction are used in the work. It is noted that Turkey has switched to an offensive foreign policy, which requires it to have a high level of preparedness in all spheres, including the military. The article presents the structural organization of the management of the Turkish air defense forces. The samples of weapons available in the Turkish army are analyzed. Their quantitative and qualitative characteristics are given. It is noted that the purchase of the S-400 air defense system by Turkey was of a political nature. The successes of the Turkish military-industrial complex in the development of air defense systems are demonstrated, but at the moment these developments cannot meet the needs of the army. It is concluded that the Turkish air defense forces are experiencing difficulties due to limited capabilities and require updating and expanding the existing arsenal
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Tovsultanova, Malika Sharipovna, Rustam Alhazurovich Tovsultanov, and Lilia Nadipovna Galimova. "Army and Islamic parties in the political life of Turkey in the second half of the 20th century." Samara Journal of Science 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 200–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021102211.
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The paper examines the confrontation between the army, which supported the inviolability of the principles of a secular state, and the supporters of the Islamic way of development. The authors provide a short course on the history of the military coups of 1960, 1971 and 1980. Based on the analysis of actions and public statements of the event participants themselves, researchers come to a conclusion that the fight against clerical tendencies played a role in the preparation of military coups no less than the fight against left radicals. The 1970s in the history of Turkey is an extremely unstable political period when weak coalition governments were in power. Aggravated by the end of the 1970s party contradictions gave the military a pretext for another coup, which led to the fall of the Second and the formation of the Third Republic in the political history of Turkey. By the end of the 20th century Islamic proponents, having accumulated vast experience of confrontation with the army elite, had developed a new political strategy, becoming the locomotive of the struggle for democratic changes, which allowed them to win elections in 1996 and then in 2002. Having finally taken power in the country, the Islamic Justice and Development Party began largescale reforms of the army, which are still ongoing.
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Özyürek, Esra. "Jenny White. Islamist Mobilization in Turkey: A Study in Vernacular Politics. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2002." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 1 (January 2005): 228–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505230104.
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After more than seventy years of secularist rule in Turkey, victory of the Islam-based Welfare Party in the mid-1990s came as a surprise to many political observers. Electoral support for religious party politics increased despite heavy pressures from the secular army and state officials. Based on over twenty years of ethnographic research in a low-income neighborhood in Istanbul, Jenny White's Islamist Mobilization in Turkey explores the basis of this support and the meaning it carries in the daily lives of people.
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Waszkiewicz, Grzegorz. "Drivers of Greek and Turkish Defense Spending." International Journal of Management and Economics 51, no. 1 (September 1, 2016): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijme-2016-0018.
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Abstract This paper evaluates the factors responsible for maintaining substantial military expenditures in Greece and Turkey. The presented research encompasses theoretical and empirical aspects. First, defense spending by both countries was analyzed based on statistical data from international sources. Next, the theoretical determinants of budgetary spending are reviewed, which consider political, economic and military factors behind high expenditures on the army in Greece and in Turkey. Finally, Granger causality tests is applied to determine whether a causal relation between variables exists in the case of these two countries. We conclude that defense expenditures in Greece and Turkey exceed the NATO average, but are relatively low relative to those of selected Middle Eastern countries. Our results indicate that high military spending level in Turkey is mainly driven by national security concerns, whereas an economic driver prevails in Greece.
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Öğür, Berkan. "The army in Turkey and geopolitical mentality (Türkiye’de Ordu ve Jeopolitik Zihniyet)." Turkish Studies 19, no. 1 (August 2017): 166–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2017.1357473.
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Çanci, Haldun, and Şevket Serkan Şen. "Turkish Politics and Policies under the Impact of the 1980’s PKK Revolt and the Gulf War of the Early 1990s." European Review 20, no. 2 (March 30, 2012): 222–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000457.
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This article examines Turkish politics and policies during the 1980s and 1990s in light of occurrences in Turkey and neighboring states, with particular attention to the impact of the 1980’s PKK revolt and the outbreak of the Gulf War in 1990. In doing so, it outlines the political debates among the major political parties and the perspectives of the Turkish army generals on the important political issues of the period. These events, and those of the subsequent decade, have led to the emergence of a new status quo in Turkey that has had major political and economic repercussions.
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Sahib kızı Yusifli, İlahe, and Cengiz Yüksel oğlu Kartın. "Activities of The Caucasian Islamic Army to save Baku." SCIENTIFIC WORK 66, no. 05 (May 20, 2021): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/66/98-105.
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In 1917, after the October and February revolutions in Russia, peoples were given "Self-determination." After this law, all peoples who were captured by tsarist rule began to fight for independence. Azerbaijan has also joined this struggle. Azerbaijan, which gained independence on May 28, 1918, needed power to maintain independence. This power was allowed by the Batumi Treaty, which was associated with the Ottoman state. Because of that, the Ottoman state undertook to send military assistance to Azerbaijan. With this section As a result, the Caucasian Islamic Army would come to Azerbaijan, clear region of foreign troops, help Azerbaijan maintain independence, and help establish an army. Since the need for oil increased in World War I, the state that occupied Baku would have great superiority. For this reason, Great Britain had an army in Azerbaijan. The Baku victory of the Caucasian Islamic Army is one of three victories won during the First World War. It further strengthened the brotherhood between the two states. For this reason, the Islamic Army of the Caucasus is one of the glorious pages of the history of Azerbaijan and Turkey. The article will assess the activities of the Caucasian Islamic Army to liberate Baku. Key words: Caucasian Islamic Army, Dniesterforce, Russian Revolution, Azerbaijan Democratıc Republic, Ottoman State [1] Makale Eciyez Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsüde yürütülen “İngilizlerin Kafkasya Politikası ve Kafkas İslam Ordusuna Münasebeti (1918-1920)” tezinden yararlanarak hazırlanmıştır
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Hazza, Thaer Najrs, and Anmar Mahmoud Khalaf. "Religion and state in Erdogan's mind." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 12 (February 22, 2019): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i12.8.
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If there are events that confirm Samuel Huntington's argument about the clash of civilizations and Bernard Lewis's thesis on Islam, such as the establishment of the Islamic state in Iran, and the events of September 11, what all these people condone is that Islamist movements are not always an extension of fundamentalism In countries such as Turkey and Indonesia, social movements helped bring in democracy, after decades of authoritarian rule by secularist regimes backed by the army. Religious groups in these countries have participated in the transition to democracy. In Turkey, Islamist groups have fought the vessels in order to strengthen democracy, and in order to participate in the achievement of freedom of opinion and expression and the promotion of religious and human rights, and this is what he did Erdogan and his colleagues since they receive power in Turkey
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Esen, Berk. "Praetorian Army in Action: A Critical Assessment of Civil–Military Relations in Turkey." Armed Forces & Society 47, no. 1 (June 22, 2020): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x20931548.
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With four successful and three failed coups in less than 60 years, the Turkish military is one of the most interventionist armed forces in the global south. Despite this record, few scholars have analyzed systematically how the military’s political role changed over time. To address this gap, this article examines the evolution of civil–military relations (CMR) in Turkey throughout the 1960s and 1970s. Based on a historical analysis, this article offers a revisionist account for the extant Turkish scholarship and also contributes to the broader literature on CMR. It argues that the military’s guardian status was not clearly defined and that the officer corps differed strongly on major political issues throughout the Cold War. This article also demonstrates that the officer corps was divided into opposite ideological factions and political agendas and enjoyed varying levels of political influence due to frequent purges and conjectural changes.
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Saeed, Seevan. "Turkey, from Negotiation to War." Journal of University of Human Development 4, no. 3 (August 20, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v4n3y2018.pp1-7.
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"While Mustafa Kemal Ataturk claimed on reconciliation within his country and with the world, we are now witnessing Turkish conflicts and tensions with all the countries of the region and the Turkish interior, with various factions and with the Kurds in particular. After 30 years of costly war between the state and the Kurdish movement, for the first time public negotiations began between the two. The famous speech of Ocalan was announced in Diyarbakir (March 2013). The movement has invested in this relatively peaceful environment and has begun to promote the Cultural Nationalism for the Kurds and other minorities on a large scale. But this atmosphere of peace and freedom did not last long. The state abruptly overthrew the peace process with representatives of the Kurdish movement by detaining thousands of its leaders. The guerrilla war began again, in many areas. The army has chased activists in houses and streets in cities such as Sur, Jazira, Naseebin and Sirnak. Some parts of the Kurdish areas have been destroyed, displacing about one million civilians. This research has tried to explain why the state has returned to its old policy of security and military approach, although in the past few years it has repeatedly claimed that it is possible to deal with the Kurdish question through peace and reconciliation. The research tries to study the complex relationship between these two poles."
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ENTESSAR, NADER. "HENRI J. BARKEYAND GRAHAM E. FULLER, Turkey's Kurdish Question (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1998). Pp. 258. $65.00 cloth, $22.95 paper." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 3 (August 2001): 467–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801313065.
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The Kurdish question has remained one of the most destabilizing issues for modern Turkey. Despite decades of military campaigns in the southeast and the existence of a continuing state of emergency in that region of Turkey for more than a decade, various Turkish governments have yet to resolve their Kurdish dilemma in a satisfactory way. According to the Turkish Association for Human Rights, some 3 million Kurds have been driven from their villages by the Turkish army, and some 3,000 Kurdish villages have been evacuated (ethnically cleansed) over the past fourteen years. In addition to military campaigns in Turkey's southeast, disappearances, summary trials, and other forms of political repression have turned the region into a permanent war zone.
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Hamakrim, Hersh Abdullah, and Shaima Saeed Hamlaw. "Development of Political Islam in Turkey)1983-2007)." Journal of University of Raparin 9, no. 5 (December 29, 2022): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(9).no(5).paper4.
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Political Islam in Turkey is a vital and profound issue for the Islamic world and the Western world. In this study, we return to the era of Ozal, in which political Islam came to the fore in politics and power. Then, after this era, political Islam entered into a political, legal, and parliamentary war with the state and the army. Although they did not win the war, they made use of it as an experience. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, they managed to enter the arena of competition with a new program, a new party, and a new leader. They have proven their self again in the modern history of Turkey. What is meant by this study is that political Islam in Turkey has been gradually entrenched at every stage, and they have also managed to reach the pinnacle of power by taking advantage of Turkish democracy and secularism. On the other hand, despite the failure of the secular trend in this struggle with political Islam, there is still a shadow of the Kemalist regime and the secular regime over Turkey, which gave them the strength to continue its struggle with the Islamists.
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Johnson, Russell L. "Stranger in a Not-So-Strange Land: Teaching and Living the Gilded Age and Progressive Era in Turkey." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 1, no. 4 (October 2002): 330–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000335.
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Images of Turkey in the United States during the Gilded Age were generally not flattering. For the most part, Turks appeared in Gilded Age serious journals and popular press as “blood-thirsty,” “savages,” and “the most brutal outcasts of the human race,” who were merely “camping in Europe” – albeit for five hundred years – but not a part of it. A “pitiable imbecility” was said to characterize the Ottoman Empire, with the Turks having shown an “utter incapacity for just, enlightened, progressive government.” Looking at Turkey in 1877, an American army officer concluded that in order “to reform Turkey” it would be necessary first “to abolish the Turks.” At the 1893 Chicago World's Columbian Exposition, according to historians Gail Bederman and Robert Rydell, the location of the Turkish village on the Midway clearly placed Turkey among the “barbarous” nations of the world; at the Turkish village, as Bederman puts it, “unmanly, dark-skinned men cajoled customers to shed their manly restraint and savor their countrywomen's sensuous dancing.” Even Mark Twain quipped that “I wish Europe would let Russia annihilate Turkey a little – not much, but enough to make it difficult to find the place again without a divining-rod or a diving-bell.”
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Lityński, Adam. "GEORGIAN ATTEMPTS TO BECOME INDEPENDENT. 100TH ANNIVERSARY OF DECLARATION OF DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF GEORGIA (1918)." Roczniki Administracji i Prawa 1, no. XVIII (June 30, 2018): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.5989.
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After February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the nations of the previous Russian Imperium began their efforts to get their independency, among them were three nations of Transcaucasia: Armenians (Armenia), Azeris (Azerbaijan), Georgians (Georgia). After the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 3rd March 1918, Bolshevik Russia in reality handed over the territory of Transcaucasia to Germans and Turks. Especially Turkey became aggressive and expansive. Armenia together with Azerbaijan and then together with Georgia set up Trans-caucasian Federal Democratic Republic which collapsed soon. There were significant discrepancies among the nations. Azerbaijan wanted to get union with Turkey, but Georgia preferred Germany and Armenia counted on “white” Russia (ge¬neral Denikin). Each of these three countries set up own independent republics, among other Democratic Republic of Georgia. Soon Germany and Turkey lost the First World War, but north Caucasus was attacked by troops of General Denikin supported by England and France. Later on, in 1920, Bolsheviks entered this territory. The Red Army of Bolsheviks conquered each of the independent republics one by one, set up own governments and in¬corporated the territories into Russian Socialistic Federal Soviet Republic [RSFSR]. On 16 March 1921, RSFSR signed friendship agreement with Turkey. As a result of this agreement, Russia and Turkey divided the territory of Transcaucasian between them.
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Avatkov, V. "Turkey and Azerbaijan: One Nation – One State?" World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 2 (2022): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-2-90-100.
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The article scrutinizes Turkish-Azerbaijani key areas of cooperation – political, economic, military-technical, cultural and humanitarian. For instance, in addition to intensive interaction at the level of high-ranking political elites, Azerbaijani-Turkish unity in the political context is largely built on the basis of classifying foreign policy partners into common friends and common enemies (the “friend-foe” principle). Thus, both Ankara and Baku are building friendly relations with the Turkic states of Central Asia. At the same time, Armenia acts as a common “enemy”. In the military sphere, both states seek to form Turkey-oriented militarized structures and, moreover, to create a unified Turkic army in the long term. The nature of economic relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey is largely based on a competitive basis. Energy acts as a unifying and at the same time a divisive factor since both states strive for leadership in this area, seeking to occupy a special place in the regional energy market. In the cultural and humanitarian sphere, the unfolding Turkey-centric integration is of particular importance. The author comes to the conclusion that nowadays the bilateral relations between Turkey and Azerbaijan are characterized by the “merging” of the two countries into a single Turkey-centric space, which manifests in almost all fields of interaction. The Republic of Turkey seeks to influence Baku in order to make it a reference point of the “Turkic world” under its auspices. This trend is most likely to strengthen in the future.
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SIMONYAN, A. R. "INFLUENCE OF THE ARMY ON POLITICAL PROCESSES IN TURKEY (1920 - BEGINNING OF XXI CENTURY)." Historical and social-educational ideas 8, no. 1/2 (April 7, 2016): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2016-8-1/2-117-120.
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Kirtsoglou, Elisabeth. "Phantom Menace: What Junior Greek Army Officers Have to Say about Turks and Turkey." South European Society and Politics 11, no. 1 (March 2006): 163–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13608740500470422.
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Kochegarov, Kirill. "Russian-Polish projects on joining or exchanging of military forces to struggle against Turkey and Crimea in 1660s – 1680s: genesis, history, reasons for failure." Open Military Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openms-2020-0110.
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Abstract The paper deals with the history of unsuccessful Russian-Polish military cooperation in the 1660s – 1680s. For approximately twenty years Moscow and Warsaw had been trying to join their military forces against, at first rebellious Ukrainian Cossacks and Crimean Tatars, and then against the Turks too. But all negotiations and attempts to realize plans of military cooperation by joining forces failed because of several reasons. The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, hoping firstly to bring to obedience hetman Peter Doroshenko with Russian support, then tried to recapture invaded by Ottomans Podolia and appropriately wanted Russian troops to be moved there, not between Dnepr and Dniester, as it had been agreed before. Another thing that didn’t satisfy the Polish-Lithuanian side was a parity basis of joining troops (later of mutual exchanging of units), fixed in the text of alliance of December 1667. The Polish-Lithuanian army was becoming weaker because of long wars with Turks, Tatars, Cossacks and therefore needed military support, mainly infantry and artillery, more than Muscovite Russia, which had a more numerous army. That’s why Polish commanders tried to receive under their command Russian units without sending any soldiers and officers of the Commonwealth to the Muscovite army. So Russia finally refused to join its forces with the Polish-Lithuanian army and the new alliance of 1686 stipulated that each signatory was to wage war independently.
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Karkocha, Małgorzata. "‘Gazeta Warszawska’ on the Russo-Turkish War (the 1789 campaign)." Przegląd Nauk Historycznych 17, no. 3 (December 13, 2018): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1644-857x.17.03.06.
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The article presents a selected campaign of the Russo-Turkish War, which Turkey fought with Russia and its ally, Austria, in 1787–1792. The Author used the reports of „Gazeta Warszawska” – a leading information magazine, published in 1774–1793 under the editorial supervision of an ex-Jesuit, Father Stefan Łuskina, as the principal source of information. Throughout the entire conflict, Łuskin’s newspaper reported regularly (almost in every issue) on activities on the eastern front. The editor-in-chief was an advocate of pro-Russian position, which did affect the information provided by the publication. The news from the Eastern War published in „Gazeta Warszawska” was selected in such a way as to show the superiority of the Russian army over the Ottoman fleet and army and to prove that the opponents of the Tsaritsa opponents would be inevitably defeated.
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Miladinovic, Jovo. "Shifting state loyalty: The case of an officer Şerefeddin or Milan Milovanovic?" Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 68, no. 3 (2020): 705–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2003705m.
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The paper, drawing primarily on archival material located in Austria, Montenegro, Serbia and Turkey, examines the lifeworld of an Ottoman officer, ?erefeddin, who in the midst of the Balkan Wars (1912/13), after accepting Christianity, voluntarily joined the army of the Kingdom of Serbia. By relying on the theoretical concept of loyalty, the essay claims that loyalty towards state is not given and fixed, but rather is subject to change. It indicates in particular that ?erefeddin?s decision to join the enemy army is context-driven and thus should be imbedded in the momentary setting. It pursues to show how a person amid war is nevertheless able successfully to adjust to a new emerging context. This case should not be co understood as a typical biography, but rather as an episodic one because similar cases are noticeable in different settings worldwide as well.
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Khan, Usman, Bakhtiar Khan, and Jamal Shah. "Military Disengagement from Politics in Turkey: Lessons for Pakistan." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. III (September 30, 2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-iii).10.
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The armed forces had a predominant role in the Turkish polity until 2002. During 1960 and 2002, the military had staged direct coups, i.e. 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997 and maintained an indirect role in internal and external politics through various institutions such as National Security Council (NSC), National Unity Command (NUC), Military courts, Military corporations (OYAK), and Military Pension Fund (MPF). However, the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has replaced the hitherto predominance of the army in Turkish polity. This research paper highlights that AKP has been successful in disengaging the military from politics with mass support, continuous successes in elections, and managing internal and external threats. Further, the manuscript explored the quest of Turkey to become a member of the European Union, great powers support to Tayyab Erdogan on ensuring human rights, and the principle of republicanism have contributed to the AKP project of civilian supremacy over the armed forces.
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Malenko, Liudmyla. "Informative possibilities of materials on the history of the peoples of South-Eastern Europe on the site "Cossacks of the XV-XXI centuries"." Cultural and Historical Heritage: Preservation, Presentation, Digitalization 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 18–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55630/kinj.2022.080102.
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An article, written on the basis of an electronic source base for researching the history of the South Ukrainian Cossack army in the last quarter of the 18th century (website "Cossacks of the ХV-ХХІ centuries"), examines the history of the close relationship of the Ukrainian Cossacks with the events of political and economic life and the national liberation competitions of the peoples of Moldova, Romania (Wallachia and Northern Dobruja), Bulgaria, Greece, Albania, Serbia, Turkey, Poland, Austria. At the same time, little-studied topics of the fate of the Zaporozhian Cossacks and Cossacks from South-Eastern Europe as part of irregular formations after 1775. The question is raised about the introduction of materials into scientific circulation from archival collections of Austria, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Croatia, Turkey in order to create comprehensive generalizing studies on the issues under consideration.
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Pohl, Artur. "Znaczenie Turcji dla gospodarki i bezpieczeństwa Unii Europejskiej." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.6.
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In the second decade of 21st century the European Union will have to face the economic crisis and a problem of its domestic and international security enhancement. In both cases, the Turkish access to the organization can be a cure for European problems. Fast-growing economy, with young, well-educated society as well as big market may be an impulse to the economic growth of the EU. Economic surroundings and geostrategic location of Turkey, with its strongand modern army, can positively affect the security of the organization.
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Evered, Emine Ö., and Kyle T. Evered. "Dispensary, home, and ‘a women’s army’: Framing tubercular geographies and gender in late Ottoman Turkey." Journal of Historical Geography 68 (April 2020): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2020.02.003.
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Ağır, Seven, and Cihan Artunç. "The Wealth Tax of 1942 and the Disappearance of Non-Muslim Enterprises in Turkey." Journal of Economic History 79, no. 1 (March 2019): 201–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000724.
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Turkey imposed a controversial tax on wealth to finance the army in 1942. This tax was arbitrarily assessed and fell disproportionately on non-Muslim minorities. We study the heterogeneous impact of this tax on firms by assembling a new dataset of all enterprises in Istanbul between 1926 and 1950. We find that the tax led to the liquidation of non-Muslim-owned firms, which were older and more productive, reduced the formation of new businesses with non-Muslim owners, and replaced them with frailer Muslim-owned startups. The tax helped “nationalize” the Turkish economy, but had negative implications for productivity and growth.
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Akca, A., C. Babur, Arslan MO, Y. Gicik, M. Kara, and S. Kilic. "Prevalence of antibodies to Toxoplasma gondii in horses in the province of Kars, Turkey." Veterinární Medicína 49, No. 1 (March 28, 2012): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5667-vetmed.
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This study investigates the seroprevalence of Toxoplasma gondii in horses from seven villages in the province of Kars in north-eastern Turkey. A total of 189 serum samples from clinically healthy, local crossbred horses were tested for anti-T. gondii antibodies using the Sabin-Feldman dye test. Antibodies to T. gondii were found in 39 (20.6%) horses, with specific titres of 1 : 16 (27), 1 : 64 (11) and 1 : 256 (1). The 95% confidence interval for the population proportion ranged from 13.3 to 27.9%. The number of seropositive horses in Yucelen village (40%) was considerably higher than in other villages, whereas in the villages of Caglayan (8%) and Cerme (10.5%) the seroprevalence was lower than elsewhere. However, the differences in seroprevalence between the seven villages were not statistically significant (P > 0.05). In contrast, the overall seroprevalence in the province of Kars was significantly higher than that reported previously in studies carried out on army and private horse stud farms elsewhere in Turkey (P < 0.05). The relevance of these findings to the epizootiology of toxoplasmosis in Kars and Turkey is discussed.
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Avatkov, V. A., and M. V. Kochkin. "PRINCIPLE TRAJECTORIES OF THE DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN POLICY CRISES IN MODERN TURKISH REPUBLIC." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-7-14.
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The Republic of Turkey in the year of 2015 has gone through the period of critical transformation of its foreign and domestic policies. The main reason for this transformation is the inability of the Justice and Development Party to reach its goals to draft the new constitution and vest the president of the country with new powers. Nevertheless, the authors believe that there are also historic and demographic reasons for this transformation that have been developing for several decades. The basis of this transformation is the destructive foreign policy course pursued by the ruling elites aimed at fomenting crises inside and outside Turkey. The most tangible signs of that are the resumption of hostilities between the Turkish army and PKK and also regular shillings of the positions of Syrian Kurds by Turkish artillery. According to the authorities of Turkey such policy is likely to force the Turkish society and foreign partners to make concessions and give the Justice and Development Party the right to reform the country in its own way. However, such policy also increases the possibility that some internal and external actors will try to make everything possible to overthrow the ruling regime one way or another.
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Kopyś, Tadeusz. "Bandwagoning jako element strategii tureckiej polityki zagranicznej (na przykładzie stosunków rosyjsko-tureckich)." Politeja 19, no. 3(78) (November 24, 2022): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.78.13.
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BANDWAGONING AS AN ELEMENT OF TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF RUSSIAN-TURKISH RELATIONS)
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkey and Russia have developed relations at various levels. Trade was one of them, and Russia is one of Turkey’s leading suppliers. Trade in energy carriers occupies a central position in the exchange between the two countries. In addition to these long-term economic factors, a new series of common political interests have emerged in the past few years between Moscow and Ankara, and more specifically between their presidents. The Russian president played his cards wisely when Turkey felt insufficiently supported by the West in the face of international and domestic threats, paradoxically after the Turkish army shot down a Russian jet in 2015 and in the context of the failed coup in Turkey in 2016. The suspicion of both leaders towards the USA and the world of Western values brought them closer to each other, and the aforementioned events made the foundations of Turkish-Russian cooperation take on a personal character. Behaviorism in relations between the two capitals is best seen in the conflict in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh.
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Yetim, Mustafa, and Tamer Kaşıkcı. "Re-adapting to Changing Middle Eastern Politics: The Modification in Turkey’s Actor Perception and Turkey-Free Syrian Army (FSA) Relations." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 8, no. 2 (June 2021): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798921999178.
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This article investigates the current modification in Turkey’s actor perception according to the Middle East’s changing dynamics. Clarifying the shift in Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party (JDP) and the emergent structural realities in the Middle East as a result of increasing agency of the violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the aftermath of several Arab revolutions, the current article scrutinizes the adaption of Turkish foreign policy to these regional realities. In this context, to prove Turkey’s active orientation toward the recent regional environment, its exceptional engagement with one of the important VNSAs, namely the Free Syrian Army (FSA) or Syrian National Army (SNA), has been empirically examined. Within this background, the current resurrection of the VNSAs in the Middle East and regional-global actors’ reactions to this reality will also be analyzed. Afterward, Turkey’s unique and swift compliance with this reality and the consequent modification of its actor perception will be explored.
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Lenssen, Anneka, Dina Ramadan, Sarah A. Rogers, and Nada Shabout. "Introduction The Longevity of Rupture: 1967 in Art and its Histories." ARTMargins 2, no. 2 (June 2013): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00045.
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This introductory essay by members of the Association for Modern and Contemporary Art of the Arab World, Iran, and Turkey provides a quick overview of the significance of the 1967 defeat of Arab military forces by the Israeli army for the historiography of modern and contemporary Arab art. It then details a recent turn to more critical engagement with that historiographic framework, as exemplified by the 2012 conference The Longevity of Rupture: 1967 in Art and its Histories, and introduces the four articles published in ARTMargins that came out of the conference.
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Selján, Péter. "Military Intervention and Changing Balance of Power in Libya." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 19, no. 3 (2020): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2020.3.5.
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Libya has sunk into chaos since Muammar Gaddafi was deposed by a Western-led military intervention in 2011. Since then, the Libyan crisis has escalated into an internationalised armed conflict, and a major power struggle between Turkey, Qatar, Italy, and Russia, Egypt, France, and the United Arab Emirates. In the last few years, General Khalifa Haftar has become Libya’s most prominent military commander, who is now ruling the eastern part of the country, as the head of the Libyan National Army. His military offensive, launched in April 2019, to capture the capital Tripoli forced Turkey to help the UN-backed Government of National Accord to avoid defeat. But Haftar too received additional military support, especially from Abu Dhabi and Moscow. This escalated the conflict even further, spurring Ankara for another, this time more consequential intervention, which was able to change the local balance of power, so diplomatic efforts and the peace process could get another chance.
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M.M, Murtalibova. "Specificity of Turkey’s Security Relations with Neighboring Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 12 (December 5, 2022): 569–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i12.865.
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The article analyzes the historical dynamics of cooperation and differences in conceptual understanding of approaches of Turkey’s international security and terrorism cooperation with the European Union and the United States in countermeasures. In the 2000s in spite of successful cooperation in the fight against international terrorism, these disagreements did not allow Turkey to fully unite to the system of international security in the Middle East, which is being built by the West. With the largest army in the Middle East and the second largest in the NATO bloc, a dynamic economy and a significant foreign policy weight (not to mention the ambitious leaders in charge), Turkey is playing an increasing role in regional and world politics. In recent years, Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone repeated, sometimes drastic changes, and its relations with a number of countries, from hostility to cooperation and vice versa, have always been the focus of the governments of the Middle East regional countries and NATO allies.
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Lityński, Adam. "Armenii droga do leninowsko-kemalowskiego rozbioru (1917–1921)." Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 70, no. 1 (October 12, 2018): 67–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cph.2018.1.2.
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After the February Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the former nations of the Russian Empire searched for the possibility of forming their own independent countries. The situation was the same with three nations of Transcaucasia, namely Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. After the separatist Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (signed on the 3rd of March 1918), Bolshevik Russia in practice gave away the Transcaucasia region to Germany and Turkey. Especially Turkey assumed an aggressive and annexationist stance at the time. And it was the Armenians who mainly put up the resistance. Armenia, together with Azerbaijan and Georgia, first created the Transcaucasian Democratic Federative Republic. However, the state was short-lived and it soon collapsed due to different approaches to preserving independence by the three countries. Azerbaijan tried to unite with Turkey, Georgia with Germany,while Armenia counted on the White movement Russians (led by General Denikin). Each of the three countries formed separate independent republics and one of them was the First Republic of Armenia. Germany and Turkey lost the First World War soon after but Caucasia was first attacked from the north by the White General Anton Denikin, who was supported by England and France. And later (in 1920) the country was invaded by the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks, thanks to the military might of the Red Army, overthrew the independent governments of those republics one by one. Subsequently, they introduced their own governments and annexed the countries into the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). The RSFSR signed the Treaty of Brotherhood with Turkey on the 16th of March 1921, which was mainly directed against Great Britain and France. In order to realize this alliance, Russia and Turkey divided between themselves the Armenianlands.
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Şener, Mustafa. "Left Movements and the Army in Turkey (1961–71): The Case of the Yön-Devrim Movement." Turkish Historical Review 12, no. 2-3 (December 27, 2021): 184–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18775462-bja10024.
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Abstract Turkey’s long sixties started with a military coup (May 27, 1960) and ended with another military coup (March 12, 1971). During this period, there was an explosion in the number of radical left and socialist movements in Turkey. One of the leading left movements of the period was the Yön-Devrim movement. The most distinctive feature of this movement was the special role it placed on the military in the transition to socialism. In this article, we will focus on the relationship between the military and left/socialist politics during this period. To this end, we will examine the Yön-Devrim movement, specifically their approach to the military. In particular, we will examine why this movement imposed a “progressive” mission on the military, what kind of a transition a possible military coup would provide for socialism, and what role they envisioned for the army, and the bureaucracy in general, in the class struggle.
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Coleman, Brian. "George Horton: the literary diplomat." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 30, no. 1 (2006): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100015068.
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George Horton was a man of letters and United States Consul in Greece and Turkey at a time of social and political change. He writes of the re-taking of Smyrna by the Turkish army in September 1922. His account, however, goes beyond the blame and events to a demonization of Muslims, in general, and of Turks, in particular. In several of his novels, written more than two decades before the events of September 1922, he had already identified the Turk as the stock-in-trade villain of Western civilization. In his account of Smyrna, he writes not as historian, but as publicist.
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Vlasenko, V. M. "TO EPISTOLARY BY KOST’ MATSIYEVYCH AND ANDRIY NIKOVSKY IN 1920-1921." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 60 (2022): 5–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2022.60.1.
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In the published documents (18 letters and 3 telegrams), which are kept in the fund 3696 «The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian People's Republic, 1918-1924» in the Central state archive of highest authorities and management of Ukraine, the information is provided about the activities of Ukrainian diplomats Kost’ Matsiyevych and Andriy Nikovsky. At that time the first one headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the latter was the head of the UPR extraordinary diplomatic mission in Romania. The documents cover the period from April 7, 1920 to November 21, 1921. The sender of 13 letters and 2 telegrams is Kost’ Matsiyevych while the author of 5 letters and 1 telegram is Andriy Nikovsky. The documents concern a wide range of foreign policy issues on the eve and during the first year of the UPR government’s immigration. The most important problems mentioned there include the following items: financing the activities of the UPR government, the Ukrainian delegation at the Prague Peace Conference, the Ukrainian embassy in Turkey, the UPR extraordinary diplomatic mission in Romania, the UPR military mission in Romania; the return of prisoners of war, World War I disabled persons and refugees; negotiations about the joint actions of the UPR army and Wrangel’s “Russian army” against the Bolsheviks; the imposition of the UPR embassy in Bulgaria governor’s duties on Kost’ Matsiyevych; the development of relations with Bulgaria, Poland and Romania, the review of the political and social-economic situation in those countries; the issue of the UPR’s joining the League of Nations, discussing the Ukrainian issue in the League of Nations; the supply of arms and ammunition to Ukraine; the implementation of the cultural diplomacy; ensuring the tour of the Ukrainian republican choir’s headed by O. Koshits; providing the organizational and financial support for the Bessarabian group during the second winter military campaign of the UPR army; termination of the UPR diplomatic mission in Romania activities and its functions transfer to the Civilian assistance of Ukrainian immigration committee.
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Livermore, David M. "Globalisation of antibiotic resistance." Microbiology Australia 37, no. 4 (2016): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma16065.
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Travel always spreads disease. Bubonic plague reached Turkey in 1347 via the Silk Road, following an outbreak in 1330s China. By 1348, it raged in Italy, shadowing the gaiety of Boccaccio’s Decameron. By 1351, half of Europe lay in plague pits. One hundred and fifty years later, the conquistadors took smallpox to the Americas, decimating local populations. They returned – many believe – with syphilis, which ‘enjoyed’ its first European outbreak in 1495 among Charles VIII’s army, then besieging Naples. The French called it the ‘Neapolitan disease’ and carried it home. In England, it became the ‘French pox’ and in Tahiti, the ‘British disease’, imported by the Royal Navy.
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Yarkın, Güllistan. "Turkish Racism Against Kurds: Colonial Violence, Racist Slurs and Mob Attacks." Commentaries 2, no. 1 (July 4, 2022): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tc.v2i1.2218.
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Throughout the 20th century, the modern Turkish state has dealt with ethnically, socially, historically, and religiously defined groups living in the remaining Ottoman territory with different forms of integration and authoritarianism. It built a racialized social regime based on Turkish supremacy, and the state has ruled northern Kurdistan as a colony. This article focuses on Turkish racist slurs and racist mob attacks targeting Kurds in Turkish cities and analyzes them in relation to Turkish colonial domination in northern Kurdistan. It argues that the Turkish army has an important place in making the racialized social regime and producing and disseminating the racialized ideas, slurs and practices targeting Kurds. The article also identifies the year 2005 as a milestone in the history of Turkish-Kurdish relations and Turkish racism. In that year, following the flag-provocation event in Mersin, which was carried out by the Turkish deep-state forces, ‘respect the flag’ demonstrations were organized throughout Turkey. These demonstrations mobilized thousands of Turks around anti-Kurdish sentiments, and since then, the number of racist mob attacks against Kurds in Turkey has increased significantly.
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Shcherbak, Vitalii. "Significant step in the formation of the pro-Turkish policy of hetman Petro Doroshenko." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 2 (2018): 42–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.2.4246.
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It is outlined in the article the level of political consciousness of the Cossack officers of the Zaporozhian Army in the second half of the 17 century. Summer 1665 Petro Doroshenko, experienced Cossak leader, became Hetman of Right-Bank Ukraine. He made great efforts to unite all ethnic Ukrainian lands into the one state. Hetman sought at the same time to find an understanding with both the Tsar of Moscow and the King of Rzecz Pospolita. However, their efforts for retaining the lands of the Zaporozhian Army, influenced on to the Doroshenko foreign policy vector. With the signing Andrusovo Truce between Moscovia and Rzecz Pospolita (Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) in January 1667, Hetman hopes to unite under his power both banks of the Dnieper became problematic. That’s why, he decided to cooperate with Ottoman Porte. Sultan Mehmed IV responded positively to the request of the Ukrainian hetman. The ongoing diplomatic contacts was culminated by the decision of Chyhyryn Cossack Council on 10 August 1668, of the begging of legal official relations. The project of Ukrainian-Turkish agreement clearly demonstrated the domination of the idea of own state under the rule of the Ottoman Porte in the political consciousness of the right-bank officers. First of all, it was stated that the new agreement had to continue the tradition launched by Bohdan Khmelnytskyi in its orientation to the Ottoman Empire. It contained a significant note, that Turkish troops, during hostilities in Ukraine, were unconditionally subordinated to Zaporozhian Army Hetman. Suzerain was forbidden to interfere in domestic Ukrainian affairs, in particular in a time Hetman elections. The Union should have been “a true friendship and consent”, on the sample treaty between Turkey and the Crimean Khanate. It was clearly defined boundaries of Ukrainian state and conditioned by the question under what circumstances Zaporizhzhya Army could go to break the treaty.
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Nadein-Raevskiy, V. A. "R.T. Erdogan as an Example of a Charismatic Politician." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 6 (February 28, 2018): 138–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-6-138-154.
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The article examines the process of formation of identity of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – a charismatic leader, an adept of “moderate Islamism” one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party. Historically strong centralized authority was always normal for Turkey and the need for Turks in the charismatic leaders is evident even at the present time. Erdogan is stubborn and consistent, thanking to religious education in his family and in religious Lyceum Imam Hatib. He was always religious and since his student years, joined Islamic politicians. In his student years he became the head of the Istanbul Youth organization of the Islamist National Salvation Party, in whose ranks and files he received good practice of a political organizer. The crisis in the ranks of the Islamists after repeated bans of the Islamist party led to a split in its ranks and Erdogan and his associates established the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Creating the AKP, Erdogan and his colleagues received a very important support from the well-known Muslim preacher, writer and philosopher Fethullah Gülen living in Pennsylvania (USA). The political support of Gülen who has millions of followers in Turkey and a well-organized educational system of the “Hizmet” Movement operating not only in Turkey but also in 140 countries helped the AKP to win the elections to the Turkish Parliament. Numerous graduates of private schools, colleges and universities of F. Gülen has occupied leading positions in business, police, juridical structures and the armed forces of Turkey and became supporters of Erdogan. Economic reforms of the AKP has substantially strengthened the Turkish economy, increased the income of the population and managed to cope successfully with inflation. On this ground Erdogan’s credibility consequently grew in the face of voters who saw him a successful leader and skilled politician. However, Erdogan gradually returned to the daily life of Turks the Islamic religion, which caused discontent among the supporters of secular development of the country. Repeated attempts to remove the AKP from power were not successful. Using strong support from F. Gülen’s structures in the judiciary, Erdogan managed to organize high-profile lawsuits against the army leadership, politicians, and journalists – supporters of secular development of the country. In a popular referendum, the army was excluded from influence on the political system of the country. However, constant criticism of the policies of Erdogan from the side of F. Gülen led to the crisis of union between the two leaders. Using the failed coup attempt Erdogan accused in its organization Fethullah Gülen and began a wide crackdown against his supporters.
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Двейрін, О. З., М. М. Воробйов, and С. В. Жданов. "АНАЛІЗ РОЗВИТКУ ВАЖКИХ БПАК В УКРАЇНІ НА ПРИКЛАДІ ПРОЕКТУ “ГОРЛИЦЯ”." Open Information and Computer Integrated Technologies, no. 94 (February 9, 2022): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32620/oikit.2021.94.02.
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Development of domestic UAVs with a takeoff weight of over 150 kg has been analized. A foreign example of the development of UAV is presented and estimated. A trend line for the development of foreign UAVs Class II (150 kg - 600 kg), Class III (>600 kg) in the period 2007-2021 has been revealed on the example of Turkey. The predicted development trend of the UAVs in Ukraine, based on the further development of the Gorlitsa project (ANTONOV SE), has been determined. This is a completely new, complex and promising direction in the development of weapons and military equipment. The project is a fully domestic cooperation of co-executors of the project in all components of the UAV. In 2016 more than 20 domestic UAVs passed the stage of defining departmental tests at the ranges of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the controlled operation of these UAVs in the army continues, the rest have already completed this operation, passed the procedure for putting into service, accepted for service, are mass-produced and supplied to the Army. A variant of the roadmap for the development of heavy UAVs in Ukraine for the period up to 2030 has been proposed.
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Kasimova, Irina Sayyarovna. "On Turkey's Policy to Solidify Its Presence in the Northern Territories of Syria." Islamovedenie 12, no. 3 (October 31, 2021): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2021-12-3-22-33.
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Turkey is one of the most active participants of the Syrian conflict that broke out in 2011. Among the priorities proclaimed by Ankara is the preservation of security and stability on the long Turkish-Syrian frontier that are under a long-term threat posed by the Syrian offshoots of the Kurdi-stan Workers' Party (PKK) recognized by Ankara as a terrorist organization. The article attempts to review and analyze the steps taken by Ankara to socially and economically restore the territories where the Turkish army, together with the armed Syrian opposition, held operations Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, and Source of Peace (2016–2019) and which, in actual fact, remain occupied. The author concludes that in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict and uncertainty around the political process to resolve the situation in the country, Turkey is carrying out systematic, compre-hensive work to expand its influence in the Northern Syrian territories which is not always approved by the local population. Close historical and geographical ties between the peoples of the two states, a unifying factor of Islamic faith and Muslim values have become one of the prerequisite for Anka-ra's “successful” policy in the north of Syria.
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Leković, Jakub. "USTAVNI DIZAJN POLOŽAJA PREDSEDNIKA REPUBLIKE TURSKE." Glasnik prava XII, no. 2 (December 2021): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/gp.1202.037l.
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The constitutional reforms of 2017 in the Republic of Turkey continued with the noticeable tendency of strengthening the executive power embodied in the institution of the head of state. Finally, this institution is constitutionally designed in a form that provokes significant debates in the legal and political public, which makes the subject interest even more provocative and attractive. The paper tries to present the understanding of the existing system of government in Turkey with the dominant position of the institution of the President of the Republic. In order to complete the objective notion of central research, it is first necessary to analyze the development of recent Turkish constitutional history during this century and explore the personal element of the institution of the head of state recognizable in the current president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. In order to fully master the problem in question, it is necessary to pay appropriate attention to the institution of the army. Finally, the concluding epilogue of the conducted research can be a contribution to the discussions on the qualification of the type of government system of the state in question.
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Ahmedova, E. R. "EXPANDING THE POWERS OF THE TURKEY’S PRESIDENT: NEW LEGAL ORDER AND ITS CONSEQUENCES." Constitutional State, no. 42 (July 7, 2021): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2411-2054.2021.42.232406.
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The article provides a comparative legal analysis of the articles of the Constitution of Turkey in 1982 and amendments to it in the executive branch, which were submitted to the national referendum of Turkey in 2017. The consequences of the constitutional reform on the further democratic development of Turkey are analyzed, as well as the possible transformation of Turkey into a country with an authoritarian form of government. The article examines the work of Turkish and foreign researchers on the impact of the new political system on the independence of all branches of government, and analyzes the international legal position of the European Union on constitutional changes in the context of fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria for Turkey’s membership in the European Union and the possibility of closing negotiations on Turkey’s accession to the European Union. It is stated that under the 1982 constitution, Turkey was a parliamentary republic in which real power belonged to the head of government, and the country’s president performed mainly representative functions. The latest amendments to Turkey’s basic law were made after a referendum on September 12, 2010 to bring it in line with European Union standards. The referendum began the demilitarization of the 1982 constitution and changed the foundations of Turkish statehood, laid in the 1920s by the founder of the Turkish Republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. In particular, the influence of the army on the political and social life of the country has decreased. It is said that by applying draconian laws and judicial repression the President seeks to reduce the influence of the democratic opposition, which will not have the courage or ability to challenge the growing authoritarianism in the country. For this reason, the party’s legal regime combines the full subordination of the judiciary to the executive with a combination of strategies to use judicial repression to demobilize all sources of opposition and to suppress any possible alternatives within the current political bloc.
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Karabulut, Niyazi, and Önder Kutlu. "An Analysis on Changing Security Policies of Turkey after the July 15th Coup Attempt." Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 10, no. 1 (December 26, 2020): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v10i1.3213.
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Turkey's security policies have been largely a result of its historical and political experiences. The July 15th (2016) coup attempt indicates a turning point in Turkey's security policies as it has been strategically important in shaping the political, structural, and bureaucratic structure of the country. A number of reasons would be mentioned in this account. The failed attempt reiterated the need for making swift reforms in its institutionalization and capacity-building with regard to security priorities. As a result, Turkey has got to make certain reforms on its security strategies and state structure. Elimination of the members and elements of the Fetullahist Terrorist Organization (FETO) initiating the coup attempt have become the first priority at the list. Secondly, dismissal of the personnel from nearly every state and government agency has been the second measure. Finally, certain reforms have been implemented in re-structuring the state, the army, and security organizations alike. This paper aims to present and eventually interpret the changes on the security policies of Turkey after the July 15th coup attempt; then the policies are analyzed through the reports produced by think tank organizations. Among these, the relevant reports of İstanbul Policy Center (IPC) and SETA are examined in order to analyze possible effects of the changes, and a contingency analysis is done through those reports. The main purpose of the study is to analyze how Turkey changed its security policies and what are the concurrent results of these changes. Having done so, this study purposes to reveal pros and cons of the changes together with pertinent solutions and suggestions. Consequently, the findings of Turkey would have the prospect to draw lessons for other nations and systems to learn.
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Bogomolov, Igor K. "A “sick man” on a sinking ship: The image of Turkey in the Russian press during the First World War." Imagologiya i komparativistika, no. 18 (2022): 323–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/24099554/18/16.
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The article examines the development of the image of Turkey in the Russian press in 1914-1918. Perceiving the Ottoman Empire as a minor power with a weak army, Russian newspapers and magazines took into account the great strategic and political significance of the new Russian-Turkish war in solving Russia’s “historical tasks” in the Black and Mediterranean Seas. Periodicals of different orientations assessed the significance of the new Russian-Turkish war in different ways. For the conservative press, this was primarily the return of the “cross to St. Sophia”, the return of the Orthodox tsar to Constantinople. The liberal press paid more attention to the economic opportunities from the capture of the Straits. However, for both of them, the victory in the war was perceived as a natural result of the Russian-Turkish confrontation and symbolized the final “expulsion” of Turkey from Europe. In a broader sense, this meant the expulsion of Aziatchina [Asianism] from the “civilization” area. This reasoning was facilitated by major victories on the Caucasian Front (as opposed to the main front in Europe) and regular reports from official sources (Petrograd Telegraph Agency, General Staff) about the socio-economic and political crisis in the Ottoman Empire. The condescending attitude, the underestimation of the combat capability of the Turkish army and Turkey’s resistance to a protracted war prevailed. In many ways, therefore, the Caucasian Front remained secondary, although victory in this theater made it possible to open the Straits and receive large consignments of weapons and ammunition from the Western allies. In 1917, the “dream of Tsargrad,” tacitly proclaimed as the main goal of Russia in the world war, became one of the key factors in the political crisis. In the socialist press, Constantinople and the Straits became the personification of Russian imperialism and the cause of the deaths of millions of soldiers, the impoverishment of the people, and the depletion of the economy. Against this background, the image of Turkey underwent tangible changes. The conservative press developed the image of Turkey as an “Eastern despotism,” a historically doomed autocracy. In fact, it became a new ideological frame for the old military goals of Russia in the world war. The social democratic press turned more to the suffering of ordinary Turks, who were forced to shed blood for goals they did not know. The commonality of the fate of the Turkish and Russian peoples in their long and difficult struggle with the autocracy for the establishment of democracy was emphasized. The economic and political crisis in Russia actually led the second point of view to victory, which influenced the general course of the Russian Revolution. The author declares no conflicts of interests.