Journal articles: 'Army History Civil War'

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Bardolph, Richard, and Robert I. Alotta. "Civil War Justice: Union Army Executions under Lincoln." Journal of Southern History 56, no. 4 (November 1990): 762. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210963.

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Robertson, James I., Robert I. Alotta, Prisons., Bernhard Domschcke, and Frederic Trautmann. "Civil War Justice: Union Army Executions under Lincoln." Journal of Military History 53, no. 4 (October 1989): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986112.

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Sevastyanov, Aleksandr Nikitich. "Youth of the Civil War: history in fates." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2201-06.

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Working with award lists, orders and announcements of the High Command of the White Army, I suddenly came across a very peculiar set of documents concerning the participation of children and youth in the Civil War on the side of the whites. A characteristic feature of the White resistance, which began immediately after the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks in October 1917, from the very beginning was the massive participation of young people - pupils of military school, cadets, gymnasium students, high school and university students. Throughout the Civil War, the White Army constantly experienced a shortage of fighters and problems with mobilizing the population. Many documents that I came across in the course of my searches tell about this. In the orders of the commander-in-chief, in the reports of the officers, much is said about irreplaceable losses, difficulties of the new conscription, and melting of military contingents. The article reveals the tragedy of Russia, which survived a fratricidal war, and shows the fate of those who were able to return to productive work in Soviet times. The materials of the article, based on archival documents, make it possible to comprehend with renewed vigor the dramatic events of the early 20th century in Russia.

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Barth, Aaron L. "Imagining a Battlefield at a Civil War Mistake." Public Historian 35, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 72–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2013.35.3.72.

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In early September of 1863, Alfred Sully’s command engaged a Dakota encampment at Whitestone Hill in southeastern North Dakota, and the U.S. Army killed 150 to 300 Native men, women and children. In the first decade of the twentieth century, North Dakota Congressman Thomas Marshall and the Grand Army of the Republic erected a Civil War “battlefield” monument at Whitestone Hill. The term “battlefield” reflects the political interpretation of an elite minority, and it has persistently shirked and slighted Whitestone Hill’s multivocal majority.

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Swanson, Guy R., and Philip Katcher. "The Army of Northern Virginia: Lee's Army in the American Civil War, 1861-1865." Journal of Southern History 70, no. 4 (November 1, 2004): 930. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648599.

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Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. "Prisoner Number 600,001: Rethinking Japan, China, and the Korean War 1950–1953." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 2 (March 24, 2015): 411–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814002253.

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Among more than 100,000 prisoners captured by United Nations forces in the Korean War, there was just one Japanese prisoner of war (POW). Matsushita Kazutoshi, Prisoner Number 600,001, had served in the Japanese army in China, both Nationalist and Communist armies in the Chinese Civil War, and in the Chinese People's Volunteers in North Korea, and was to end his military career in the ranks of the South Korean army. Using his forgotten story as a prism, this article explores neglected transborder dimensions of the Korean War. It argues the need to pay closer attention to the historical continuities linking the Asia-Pacific War and Chinese Civil War to the Korean War; it reconsiders the nature of Japan's connections to the conflict in Korea and reconceptualizes the UN POW camps as sites of ongoing Chinese and Korean civil wars.

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Conner, Matthew. "Minstrel-Soldiers: The Construction of African-American Identity in the Union Army." Prospects 26 (October 2001): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000892.

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The Emancipation of Slaves during the Civil War is celebrated as the pivotal event in African-American history. But this act overshadows another milestone of the war: the mass recruitment of blacks into the Union Army. Although blacks had fought alongside white soldiers since the colonial era, the Civil War was the first conflict in which blacks were enlisted in large numbers and recognized as regular soldiers in the army. By the war's end, black soldiers numbered 180,000 men and contributed crucially to the Union victory.

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Anagnostopoulou, Margaret Poulos. "From Heroines to Hyenas: Women Partisans during the Greek Civil War." Contemporary European History 10, no. 3 (October 26, 2001): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777301003083.

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The participation of women in armed combat was arguably the most striking feature of the Greek Civil War (1946–9). The advent of civil conflict marked a shift in the gendered division of military labour, as the female ‘novelty’ soldier of the earlier Resistance period (1941–4) gave way to the fully integrated female combatant. This article seeks to examine the circumstances which lead to such high levels of female representation within the ranks of the partisan army (the Greek Democratic Army), but also to explore the symbolic functions of this volatile imagery in the context of intense struggles to define Greek national culture and identity.

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Tyumentsev, Igor. "The Last Battles of the Civil War in the Far Eastern Republic (On the Memoirs of I.A. Makhanov)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2022): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.4.15.

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Introduction. The published material contains a fragment of the memoirs of I.A. Makhanov, an employee of the artillery department of the People’s Revolutionary Army of the Far Eastern Republic. The text of the memoirs is kept in a manuscript in a single copy in the personal archive of the author’s son and has not been published yet. The publication has been prepared on the base of modern methods of source study and archeography. Archaeographic notes are provided in footnotes. In the comments to the text, reference data on geographical names, personalities, events mentioned in the memoirs are given. Analysis. As a participant in the Civil War in the Far East, I.A. Makhanov made interesting descriptions of the battles at the In and Olgokhta stations – the final battles of the People’s Revolutionary Army of the Far Eastern Republic against the last military formations of the White Army. Memoirs of I.A. Makhanov are an important and informative source on the history of the final stage of the Civil War in Russia. Results. The scientific publication of memoirs gives opportunity to introduce significant clarifications in the prevailing ideas about the end of the Civil War and the establishment of Soviet power in the Far East. Key words: The Civil War in Russia, the Far Eastern People’s Republic, the artillery department of the People’s Army, the end of the Civil War, memoirs of I.A. Makhanov.

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Nazarenko, Kirill. "The Number of Russian Naval Officers during the Civil War." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 3 (2022): 749–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.305.

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The article presents some conclusions of a research project on the mass prosopographic analysis of the “old” (mainly commissioned before October 1917) Russian naval officers during the Civil War (1917–1922) — primarily, it concerns the number of representatives of this category in the Red Fleet and in the main white groups. The article outlines the main historiography and a range of problems researchers face: the objective lack of sources; the complex and changeable structure of naval officership; different approaches of the Reds and the Whites to the concept of “officer” or “person of the command staff”; the continuation of appointment to officers by white governments; transfers to the fleet from the land army. The hypothesis put forward by the author of this article in 2007 on this issue — that about 80 % of the “old” navy officers served with the Reds during the Civil War — is being revised. The conclusion is that about 42 % of the “old” navy officers served during the Civil War only in the Red Army; up to 24 % of officers served at least for some time in various white formations; and about 34 % of officers evaded participation in the Civil War. Conclusions are drawn about the number of “old” naval officers in the main white formations. For the first time in historiography, the composition of the Corps of Naval Officers (as part of Armed Forces of South Russia) is described.

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Marco, Jorge. "Transnational Soldiers and Guerrilla Warfare from the Spanish Civil War to the Second World War." War in History 27, no. 3 (September 20, 2018): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518761212.

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This article analyses how military institutions incorporated innovations in their tactics using the intermediary role of transnational soldiers in the Spanish Civil War. The Soviet experience of guerrilla warfare during the Russian Civil War was transferred to foreign volunteers during the war in Spain thanks to the collaboration of Soviet experts advising the Spanish Republican Army. After the war, these soldiers’ knowledge and experience of guerrilla warfare were invaluable to the Allied Armies during the Second World War. This article analyses the role of International Brigaders in the OSS in the USA, North Africa, and Europe during the Second World War.

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Hogue, James K., Campbell Brown, and Terry L. Jones. "Campbell Brown's Civil War: With Ewell and the Army of Northern Virginia." Journal of Southern History 70, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648363.

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David Anderson. "Dying of Nostalgia: Homesickness in the Union Army during the Civil War." Civil War History 56, no. 3 (2010): 247–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2010.0001.

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Irvin, Michael P. "Engineering Victory: How Technology Won the Civil War by Thomas F. Army." Civil War History 63, no. 3 (2017): 322–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2017.0040.

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Sudiro, Suryo, Sayit Abdul Karim, and Juhansar Juhansar. "US CIVIL WAR MENURUT FORREST CARTER." Adabiyyāt: Jurnal Bahasa dan Sastra 4, no. 1 (June 7, 2020): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ajbs.2020.04106.

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A novel may reflect the political interests and actions of the author. The author can make a story that is purposed to alter common consciousness. This article uses historicism as an interpretation theory. Historicism is used to avoid careless interpretation. With historicism, the story written in the novel is matched with historical events written in some history books. Forrest Carter writes a lot about US Civil War. He, in purpose, does not write about slavery that is commonly read as the cause of the US Civil War. He writes a lot about the murder of women and children by the northern US army soldiers in southern districts. He also writes a lot about the cooperation of his white character with a Cherokee. Above all written by Forrest Carter, the influence of his life and his political interests are seen.

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Reid, Richard M. "BLACK EXPERIENCE IN THE UNION ARMY: THE OTHER CIVIL WAR." Canadian Review of American Studies 21, no. 2 (September 1990): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras-021-02-01.

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Townshend, Charles. "Military Force and Civil Authority in the United Kingdom, 1914–1921." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1989): 262–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385937.

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If liberal England died strangely, no moment in its passing was more bizarre than the close encounter it experienced between the army and a political system from which the military had been banished since the seventeenth century. Habitually all but invisible at home, confining its exploits to lands without the law, and maintaining a political silence equal—though in easier circumstances—to that of the neighboring grande muette, the British army moved to the center of the public stage. It obtained a popular following. This was not merely the result of Britain's involvement in world war. Manifestations of popular militarism, albeit sporadic or marginal, were evident in the later nineteenth century. The second Boer War accelerated a shift in social attitudes. Hostility to “pro-Boers,” if not beginning to resemble the hysteria of 1914, adumbrated the response of a shaken community temporarily recovering cohesion through warlike solidarity. Most public energy was expended in mafficking, but vocal groups continued to campaign for national efficiency and universal military service. The scout movement was the precipitant of a considerable mass sentiment, solidarized by suspicion of Germany and giving back a faint but clear echo of the leagues formed to support the expansion of the German army and navy.Yet if a novel enthusiasm was eroding traditional aversion to the army, it was scarcely capable of creating a public tolerance for its involvement in domestic affairs. Unlike the navy, whose nature more or less precluded its domestic employment, the army was a suspect weapon. The cultivation of nonpolitical professionalism represented in part a functional response to such public suspicion. Modern major generals would not think of doing what their Cromwellian predecessors had done.

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Tombs, Robert. "Paris and the Rural Hordes: an Exploration of Myth and Reality in the French Civil War of 1871." Historical Journal 29, no. 4 (December 1986): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00019051.

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On 2 April 1871, soon after the echoes of cannon fire had died away over Neuilly and Courbevoie in the first engagement of the civil war, the executive commission of the revolutionary Paris commune drafted an angry proclamation:The royalist conspirators have attacked! Despite the moderation of our attitude they have attacked! No longer able to count on the French army, they have attacked with the pontifical zouaves and imperial police…This morning, Charette's Chouans, Cathelineau's Vendéens, Trochu's Bretons, flanked by Valentin's gendarmes…embarked on civil war against our National Guards.

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Burton, William L., and William J. Miller. "The Training of an Army: Camp Curtin and the North's Civil War." Journal of American History 78, no. 1 (June 1991): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078170.

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GRAHAM, AARON. "FINANCE, LOCALISM, AND MILITARY REPRESENTATION IN THE ARMY OF THE EARL OF ESSEX (JUNE–DECEMBER 1642)." Historical Journal 52, no. 4 (November 6, 2009): 879–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990343.

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ABSTRACTWork on the ‘county community’ during the English Civil War, and tensions between centre and periphery, has focused exclusively upon forms of political and cultural representation. However, this article argues that local communities also sought to achieve agency within the wider war effort by lobbying for military representation. In return for financial contributions, supporters wanted an ‘interest’ in the units they raised, mainly through control over the nomination of officers. The history of the army of the earl of Essex between June and December 1642 indicates the financial consequences of neglecting such military representation. Its structure dissolved particularist interests, orientating the army towards the pursuit of a national strategy, but this gave local supporters no confidence that their concerns were being represented. The result was an assertion of localism, a decline in donations, and a financial crisis within the army.

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Zhuravlev, N. N. "Vladimir Strekopytov. The Rebel Commander." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 2 (2021): 370–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.205.

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The article explores of the life and work of one participant in the White movement, Vladimir Strekopytov. Born in Tula and a staff captain in World War I, in March 1919 Strekopytov led the anti-Bolshevik uprising of the Red Army in Gomel. For a long time, the events of the Gomel anti-Bolshevik uprising, known as the “Strekopytovsky rebellion”, remained a little-known and unexplored event of the Civil War. Despite the fact that, in the first years of Soviet power, a number of publications based on recollections of participants in those dramatic events had come out, many facts related to the uprising remained outside the scope of study. The scantiest information has been preserved about the leader of the insurgents: the name by which the uprising entered historiography, and the mention that he was a former officer. The real name of the leader of the Gomel uprising became known thanks to researchers from Estonia, who opened an investigation into participants of the Gomel uprising at the end of the last century. In the history of Russian Civil War, the Tula detachment that he led made an unprecedented defection from the Red Army to the White Army. He made his way from Gomel, through Ukraine, Poland, and the Baltic states and joined the North-Western Army under General Yudenitch. After the disbandment of the North-Western Army in February 1920, he headed the Tula workers’ artel in Estonia, in which he gathered former members of his detachment. Vladimir Strekopytov lived in exile in Estonia and was engaged in social activities. After the unification of Estonia with the USSR, he was arrested by the NKVD in 1940 and executed in April 1941.

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Epstein, Robert M. "The Creation and Evolution of the Army Corps in the American Civil War." Journal of Military History 55, no. 1 (January 1991): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986127.

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Steven J. Ramold, Ph D. "Engineering Victory: How Technology Won the Civil War by Thomas F. Army, Jr." Michigan Historical Review 42, no. 2 (2016): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mhr.2016.0036.

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Krick, Robert K. "Campbell Brown's Civil War: With Ewell and the Army of Northern Virginia (review)." Civil War History 50, no. 1 (2004): 92–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2004.0015.

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Morozova, Olga M., and Tatiana I. Troshina. "The State of Military Medicine during the Russian Civil War." RUDN Journal of Russian History 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2022): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2022-21-1-109-119.

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Along with the analysis of military strategy and tactics and of the ideological component of the struggle, the history of the Russian Civil War can also be studied with regard to the supporting factors in the opposing camps. The present article is based on the study of sanitary-medical services of the Red Army and the armies of the White Movement. Under war conditions, the boundary between military and civil medicine was blurred, as we are talking about a domestic war that coincided with several major epidemics. The personnel as well as the organizational forms and practices of medical care went back to the experiences of World War I. At the outbreak of the war the armed formations competed with each other to attract specialists to their ranks. Members of the medical community thus had to decide which side to serve - a choice that some made consciously and others situationally. At the beginning of the war, the Whites had an advantage regarding medical personnel; by the end of the war, the Bolsheviks had managed to rectify this situation. The Whites adopted the experience of World War I, assigning public organizations a special role in supplying the army. The Reds, in contrast, sought to match the revolutionary spirit of the era by encouraging initiative. This they combined with a fairly tight control of their services, creating a centralized system from the outset. The analysis of how the warrying parties organized their military medical-sanitary services can thus add new insights to our understanding of why the Bolsheviks achieved victory in the Civil War.

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Angevine, Robert G. "Thomas F. Army Jr. Engineering Victory: How Technology Won the Civil War." American Historical Review 123, no. 3 (May 30, 2018): 955–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/123.3.955.

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Silverstein, Josef. "Civil War and Rebellion in Burma." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1990): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400001983.

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1988 was unlike any other year in Burma's short history as an independent nation. It began quietly, but erupted into a revolution for democracy and change which failed when the army violently restored its dictatorship; it ended quietly, but with the people living in fear under a military determined not to be challenged openly again. During this same period, while the world focused on Rangoon, the minorities continued to pursue a civil war which some have been fighting for the past forty years, hopeful that the changing situation in Burma's heartland would effect their struggles because both they, and the Burmans who rose in revolt, have the same enemy and seek the same ends — a peaceful and democratic Burma. Both looked to and sought help from the free nations of the world who spoke out vigorously when the rebellion began but whose voices either have been lowered or even stilled since the military made clear that it would decide the time and degree of change; only the U.S. continued to hold the high moral ground in support of the rebellion but its actions hardly matched its rhetoric.

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Logue, Larry M., and Peter Blanck. "“Benefit of the Doubt”: African-American Civil War Veterans and Pensions." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 38, no. 3 (January 2008): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.38.3.377.

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Laws that provided pensions for Union army veterans were putatively color-blind, but whites and African Americans experienced the pension system differently. Black veterans were less likely to apply for pensions during the program's early years. Yet, no matter when they applied, they encountered two stages of bias, first from examining physicians and then, far more systematically, from Pension Bureau reviewers. The evidence suggests that pension income reduced mortality among African-American veterans, underscoring the tangible results of justice denied.

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Bjerström, Carl-Henrik. "Entrenching Democracy: Education and Cultural Participation in the Spanish Republican Army, 1936–1939." European History Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2020): 438–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420933490.

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This article examines the mobilizing and legitimizing function of educational and cultural activities in the Spanish Republican Army during the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939. Education and cultural participation played a crucial role in the Republican government’s attempts to co-opt left-wing revolutionary forces emboldened by the war and unite antagonistic constituencies in an inclusive, government-led war effort. Such attempts converged on the construction of a new conscript army, where investment in education was not solely a matter of military expediency but also a means to implement, in the crucible of war, important aspects of a reform programme initiated with the proclamation of the Spanish Second Republic in 1931. Consequently, the Republican Army did not only serve as the Republic’s armed defence force but also as a laboratory of political education in which both civil and military authorities could negotiate, articulate and disseminate new notions of Republican citizenship. Drawing primarily on army records and trench journals from the Army of the Centre, the article shows how Republican educators and cultural workers employed a diverse range of techniques to deliver a reform programme designed to profoundly change Spanish politics and society. It also examines largely neglected questions of reception. Where soldiers’ engagement was forthcoming, educational activities could equip individuals with experiences and skills that were – and were understood to be – empowering. Yet in quantitative terms, rank-and-file engagement with educational activities was uneven and often quite limited. Contextual factors on all levels – international, national and local – impacted in various ways on soldiers’ educational and cultural participation, but ultimately it was the impending defeat of the Republic that undermined most soldiers’ willingness to engage. As a positive progressive vision of a future Republic faded among the debris of destroyed buildings, enthusiasm for a Republican educational programme inevitably faded too.

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Harp, Gillis. "Hofstadter's The Age of Reform and the Crucible of the Fifties." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 2 (April 2007): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400001973.

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In December 1954, the United States Senate voted 67-22 to censure the junior senator from Wisconsin. Joe McCarthy had been drawing increasing criticism for his bullying tactics in ferreting out alleged communists and communist sympathizers within the federal civil service and elsewhere. In the wake of the Army-McCarthy hearings of the preceding spring (and especially after the dramatic televised confrontation with Army counsel Joseph Welch), the tide of public opinion finally turned against McCarthy. Still, his demagogic campaign had ruined the careers of scores of American citizens, from civil servants to artists, and had raised disturbing questions about room for political dissent within a democracy during the height of the Cold War.

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Sholeye, Yusuf, and Amal Madibbo. "Religious Humanitarianism and the Evolution of Sudan People’s Liberation Army (1990-2005)." Political Crossroads 24, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.7459/pc/24.1.03.

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During the Cold War, military and economic tensions between the US and the Soviet Union shaped the process of war in conflict regions in different parts of the world. The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s reshaped the balance of power in global politics, as new actors appeared on the global scene and global foreign policy shifted to mediating and providing humanitarian assistance in conflict regions zones. Humanitarianism became the method of conflict resolution, which provided humanitarian organizations, especially the religious ones among them, with the opportunity to have more influence in the outcomes of sociopolitical events occurring in the world. These dynamics impacted conflicts in Africa, especially within Sudan. This is because that era coincided with Sudan’s Second Civil War (1983-2005) between the Sudan People Liberation Army (SPLA) and the Government of Sudan (GofS). During the Cold War, both the US and Russia intervened in the civil war in Sudan by providing military and economic assistance to different parties, but, again, in the post-Cold War era humanitarianism was used in relation to the civil war. Transnational religious organizations provided humanitarian assistance in the war-torn and drought-afflicted regions in Southern Sudan, and sought to help implement peace initiatives to end the war. The organizations included Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), a consortium of UN agencies and NGOs1 which was created in 1989. In addition, transnational religious groups based in the United States and Canada such as the Christian Solidarity International (CSI), the Canadian Crossroads, Catholic Relief Service, Mennonite Central Committee and the Lutheran Church got involved in humanitarian relief in Sudan. The global focus on religious humanitarianism extended to Southern Sudan as the New Sudan Council of Churches (NSCC) was founded in 1989-1990 to coordinate the humanitarian assistance. Because SPLA has led the civil war on behalf of Southern Sudan and had suzerainty over territories there, the humanitarian organizations had to build relationships with the SPLA to deliver relief through Southern Sudan and negotiate peace initiatives. This article analyzes how the transnational activities of the religious humanitarian groups shaped the evolution of SPLA from 1990 to 2005, with a particular focus on the US and Canadian organizations. We will see that the organizations influenced SPLA in a manner that impacted the civil war both in positive and negative ways. The organizations were ambivalent as, on one hand, they aggravated the conflict and, on the other hand influenced the development of both Church and non-Church related peace initiatives. Their humanitarian work was intricate as the civil war itself became more complex due to political issues that involved slavery, and oil extraction in Southern Sudan by US and Canadian multinational oil companies. All the parties involved took action to help end the civil war, but they all sought to serve their own interests, which jeopardized the possibility of a lasting peace. Thus, the interpretation of that history provides ways to help solve the current armed conflict in South Sudan.

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Nelson, Scott Reynolds. "Grand Army of Labor: Workers, Veterans, and the Meaning of the Civil War." Journal of American History 109, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 669–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaac390.

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Bunk, Brian D. "James Matthews. Reluctant Warriors: Republican Popular Army and Nationalist Army Conscripts in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (April 2014): 632. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.632.

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Altschuler, Glenn C. "John H. Matsui. The First Republican Army: The Army of Virginia and the Radicalization of the Civil War." American Historical Review 123, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/123.1.229.

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Strle, Urška. "K razumevanju ženskega dela v veliki vojni." Contributions to Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (October 15, 2015): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.2.06.

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UNDERSTANDING WOMEN'S WORK DURING THE GREAT WARThe article deals with the intersection of war economy and women's workforce during World War I and pays a special attention to the Slovenian population. Using a variety of sources, the author tries to synthesise the generalities and specifics of the women’s involvement into the war economy in the so-called Slovenian lands. War economy is understood in the broadest sense and includes not only armament and war-related production, but also the acute issue of supplies for the military and civil sphere.The economic role of the Slovenian lands, peripheral within the Habsburg Monarchy, and the social structure of the Slovenian population profoundly affected the way how women were being included into the activities at the home front. The author argues that the sensational images from Western Europe, presenting a massive inclusion of women into the war industry, are not typical for the Slovenian space. However, the role of women in the war economy should not be underestimated, for they represented the majority of economically active population, supporting not only the civil society but also the army.

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Utas, Mats, and Magnus Jörgel. "The West Side Boys: military navigation in the Sierra Leone civil war." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 3 (August 18, 2008): 487–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003388.

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ABSTRACTThe West Side Boys were one of several military actors in the Sierra Leonean civil war (1991–2002). A splinter group of the army, the WSB emerged as a key player in 1999–2000. In most Western media accounts, the WSB appeared as nothing more than renegade, anarchistic bandits, devoid of any trace of long-term goals. By contrast, this article aims to explain how the WSB used well-devised military techniques in the field; how their history and military training within the Sierra Leone army shaped their notion of themselves and their view of what they were trying to accomplish; and, finally, how military commanders and politicians employed the WSB as a tactical instrument in a larger map of military and political strategies. It is in the politics of a military economy that this article is grounded.

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Adams, George W., and CARL T. WISE. "Doctors in Blue: The Medical History of the Union Army in the Civil War." Nursing History Review 7, no. 1 (January 1999): 191–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1062-8061.7.1.191.

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Kautz, Barbara Hesselman. "The Army’s First School of Nursing and Its Influence on Nursing Education." Creative Nursing 20, no. 4 (2014): 265–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1078-4535.20.4.265.

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The history of the Army School of Nursing, from its origins during the Civil War to its second iteration in the war in Vietnam, includes events and decisions that had far-reaching effects on nursing education in the United States. For the first time, apprenticeship and on-the-job training were replaced by personal instruction from dedicated clinical educators, freeing staff nurses to care for their patients.

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Sysoeva, A. V. "«THE THEME OF THE CIVIL WAR CANNOT BE MOVED TO THE ARCHIVES»: CONCERNING THE ATTITUDE OF LARAN (LBB) TO MAXIM GORKIJ’S PUBLISHING PROJECT." Russkaya literatura 1 (2021): 206–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/0131-6095-2021-1-206-213.

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The article deals with the interactions between the Literary Association of the Red Army and Navy (Leningrad Baltic Branch) and Gorkij’s publishing project «History of the Civil War»: the critics and the heads of the branch encouraged its other members to support the project, but moved no further to achieve a result. The situation seemed to have emerged from their predominant interest in exploring the theme of the modern army and navy.

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Watson, James R. "Resuscitation and Surgery for Soldiers of the American Civil War (1861–1865)." Journal of the World Association for Emergency and Disaster Medicine 1, no. 1 (1985): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00032830.

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On June 2, 1862, William A. Hammond, Surgeon General of the United States Army, announced the intention of his office to collect material for the publication of a “Medical and Surgical History of the War of the Rebellion (1861–1865)” (1), usually called the Civil War of the United States of America, or the War Between the Union (the North; the Federal Government) and the Confederacy of the Southern States. Forms for the monthly “Returns of Sick and Wounded” were reviewed, corrected and useful data compiled from these “Returns” and from statistics of the offices of the Adjutant General (payroll) and Quartermaster General (burial of decreased soldiers).

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Morozova, Olga M., and Tatyana I. Troshina. "Bodies of Transitional Power at the Final Stage of the Civil War." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 3 (2021): 771–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.306.

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The article is grounded on the research based on a large set of documents stored in the central and regional archives of the Russian Federation and neighboring countries. The authors have formulated a research question concerning identification of the common features in the process of restoration of the Soviet power on the outskirts of the country during the last stage of the Civil War. The article draws on the material spanning a short period between the retreat of the whites (in the territory of Arkhangelsk province, the Don and Tersk regions, Kuban, Dagestan) and liquidation of governing bodies of the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic and entrance of the Red Army units. If before January-February 1920, the “whites” retreated with battles, then a preventive retreat ensued, and a regime of interstate power was established in the territory they left behind. The article reveals two scenarios on the eve of the reunification of the peripheral territories with the central Bolshevik power. It was quite rare that the area was abandoned without power and order. Usually, the consolidated democratic society either intercepted power from the weakened hands of the white administration or took over the reins of power from the command of the withdrawing White army in an organized manner. Temporary transitional authorities usually included representatives of socialist parties, non-partisan public, and trade unions. But in practice, this process had a distinct regional specificity influenced by the local palette of political forces, in the configuration that had developed before the Civil War. This phenomenon was very poorly reflected in the synchronous historical sources, so along with such miraculously preserved separate documents, personal evidence collected during the early Soviet memorial campaigns formed the basis for the study.

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Figes, Orlando. "THE RED ARMY AND MASS MOBILIZATION DURING THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR 1918–1920." Past and Present 129, no. 1 (1990): 168–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/129.1.168.

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JACKSON, M. W. "The Army of Strangers: The International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 32, no. 1 (April 7, 2008): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1986.tb00344.x.

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Jürgenson, Aivar. "Kodusõja sündmustest Abhaasia eesti asundustes 1918–21." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal 173, no. 3/4 (October 18, 2021): 335–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2020.3-4.06.

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This article analyses events in the Estonian villages of Abkhazia during the Russian Civil War in 1918–21. The source material used is diverse. First, handwritten texts from two archives: the collection of Jakob Nerman preserved at the Estonian History Museum, and the collection of Samuel Sommer preserved at the Cultural History Archive of the Estonian Literary Museum. Both collections contain handwritten memoirs, chronicles, letters, etc. of Estonians in Abkhazia. In connection with diplomatic and consular matters, the author uses documents from the Estonian National Archives. The introduction of these materials into circulation has been hindered so far for various reasons. During the Soviet era, objective analysis of the topic was impossible for ideological reasons. A discussion of the events of the Civil War took place in the Bolshevik Estonian press published in Russia in the 1930s, but it was conducted in the context of class struggle and distorted the facts. Forty years later, the historian Lembit Võime analysed the events of the Civil War in Caucasian Estonian settlements: first in an article published in 1973, and later in a monograph on Estonians in Abkhazia published in 1980. Like the authors of the 1930s, Võime emphasised that Estonian settlers fought for Soviet rule on the Black Sea coast in 1918– 20. The author adhered to the Soviet-era tradition of describing almost all anti-Denikin movements in the Caucasus as revolutionary. Actually, most of the Estonian settlers of that time wanted to protect their homes and did not want to join the Russian Whites or Reds. There is no reason to interpreet the so-called green movement on the Black Sea coast that many Estonians joined as pro-Soviet. In 1974, an overview of the events of that time was published by the exiled Estonian authors Harald Kikas and Jüri Remmelgas, which used Võime’s article from 1973 as a source. For political reasons, Estonians in exile could not use the materials in the Estonian archives. Hence, there is no study to date that uses all available material on the events of the Civil War in Estonian settlements in the Caucasus. A number of Estonian settlements were formed in Abkhazia in the 1880s. During the Civil War from 1918 to 1921, Estonians came into contact with various military forces: Georgian Mensheviks, Russian Bolsheviks, the Volunteer Army of General Denikin, and Abkhaz national forces in cooperation with Abkhaz diaspora fighters. When the Germans, who supported the Georgian Mensheviks, withdrew from the war, a British military mission took their place and sought to mobilise anti-Bolshevik forces for cooperation, but without much success. The villages of Estonia (the village of that name in the Caucasus), Upper and Lower Linda near Sukhumi were located in territory that was controlled by the Georgian occupation forces for practically the whole period of the Civil War, from the first half of 1918 until March of 1921, when the Red Army occupied the area. Despite constant war requisitions, this period passed relatively quietly for these villages. But the situation was quite different in the villages of Salme and Sulevi in northern Abkhazia, which changed hands several times between 1918 and 1921: first the Bolsheviks, then the Georgian Mensheviks and the Voluntary Army, then the Green Army and finally the Red Army. Several battles in and around the villages of Salme and Sulevi, punitive actions carried out by the Whites, and raids conducted by marauding band of local Armenians who cooperated with the Russian Whites forced Estonians to flee from their villages, to shelter in other Estonian villages around Sukhum, and sometimes to seize weapons and seek cooperation with armed units formed by other inhabitants of the region. The neutraal zone that was established at the request of the British military mission was unable to secure peace in the region. In these difficult circumstances, the proclamation of the Republic of Estonia on 24 February 1918 had an important meaning for local Estonians. A new dimension had emerged, and Estonia had been transformed from the cultural motherland into a political guarantee for local Estonians. Estonian committees and councils were established in many parts of the territory of the former Czarist state to issue Estonian passports to save Estonians from the Civil War between the Reds, Whites, and others. This was also the case in the southern Caucasus. Starting in December of 1918, the Tiflis Estonian People’s Council issued Estonian passports – although there was no official mandate for it, such documents also helped to exempt local Estonians from Georgia’s mobilisations. Officially, the Estonian consul operated in Tiflis starting in July of 1920. A consular office was also opened later in Sukhum. However, for various reasons, there was no massive migration of Estonian passport holders to Estonia. In March of 1921, the Red Army conquered Abkhazia and Georgia, but in August of that same year, almost 400 persons who had acquired Estonian citizenship still lived in Abkhazia. For various reasons, despite Bolshevik rule, the majority of both these and other Abkhazian Estonian settlers decided to stay in Abkhazia. At that time, they could not yet foresee the repressions that later hit the settlements.

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Tribunsky, Sergey Aleksandrovich. "Cultural and educational work in the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army during the front-line Civil War: Soviet historiography of the 1920s – the first half of the 1930s (a brief review of the history of the problem)." Samara Journal of Science 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021103209.

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The researcher highlighted (in the format of a lapidary historiographic review) historiographic sources published in the 1920s the first half of the 1930s, which dealt with the topic of cultural and educational work in the Workers and Peasants Red Army (RKKA) during the front-line Civil War (19181920). In the historiographic period, the chronological framework of which is indicated above, a relatively large number of historiographic sources appeared on the history of the Russian Civil War (at the front stage of its course). They reflected, among other things, many aspects of the historical phenomenon of party political work in the Armed Forces of the young Soviet state, that historical phenomenon, within the framework of which cultural and educational work in the Red Army was born and strengthened. Moreover, such studies were carried out immediately as the Civil War continued until the end of 1922 on the outskirts of the Soviet state, although it was not so large-scale. Such historiographic sources require understanding and rethinking from the standpoint of new theoretical and methodological approaches, established in modern Russian historical science. For a lapidary historiographic review the author has selected, first of all, a complex of historiographic sources that have both direct and indirect relation to the topic of cultural and educational work in the Red Army during the front-line Civil War, which were published in the chronological framework indicated above. Of course, there are no copyright claims in the work for the completeness of coverage of the topic under consideration. This, in fact, cannot be achieved in the format of a historiographic survey, especially lapidary.

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Lee, Chulhee. "Selective Assignment of Military Positions in the Union Army: Implications for the Impact of the Civil War." Social Science History 23, no. 1 (1999): 67–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200018009.

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The Civil War was the bloodiest event in American history. For every 10,000 persons, 182 died during the war. Wartime mortality was especially severe for young men; about 8% of all white males between the ages 13 and 43 died (Vinovskis 1990). Among those who survived the war, many were disabled due to wartime injuries. According to the estimate of Claudia Goldin and Frank Lewis (1975), human losses account for 37% and 28% of the direct costs of the Civil War for the North and the South, respectively.A question of perennial interest to social historians is the degree to which mortality during the war varied across economic classes (Murdock 1964; Hess 1981; Lavine 1981; Riggs 1982; Rorabaugh 1986; Kemp 1990; Geary 1991). Starkly put, the question reduces to this: Was the Civil War a poor man’s fight? In a recent study, Maris Vinovskis (1990) suggested that the answer to the question is yes. Vinovskis found that recruits from disadvantaged backgrounds were more likely to die or to be wounded than servicemen who had higher-ranking jobs or greater wealth, presumably because they were more susceptible to disease or were sent on more dangerous missions. However, he didn’t provide evidence of how the socioeconomic backgrounds of recruits affected their susceptibility to disease and military missions. Moreover, since his study was based on a relatively small sample composed of recruits who resided in a single town, it is unclear whether the results could be generalized for Union army recruits at large.

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DOYLE, PATRICK J. "UNDERSTANDING THE DESERTION OF SOUTH CAROLINIAN SOLDIERS DURING THE FINAL YEARS OF THE CONFEDERACY." Historical Journal 56, no. 3 (August 5, 2013): 657–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000046.

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ABSTRACTAlthough the American Civil War is perhaps the most written about event in American history, the issue of desertion has often retained a neglected position in the conflict's dense historiography. Those historians who have studied military absenteeism during the war have tended to emphasize socio-economic factors as motivating men to leave the army and return home. The Register of Confederate Deserters, a list of southern soldiers who crossed into Union lines and took an oath of loyalty in order to try and return home, can provide a different look at these men. By studying the South Carolinian men on the Register, as a case-study, we can see that ideological, as well as socio-economic, motivations occupied the thought process of Civil War deserters. Moreover, the act of desertion was rarely a simple representation of the thoughts of the individual but of the opinions and feelings of his family and community as well. As such, studying Confederate desertion not only helps us understand the issues of loyalty and nationalism during the Civil War, but also the way in which nineteenth-century southerners conceptualized the world around them.

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Burke, James. "The New Model Army and the problems of siege warfare, 1648–51." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 105 (May 1990): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010282.

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The destruction of the Royalist field armies at Naseby and Langport in 1645 did not end the English Civil War. Althought the king had suffered irreversible military defeats, Parliament was unable to govern effectively while politically important towns and fortresses remained in enemy hands. To ensure political stability Parliament’s army was forced to besiege and reduce a large number of strongholds in England, Ireland and Scotland, a task that was not finally completed until the surrender of Galway in 1652. In particular the war in Ireland was to test the army’s siege-making capacity more severely than any previous campaign. To complete the political conquest of Britain and Ireland the army and its generals were compelled increasingly to practise an aspect of warfare that had been traditionally neglected by English soldiers. In contrast, siege warfare was an area in which their continental counterparts had excelled.In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, European wars produced few set-piece battles. Conflicts were more frequently resolved by the assault and defence of fortified cities and towns. Consequently the art of siege warfare evolved rapidly. England’s political and military insularity during this period detached the country from advances in siege technology that had transformed the conduct of European warfare. No major siege had been undertaken by an English army since Henry VIII had invested Boulogne in 1544, and as there had been no siege of English towns or fortresses since medieval times, there had been little innovation in defensive fortifications. What improvements did occur were sporadic and unco-ordinated. In the sixteenth century a great fortress was built at Berwick-on-Tweed to counter Scottish infiltration and a number of coastal towns in the south-east were refortified against the threat of Spanish invasion. However, by the outbreak of civil war in 1642, even these were obsolete by contemporary continental standards.

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Głuszkowski, Piotr. "Attitudes of Russian Officers in the Conditions of the Polish-Soviet War of 1920 Based on Savinkov’s Memoirs." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.006.

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The Polish-Soviet War of 1920 is a key period to understanding the history of Poland as well as Polish-Russian relationships. Despite the amount of research on the topic, there are still many gaps to be filled. One of them is the attitudes and behaviour of Russian officers in war conditions. The main source for this article is Viktor Savinkov’s memoirs written in 1927 and kept in the State Archive of the Russian Federation. Viktor Viktorovich Savinkov (1886–1954) was a Russian publicist, writer, and artist; younger brother of Boris Savinkov, a famous writer and revolutionist. During the Russian Civil War, he was a soldier of the Don Army. In early 1920, he was captured by the Bolsheviks and offered to join the Red Army. The article characterises the way Savinkov was concealing his socio-political views, expressing his attitudes towards new authorities, and how he managed to desert during the Polish-Soviet war. The conditions of the offensive of the Red Army on Warsaw are also described in the memoirs, including the sentiments and behaviour of the soldiers. Savinkov’s memoirs make it possible to study the behaviour of other officers and soldiers of the former Russian army, who had been forced to serve in the Red Army.

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Zhussip (Aqquly), Sultan K., Dikhan Qamzabekuly, Satay M. Syzdykov, Kairbek R. Kemengger, and Khalil B. Maslov. "How was the army of the Alash state built?" Journal of the National Academy of Legal Sciences of Ukraine 28, no. 3 (September 17, 2021): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37635/jnalsu.28(3).2021.85-96.

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It was 1919, that is, on the eve of the mutual acknowledgement of the Alash Autonomy and the Soviet rule of each other and the incorporation of the Kazakh Autonomy in the USSR. However, historical facts confirm that the leader of the Kazakhs was attempting to build a national army, a fully legal one, even during the period of the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, therefore in the period of the autocratic rule of the colonial empire, despite a number of insurmountable obstacles that seemed to stand in the way. The article is devoted to a historical analysis of the process of creating a legal national army of the Kazakh population and the political legalization of the Autonomous State of Alash on the territory of the Russian Empire in the late 19th – early 20th century. The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks.The leader of the Kazakh National Movement “Alash”, Alikhan Bukeikhan was attempting to build a legal national army even during the period of the first Russian Revolution 1905-1907. However, he achieved his goal only after the February Revolution of 1917 – on the eve of the civil war, launched by the Bolsheviks

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Journal articles on the topic 'Army History Civil War'

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