Journal articles on the topic 'Army, Dutch, 1940'

Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.________‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part One: 1918-1935After the First World War and the introduction of simple universal male suffrage, the Socialist Party was almost as large as the Catholic Party. Elections sharpened the regional and ideological asymmetry. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders; the Socialists acquired a similar position in Wallonia. Coalition gov-ernments were a necessity at the national level. In the Chamber, both the Socialists and the Christian Democratic wing of the Catholics had a strong base of power, but entering in the government turned out to be much more difficult. Governments remained dominated by the conservative wing of the Catholic Party and by the Liberal Party, with support from the king and high finance. Once the Socialist minimum program had been accepted out of fear of a social revolution in the years 1918-1921, the Socialists were only tolerated in government during crises or in case there was no other possibility (1925-1927, 1935-1940). This explains an increasing frustration among Walloon Socialists. At the same time, Flemish Socialists’ anticlericalism hindered their cooperation with Christian Democrats and members of the Flemish Movement, as in Antwerp, and that also held true for the forming of national governments.In the Belgian Workers’ Party (BWP), balance had changed. Power now lay spread among four actors: the federations, the party administration, the parliamentary faction, and sometimes, government ministers. Unity was sometimes hard to find. In 1919 Flemish socialism became much stronger. In Flanders it took 25 seats (18 more than in 1914) and, with 25.5% of the vote, was the second-largest party. In addition, the centre of gravity moved from Ghent to Antwerp, which with six seats became the fourth-largest federation in the BWP. Camille Huysmans’s appeal as the figurehead strengthened its profile with regard to the Flemish Movement. At first, Huysmans had to defend the treatment of the Flemish Question as a matter of individual conscience for party members, even against the Ghent and Kortrijk federations, which had abandoned the foremost pre-war demand of the Flemish Movement, the transformation of the University of Ghent into a Dutch-language institution. As 1930, the centenary of Belgium, approached, the Flemish Movement became stronger once again and an electoral breakthrough by a Flemish nationalist party was feared. An overall solution to the Flemish problem was pressing, also in the BWP. Internal divisions needed to be bridged in order to give full attention to socioeconomic questions, in light of the financial crisis. The unity of Belgium and of the party came first and foremost. In 1929 this led to the ‘Compromis des Belges’ (Compromise of the Belgians) and a few months later to the lesser-known but more radical position of the party, the ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’. Building on the pre-war vision of the existence of two peoples within Belgium, this point of view was imbued with the right of each people to cultural autonomy, based on the principle of regional monolingualism, at the expense of linguistic minorities. For Flemish socialists this came down to a full transformation of Flanders into a Dutch-speaking society, beginning with education and the University of Ghent. The majority of Walloon socialists went along with this, though not without some reluctance. In return, they demanded the elimination of any form of required bilingualism in Belgium, which they saw as a form of Flemish colonialism. In Wallonia and in national institutions (the army, the central administration), monolingual Walloons had a right to be recruited and have a career without a knowledge of Dutch, just as knowledge of Dutch as a second national language was not supposed to be imposed in Wallonia. The significance of this internal compromise has received insufficient attention in the historiography. The same observation applies to the finding that both national workers’ movements – the BWP from the ranks of the opposition – forced the introduction of the principle of territoriality in 1930-1932: an interim phase C of Miroslav Hroch’s model.

This study aims to analyze whether the socio-economic conditions of Pontianak people at the time of the arrival of Japanese troops were a factor in their unpreparedness to face attacks. The method used in this study is the historical method. The sources used were newspapers, among others, West Borneo Shimbun, Akcaya Daily, and Evening Post. The results showed that Pontianak society at the beginning of the arrival of the Japanese was very diverse in terms of war preparedness. Some of the residents of Pontianak City at that time were traders. They were busy trading and were unaware of the changing political situation of Asia in general and the Dutch East Indies in particular. The Japanese landing in Pontianak caused the destruction of the social and economic infrastructure of trade due to the mistakes of the Japanese army in dropping bombs on target targets. However, the destruction was also triggered by the lack of preparation of the Dutch colonial government for the arrival of Japanese troops in Pontianak.

Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

This article describes the process of the development of Madrasah Jam'iyah Mahmudiyah to become a modern Islamic educational institution in Langkat in 1921-1950. The results of this study indicate that the Madrasah Jam'iyah Mahmudiyah experienced rapid progress throughout the years 1912-1942. With the number of students reaching 2,000 in 1930, the Madrasah Jam'iyah Mahmudiyah was able to compete with formal educational institutions established by Dutch colonial governments, such as Langkatsche School, Europese Lagere School (ELS) and Holland Chinese School (HCS). The progress of Madrasah Jam'iyah Mahmudiyah is inseparable from the role of Sultan Abdul Aziz who is very concerned about the progress of Islamic education in the area of the Langkat Sultanate. However, the condition of the madrasa began to decline since 1942, when Japan took over the authority of the Dutch. Even in 1950, this madrasah experienced a fire that consumed all classrooms. The fire was triggered by the explosion of weapons ammunition belonging to the Indonesian National Army which was stored in one of the classrooms.

The Japanese occupation period in Indonesia began in 1942 and ended on August 17, 1945. The entry of Japan into Indonesia brought broader changes for the Indonesian people, especially in education, which during the Dutch colonial period was discriminatory. Japan realizes that the majority of Indonesian people adheres Islam, at first this was not a problem, as evidenced by Japan's cooperation with Muslims in the early days of entering Indonesia. Japan established PETA (Defender of the Motherland) an institution consisting of Indonesians. In this organization Indonesians were educated and trained to hold arms, the Office of Religious Affairs (Shumubu), the Majlis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, and Hezbollah were established. Although furthermore Japan must consider which of the Muslims could fulfill its colonial interests in Indonesia.

This paper is an overview of the early discoveries of the geology of Sulawesi, from the first naturalist expeditions in the 1820s until the 1930s. Most of the contributions to the knowleddge of the geology of Sulawesi during the Dutch colonial era came between the late 1880s and 1930, after which geological and mining investigations essentially stopped for four-decades. Before Indonesian Independence in the 1940s, Sulawesi island had been called Celebes, a name introduced by Portuguese explorers in the early 1500s.Geographically, Sulawesi is rather unique among the larger islands of Indonesia. Unlike the other three large islands Sumatra, Borneo and Java, Sulawesi has four ‘arms’, which are all surrounded by deep seas, and virtually the entire island is mountainous terrain without major rivers or delta systems. Active volcanism is limited to the eastern half of the North Arm and the lone Una-Una volcano in the Tomini Gulf, while Miocene and recently extinct volcanoes are present in SW Sulawesi.Geologic exploration was challenging. Surveys into uncharted territories before 1920 (before the arrival of detailed topographic maps, air photos and satellite imagery), required topographic surveying of all itineraries with chain and compass, and with a barometer for estimating altitudes.

Conventional wisdom in the Netherlands holds that the Dutch military began developing night vision accessories for firearms in 1949. However, a discovery of technical drawings in the Dutch Nationaal Militair Museum (NMM) collection has recently revealed that a series of experiments were conducted with infrared viewers for firearms earlier in the 1940s. This discovery, as well as the Museum’s recent acquisition of a Dutch carbine fitted with a first-generation infrared telescopic sight, has spurred this author’s investigation into the history of infrared rifle sight development in the Netherlands. With evocative code names like ‘Hansel & Gretel’ and ‘Cyclops’, Dutch military development of infrared weapon sights included some novel approaches. A wealth of new material, recently rediscovered in Dutch archives, underpins the findings presented herein.

[Title: The Nica War Equipment in Facing Patriots in Physical Revolution in Bali In 1945 – 1950] Giving up without the conditions of Lieutenant General H. Ter Poorten (Commander of the Dutch East Indies) on behalf of the United States Army in Indonesia to Liuetenant General Hiroshi Imamura (Japanese Army Leader). Since the Dutch East Indies government ended in Indonesia. At that time Dutch soldiers who were Japanese prisoners of war because they did not have time to flee to Australia were sent to the interior of Siam and Birma to clear forests and make bridges and railways. On August 15th 1945, Japan finally surrendered to allies. This defeat of Japan caused the captives of the Dutch to quickly hold preparatory exercises back to Indonesia. The arrival of the Dutch in Bali received resistance from the fighters under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel I Gusti Ngurah Rai. Although the weapons possessed by fighters in Bali is limited but the struggle is long enough to survive. NICA in the face of fighters in Bali during the physical revolution has used modern war equipment such as: pipercub airplanes, lucked airplanes, motorbikes, jeeps, telephones, bren, mitraliur, stengun, mortar, lichthalon and others but not easy can beat him. This is because the fighters with the people in Bali are united.

Cornellis de Houtman is a Dutch sailor who first came to meet the Balinese people. Then followed by the second Dutch visit, namely Cornellis Heemskerck. The purpose of this second visit was to bring Prince Maurits Van Nasau's letter to King Dalem Bekung at the Gelgel palace. The contents of the letter conveyed, namely stating friendship and asking for permission to trade with the king. It turned out that he received permission from Raja Dalem Bekung. In the 19th century this condition changed, the Dutch, who at first declared friendship and asked for permission to trade, instead wanted to control this island. As a result, there was resistance from the kings in Bali, and this resistance continued under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel I Gusti Ngurah Rai. The weapons used by the fighters in Bali to fight against the Dutch (NICA) were of limited nature both in terms of quality and quantity. The weapons used to fight during the physical revolution in Bali were formerly owned by prayodas, aid from Java, booty belonging to the Dutch (NICA), and made by themselves. The types of weapons that were used by the fighters in Bali during the physical revolution against the Dutch (NICA), such as: Keris, sharpened bamboo, samurai, firecrackers, kitchen ashes, kentongan, yellow iron, bayonet, command knife, keki, stengun, firearms, mortars, hand grenades, carbines, bren, handguns, and heavy submachine guns (12.7). Even though the weapons they had were limited, the Dutch did not dare to underestimate the abilities of the Balinese fighters because they had experience in military education. It is proven that almost every battle was won by Balinese fighters, not a few Dutch soldiers (NICA) died during the physical revolution in Bali. Keywords: NICA; weapons; physical revolution;

Abstract: The history of the Indonesian nation is a long historical journey. In general, the Indonesian people were colonized for three and a half centuries by European countries, such as the Portuguese, Spanish, British, Dutch, and occupied for three and a half years by the Japanese. Indonesia at that time was a country that had rich and abundant natural resources. The Japanese have entered Indonesia since March 1, 1942. The Japanese territory the Island of Sumatera was centered in Bukittinggi.The Japanese successed in taking control of South Bengkulu on February 24, 1942. During 1942 Japan lauched its colonial action in South Bengkulu by expanding its territory. This research uses historical research methods. The results of the research on the role of Abdur Rahim Damrah in the fight against Japanese Colonalism in South Bengkulu in 1943-1945 were initiated by Abdur Rahim Damrah attending Gyugun education in Pagaralam. Abdur Rahim Damrah becomes the leader Penjaga Keamanan Rakyat (PKR) in South Bengkulu, he led the battles against the Japanese army. Armed with Gyuguns previous military education, he fought against the Japanese occupation in South Bengkulu. Discussion and consolidation of the leaders and people of South Bengkulu was carried out, after the consolidation was completed they immediately moved to attack Japan. Because of the attack, Abdur Rahim Damrah was arrested and punished.

The Japanese Armed Forces did not take a long time to occupy the southern regions. Invading the southern regions was the Japanese’s ambition to build “The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere”. Through Kalijati treaty, the Government of Dutch East Indies declared its unconditional surrender to the Japanese Armed Forces. Banyuwangi is an area located in the most eastern part of Java and considered as a strategic place as a defense fortress for all Java regions from the allied attacks from the south (Australia). The Japanese 16th Army implemented various policies as a part of the Greater East Asia War plan. The purpose of this study was to describe the policies made by the Japanese military government when occupying Banyuwangi, East Java. This study used a historical research method consisting of five steps: topic selection, heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The result of this study shows that Banyuwangi is a strategic area where the Japanese 16th Army directly or indirectly implemented various policies for mass mobilization in supporting the Greater East Asia War. Through its propaganda, the Japanese military said that the Banyuwangi people’s sacrifice was for a mutual victory in the war to build a new, safe, and prosperous Asia.

The award system of Indonesia reflects its state developments, including the formation and transformations of the Indonesian Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional Indonesia). The Republic of Indonesia was formed as a result of its struggle for independence against the Netherlands Colonial Empire. Many islands of Indonesia, their equatorial and tropical climate, as well as technical backwardness of the Indonesian society in the 1940s were among the main factors of the guerilla warfare against the Dutch. Guerilla squads were the main part of the People’s Security Army (Tentara Keamanan Rakyat), later named the Republic of Indonesia Army (Tentara Republik Indonesia). Its victory over the Dutch in 1949 helped instituting of the first Order of Indonesia — Bintang Gerilja, or Bintang Gerilya in modern spelling — The Guerilla Star. The paper sums up the laws and acts of the Indonesian State concerning the Guerilla Star, as well as the data from open sources, like media and Wikipedia, about its awardees. These data are checked through the official reference books issued by the Service of History of the Indonesian Army (Dinas Sejarah Angkatan Darat). The paper focuses on the statute, description and bestowals of the Guerilla Star of Indonesia. The Order is an award to all Indonesians who fought for their Independence against the Dutch. The form of the Guerilla Star is like the Gallipoli Star of the Ottoman Empire. In 2009, the statute of the Guerilla Star was changed by the Indonesian Government. Now it may be bestowed for any guerilla defense of Indonesian interests.

During the Second World War, approximately 3,500 Australian military nurses served in combat regions throughout the world. The vast majority were enlisted in the Australian Army Nursing Service (AANS), but after the Japanese advance and the fall of Hong Kong (December 1941) and Singapore (February 1942), a significant number of these nurses spent three-and-a-half years as POWs in Indonesia, Hong Kong, Japan and the Philippines. To date, considerable research has been undertaken on POW experiences in Hong Kong, Singapore, Thailand and Japan, albeit primarily focused on the testimonies of men and civilian women. This body of research utilises various methodologies, from Yuki Tanaka and Kei Ushimura's efforts to reconcile Japanese war crimes with the corruption of the Bushido ethic and sexual violence in contemporary Japanese society, to Christina Twomey's work on the imprisonment and repatriation of Dutch, Dutch–Eurasian and Australian civilian women and children. In the past fifteen years, historians have become aware of the need to recognise the multiplicity of these experiences, rather than continuing to focus on individual community, camp or regional case studies. Nurses are by no means absent from the discussion, although the majority of notable works on this subject focus on Hong Kong or the Philippines and adopt a descriptive and somewhat anecdotal approach. At the same time, scant critical attention has been paid to the internment of nurses in Indonesia despite a wealth of material kept in the Australian War Memorial (AWM) and National Archives of Australia (NAA).

ABSTRACT Theodor Posewitz (1850–1917), a Hungarian medical doctor and geologist, spent five years in the Dutch East Indies between 1880 and 1885, serving the colonial Dutch army. He spent time on Java, Borneo, Bangka and Billiton islands. He dedicated his spare time to geological exploration. About eighty of his geological studies appeared in geological and geographical journals. His chief work, the first monograph on the geology of Borneo, including geological and mineral resources maps, was published in German in 1889 and in English in 1892. Early years of his studies and the results of his five-year stay in Asia are discussed, based on archival records. The background for the book, Borneo, and its significance for contemporary and modern science is outlined.

AbstrakSetelah Kemerdekaan Indonesia diproklamasikan tanggal 17 Agustus 1945, di Serang Banten terdapat dua peristiwa penting, yaitu revolusi sosial dan tempat pencetakan uang daerah untuk Banten. Tahun 1947, di Serang, tentara Belanda di bawah naungan Pasukan Sekutu melakukan blokade darat dan laut. Pemerintahan di Serang pun putus komunikasi dengan Pemerintah RI yang berada di Yogyakarta. Agar perekonomian di Serang tetap berjalan, pemerintah pusat mengizinkan daerah Banten untuk mencetak uang daerah sendiri bernama Uang Republik Indonesia Daerah Banten (URIDAB). Menjadi pertanyaan tersendiri mengapa Serang Banten dipercaya oleh pemeritah pusat untuk mencetak uang dan mengapa pasukan Belanda melakukan blokade ekonomi. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui mengapa Serang Banten dipercaya oleh pemerintah pusat untuk mencetak uang sendiri, adakah hubungannya antara URIDAB dan revolusi sosial. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahapan yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Melalui hasil penelitian yang dilakukan, diketahui bahwa pencetakan uang daerah di Banten diawali dengan perpindahan ibu kota RI dari Jakarta ke Yogyakarta. Belanda yang datang ke Indonesia dengan cara membonceng NICA melakukan kekacauan, penyerangan, dan memblokade ekonomi. Daerah-daerah yang lokasinya jauh dengan ibu kota RI sangat kesulitan berkomunikasi, sehingga pemerintah pusat yang berkedudukan di Yogyakarta memberikan wewenang kepada Residen Banten Achmad Chatib untuk mencetak mata uang sendiri dengan nama URIDAB kepanjangan dari Uang Republik Indonesia Daerah Banten. AbstractThere were two important things that happened in Serang (Banten) after the Indonesian independence was proclaimed on August 17, 1945: social revolution, and printing of money for Banten. In 1947 the Dutch army under the protection of the Allies blockaded either land and sea, cutting off communications between central (Yogyakarta) and regional (Serang) government. The central government in Yogyakarta gave permission to Serang to print money so that economic activity could still be running. The money was called URIDAB (Uang Republik Indonesia Daerah Banten, or the money of the Republic of Indonesia in Banten). The research questions are why central government gave permission to Banten to print money and why the Dutch army blockaded the economy. To answer these questions the author conducted histoy methods: heuristic, critique, interpretation, and historiography. Research finds that when the capital of Indonesia moved from Jakarta to Yogyakarta during the Dutch military aggression, communications were cut off and it was difficult for central government in Yogyakarta to make contact to regional governments. Therefore, the central government authorized the Resident of Banten, Achmad Chatib, to print its own money.

AbstrakPenelitian ini menggambarkan Peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan dalam kurun waktu 1945 hingga 1948. Untuk merekontruksi permasalahan ini digunakan metode sejarah yang terdiri dari empat tahap, yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Adapun teknik yang digunakan dalam pengumpulan data digunakan studi literatur dan wawancara, yaitu mengkaji sumber-sumber literatur yang berkaitan dengan permasalahan yang diteliti dan mewawancarai saksi sejarah atau pelaku sejarah sebagai narasumbernya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk: (1) mengetahui latar belakang terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; (2) mengetahui proses terbentuknya Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan; dan (3) mengetahui peranan Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada masa revolusi kemerdekaan (1945-1948). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Lasykar Hizbullah terbentuk pada 10 Januari 1945. Lasykar Hizbullah merupakan organisasi/sayap kepemudaan yang berada di bawah naungan Masyumi Karesidenan Priangan. Lasykar Hizbullah telah memberikan peran penting dalam mempertahankan kemerdekaan Indonesia. Mereka terlibat aktif dalam pertempuran-pertempuran melawan Belanda-Sekutu, seperti Bandung Lautan Api, Agresi Militer Belanda I, menyikapi Perjanjian Renville. Lasykar Hizbullah di Priangan pada perkembangannya terbagi menjadi dua kelompok: pertama, pro-pemerintah dan bergabung dengan TNI-Divisi Siliwangi sebagai hasil dari adanya program fusi badan-badan perjuangan dengan TNI pada 1947; kedua, kontra-pemerintah dan menjelma menjadi Tentara Islam Indonesia pada 1948, benteng terdepan Negara Islam Indonesia bentukan Kartosuwiryo. AbstractThis study illustrates the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan in the period 1945 to 1948. In order to reconstruct the problem, this study uses history method which consists of four stages, namely heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The techniques of data collection used literature and interviews, including reviewing the sources of literature related to the problems studied and interviewing the witnesses of history or historical actors as the respondents. This study aims to: (1) know the background of the Laskar Hizbullah formation in Priangan; (2) recognize the process of of Lasykar Hizbollah formation in Priangan; and (3) identify the role of Laskar Hizbullah in Priangan during the revolution of independence (1945-1948). The results showed that Laskar Hizbullah was formed on January 10, 1945. It is an organization under the auspices of Masjumi Priangan Residency. Hezbollah army has given an important role in maintaining the independence of Indonesia. They are actively involved in the battles against the Dutch-ally, such as Bandung Sea of Fire, Dutch Military Aggression I, addressing the Renville Agreement. Hezbollah army in Priangan, in its development, is divided into two groups: first, pro-government and join TNI-Siliwangi Division as a result of the fusion program ofstruggle agencies with the military in 1947; second, a counter-government and transformed into Islamic Army of Indonesia in 1948, the fort leading of Indonesian Islamic State of Kartosuwiryo formation.

[Title: The Ways of Influencing the People of NICA to Understand at Physical Revolution for Balinese People in Bali 1945-1950] Giving up without the conditions of Lieutenant General H. Ter Pooerten (Commander of the Dutch East Indies) to Lieutenant General Hitosyi Imamura (Japanese Army Chief), then the Dutch East Indies government has since ended in Indonesia. Not a long time ago Japan ruled in Indonesia, on August 15th, 1945 surrendered unconditionally to the allies. Then on March 2nd, 1946 the Y Brigade began landed along the Sanur coast. This Y Brigade is nicknamed "Gajah Merah". The arrival of the Gajah Merah in Bali, the situation became unsafe. The arrival of the Dutch (NICA) received resistance from fighters in Bali under the leadership of Lieutenant Colonel I Gusti Ngurah Rai. Sympathy getting from the Dutch people use various ways of influencing. The Dutch (NICA) influences the people in two ways, namely by means of soft and violent methods. In the soft way the Dutch (NICA) gave material to the people such as: giving cigarettes, snacks, money, batik cloth, rice and traveling by car. In providing soft assistance the Dutch also use their accomplices such as: NICA Gandek, AP and others. The Netherlands (NICA) in this case looks good and generous to the people so they get sympathy. Generally, it is influenced by the Dutch, whose economies are poor and whose education is low. By means of violence, the Dutch deliberately exhibited fighters who were captured by the public such as being kicked, beaten, dragged by car, and shot in front of the people. This method is carried out to regions that are pro-republic so that people become deterred and afraid. In this way the Dutch (NICA) hopes that the people will no longer want to help the fighters. To fall on the mentality of the Dutch people (NICA) deliberately stripped their hands or soldiers who were killed in a war that was paraded around the city by using an open truck that was rumored to be a young man who was killed. The mothers and fathers who were provoked by the Dutch propaganda, his soul was shaken. This is the way the Dutch influenced the Balinese people, however, the Balinese people and fighters were not deterred. Evidently the people and fighters remain united so that the physical revolution that took place in Bali can last long enough.

The purpose of this study is to sketch out the similarities and differences in the process of decolonization in Indonesia and Vietnam during the period from the 1930s to the early 1960s, with special attention to the political and economic aspects. Both countries shared similarities in that they were the first countries to declare independence in Southeast Asia from the Japanese and that they were highly revolutionized during the occupation. Both countries had the most violent and complete colonial break in comparison to other Southeast Asian countries. Yet, there were some major differences within the process of decolonization, especially during the final phase. Indonesia opted for a diplomatic peace process and eventually obtained a transfer of sovereignty from the Netherlands in late 1949, while Vietnam continued military struggle against the French until 1954. This resulted in highly different patterns of the economic decolonization, such as the process of nationalization, the government policies concerning foreign investments and the extent of state control over the economy. French businesses in Vietnam were ruined in the North following the withdrawal of French army in 1954-1955. Their remaining assets in South Vietnam were shortly also taken over by the Diem government. Meanwhile, the Dutch continued to dominate the Indonesian economy after the transfer of sovereignty. It was not until the late 1950s that Dutch firms were seized and finally nationalized by the Indonesian government.

Abstract The year 2022 will mark the centennial of the commissioning of the US Navy’s first aircraft carrier USS Langley. In late 1936, the ship was converted to become a seaplane tender and in 1939 is deployed to Manila. Following news reaching Admiral Hart and the Asiatic Fleet of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the arrival of Japanese bombers over Manila is imminent and the Langley is determined to be vulnerable to air attack. Departing Manila on December 9, Langley’s skipper Capt. Felix Stump served as the officer in tactical command of a convoy that also included the oilers Trinity and Pecos and is able to work his way through the archipelago, meeting up with the cruisers Houston and Boise which pick up the escort duties. Reaching Darwin before the end of the year, Stump turns over command to his executive officer Cdr. Robert McConnell to join the staff of the newly formed America British Dutch Australian combined command (ABDACOM) combined command under Vice Adm. William A. Glassford. Unfortunately, Langley will be lost on February 27, 1942, during a desperate attempt to transport Army P-40 pursuit planes to support Dutch efforts to defend Java.

The Balinese got acquainted with the Dutch for the first time through Cornellis de Houtman, followed by Cornellis Heemskerck. This introduction expresses friendship with the king Dalem Dalem Bekung at the Gelgel palace and continues to ask for permission to trade. It turned out that he got approval from the king Dalem Bekung. This atmosphere changed in the 19th century where the Dutch wanted to dominate Bali so that there was resistance from the kings in Bali such as: the Buleleng War, Jagaraga War, Kusamba War, Banjar War, Puputan Badung War and finally Puputan Klungkung War. This resistance continued under the leadership of I Gusti Ngurah Rai. To strengthen his troops, the way to do this was to seize weapons from the Japanese hands, by storming their forces throughout Bali on December 13th, 1945. This attack was a failure because it had been known in advance by the Japanese army. Then I Gusti Ngurah Rai and his friends went to Java to ask for weapons and report the situation in Bali to the leaders in Java. On April 3rd, 1946 I Gusti Ngurah Rai and his friends returned to Bali. During this trip there was a battle in the Bali Strait which caused the death of Cokorda Rai Gambir and Cokorda Dharma Putra, while Cokorda Oka Sudarsana and 2 (two) men who were supported were taken to Gilimanuk. The journey continued by I Gusti Ngurah Rai on April 4th, 1946 where landed at Yeh Kuning. In order for the struggle to continue the leaders sought weapons by making their own and carrying out attacks on NICA posts in Bali. Although the warriors' possessions are limited, they last long enough.

This study aims to examine the concept of Dwitunggal which in terminology is defined as a very close and strong pair between two figures, in this case, Soedirman and Oerip Soemohardjo as the first supreme leaders of the Indonesian National Armed Forces in 1945-1948. The research method used in this research is library research. Data and information collection is carried out through books, scientific journals, and other research results that are worthy of being used as sources for research and have been critically and in-depth analyzed so that they can be used to support ideas in research. The findings obtained in this study are that differences in background are not always a barrier in building good relationships to achieve a goal, as seen in the story of Dwitunggal Soedirman-Oerip. It is known that Soedirman and Oerip had different backgrounds, namely Soedirman came from PETA while Oerip came from the KNIL, which at that time was considered a Dutch colonial army. Even so, the two can still work together and complement each other. Soedirman handled military politics while Oerip handled military techniques. This shows that Soedirman and Oerip did not see differences in one another's backgrounds as a barrier, but instead as a strength in building good relations to achieve common goals.

The purpose of this study is to analyze and examine the social phenomenon of the formation of the TNI. This research is focuses on elevating the role and contribution of PETA in the formation of the TNI in terms of history and defense science. The research method used is a literature study method with a qualitative approach. The results showed that the Republic of Indonesia in general had been colonized by several European countries such as the Netherlands, Portugal and Japan. However, the suffering of colonialism was most felt when the Japanese Occupation Period formed the Defender of the Homeland Army (PETA). PETA is a security institution that was formed during the Japanese occupation of Indonesia in September 1943. PETA has contributed a lot to the forerunner of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia since before independence in the form of defiance and resistance to the Japanese army, securing the independence procession and being the first to raise the saka red and white. , changed its name to the People's Security Agency (BKR) to the Indonesian National Army (TNI). During the process of changing the name of the institution there have been several incidents ranging from rebellion to military aggression by the Dutch. As for the resistance and operations carried out ranging from guerrilla warfare, physical to non-physical. The Historical Approach is a condition of PETA's military since it was first formed until it turned into the TNI in various regions in Indonesia and the Defense Science Approach in the form of a tactical step/independence movement which led to PETA's contribution to Indonesia.

AbstractTwentieth-century wars of decolonization were more than simple diplomatic and military affairs. This article examines how the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) relied upon technology to drive state-making and to make war during the struggle against the French (1945–1954). Wireless radios, in particular, provided embattled nationalists a means by which they could communicate orders and information across wide expanses of contested space in real time. Printing presses, newspapers, stationary, and stamps not only circulated information, but they also served as the bureaucratic markers of national sovereignty. Radios and telephones were essential to the DRV's ability to develop, field, and run a professional army engaged in modern—not guerilla—battles. The Vietnamese were victorious at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 in part because they successfully executed a highly complex battle via the airwaves. Neither the Front de libération nationale (FLN) fighting the French for Algeria nor the Republicans battling the Dutch for Indonesia ever used communications so intensely to drive state-making or take the fight to the colonizer on the battlefield. Scholars of Western states and warfare have long recognized the importance of information gathering for understanding such matters. This article argues that it is time to consider how postcolonial states gathered and used information, even in times of war.

This article considers key issues relating to the organization and performance of large multinational firms in the post-Second World War period. Although foreign direct investment is defined by ownership and control, in practice the nature of that “control” is far from straightforward. The issue of control is examined, as is the related question of the “stickiness” of knowledge within large international firms. The discussion draws on a case study of the Anglo-Dutch consumer goods manufacturer Unilever, which has been one of the largest direct investors in the United States in the twentieth century. After 1945 Unilever's once successful business in the United States began to decline, yet the parent company maintained an arms-length relationship with its U.S. affiliates, refusing to intervene in their management. Although Unilever “owned” large U.S. businesses, the question of whether it “controlled” them was more debatable.

Reverend John Daniel (Father) Kestell (1854-1941) was a wellknown minister of religion in the Dutch Reformed Church. Through various actions he earned himself the nickname of “Father (Vader) Kestell” among his fellowmen. Although he supported the actions of the Republic of the Orange Free State and the Zuid-Afrikaansche Republic in the South African War (1899-1902), he declined to fight or take up a military rank. He in stead tried to strengthen the faith in God of the burgers and acted as a medical assistant to Boer and Briton when needed. As a chaplain he only wanted to be a minster of religion, no soldier.In this article the actions of Kestell as a Boer chaplain in the War of 1899- 1902 are investigated: His motives for supporting the two Republics, his work as a chaplain, his belief in the providence of God, his emotional conflicts in case of Boer losses and his close relations to his president, MT Steyn and his chief of army, General CR de Wet. Kestell was a tipical spiritual shepherd who had an openness to people and their needs and customs. He attracked those in need.

<p><em>This article identifies the Islamic education movement and da’wah (Islamic missionary endeavor) of the Arab community in Palu incorporated in the Alkhairat organization. The formation of this organization arose from a madrasah (madrassa) named “Madrasah Alkhairat Al-Islamiyah” found by Sayyid Idrus bin Salim Aljufri, an ulama (Islamic scholar) from Hadramaut, in 1930 in Palu. The formation of the madrasah was the response of the Arab community in Palu Valley to the Christianization of Dutch Christian missionaries under the auspices of the Leger Dois Heist (Salvation Army). This study uses non-participant observation methods and purposive in-depth interviews with ten subjects consisted of leaders, teachers and staffs in Alkhairat to obtain data related to the topic. Furthermore, the authors verify the data. Finally, this article shows that the Islamic education and da’wah movement undertaken by the Arab community in Palu Valley reflects the process of integration and harmonization of Arabs with local people, and has supported the construction progress in Palu.</em></p><p><br /><em>Artikel ini mengidentifikasi gerakan pendidikan dan dakwah Islam komunitas Arab di Palu yang tergabung dalam organisasi Alkhairat. Terbentuknya organisasi ini berawal dari sebuah madrasah bernama “Madrasah Alkhairat Al-Islamiyah” yang didirikan oleh Sayyid Idrus bin Salim Aljufri, seorang Ulama asal Hadramaut, pada tahun 1930 di Palu. Pembentukan madrasah tersebut merupakan respon komunitas Arab di Lembah Palu terhadap kristenisasi yang dilakukan oleh para misionaris kristen Belanda di bawah naungan Leger Dois Heist (Bala Keselamatan) terhadap masyarakat Palu dan sekitarnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode observasi non-partisipan dan wawancara mendalam terhadap sepuluh orang yang terdiri pimpinan, guru maupun staff dalam jaringan Alkhairat guna mendapatkan data terkait topik yang dikaji. Selanjutnya, penulis melakukan verifikasi data yang dijadikan bahan dalam penulisan. Akhirnya, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa gerakan pendidikan dan dakwah Islam yang dilakukan oleh komunitas Arab di Lembah Palu mencerminkan proses integrasi dan upaya harmonisasi orang-orang Arab dengan masyarakat lokal setempat serta telah mendukung perkembangan pembangunan di Kota Palu.</em></p>

Artikel ini membahas tentang biografi dan perjuangan K. H. Munir Hasyim Latief di Laskar Hizbullah dalam perang mempertahankan kemerdekaan di Jawa Timur. Dalam catatan Historis, Laskar Hizbullah adalah perkumpulan para pemuda santri di pesantren seluruh Indonesia. Laskar Hizbullah dibentuk sebagai cadangan tentara Jepang yang digunakan untuk berperang melawan sekutu. Dalam hal ini, K. H. M. Hasyim Latief sebagai tokoh lokal yang pernah mengikuti latihan Laskar Hizbullah di Cibarusa Bogor yang diadakan oleh pihak Jepang. Setelah pulang dari latihan tersebut, K. H. M. Hasyim Latief diminta untuk melatih para santri di Jombang untuk mempersiapkan pasukan sebagai antipasi pihak Belanda yang akan datang ke Indonesia kembali. Artikel ini memfokuskan kepada tiga hal, yakni biografi K. H. M. Hasyim Latief. Perjuangan K. H. M. Hasyim Latief di Laskar Hizbullah dalam perang mempertahankan kemerdekaan. Dan alasan keikut sertaan K. H. M. Hasyim Latief dalam Laskar Hizbullah untuk mempertahankan kemerdekaan. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa, K. H. M. Hasyim Latief lahir di Sumobito, Jombang, Jawa Timur, yang mondok di pesantren Tebuireng Jombang yang diasuh langsung oleh K. H. Hasyim Asy’ari. dalam perjuangannya di laskar hizbullah, beliau menjadi pelatih, kemudian menjadi komandan ketika situasi pertempuran ke wilayah Sidoarjo, Surabaya. Keikut sertaannya beliau juga didorong oleh para kiai, terutama K. H. Hasyim Asyari. Dan juga atas dorongan dirinya sendiri, karena memang beliau keturunan dari pejuang lewat kakeknya. Juga karena ayahnya sempat dipenjarah oleh pihak Belanda.Kata kunci: Perjuangan, Biografi K. H. Munir Hasyim Latief, Laskar Hizbullah, kemerdekaan AbstractThis article discusses the biography and struggle of K. H. Munir Hasyim Latief in Laskar Hizbullah in the war to defend independence in East Java. In historical records, Laskar Hizbullah is an association of santri youth in Islamic boarding schools throughout Indonesia. The Hizbullah Warriors were formed as a reserve for Japanese soldiers used to fight against allies. In this case, K. H. M. Hasyim Latief as a local figure who had participated in the Laskar Hizbullah training in Bogor Cibarusa held by the Japanese. After returning from the training, K. H. M. Hasyim Latief was asked to train the santri in Jombang to prepare the troops as an antipation of the Dutch who would come to Indonesia again. This article focuses on three things, namely the biography of K. H. M. Hasyim Latief. Struggle K. H. M. Hasyim Latief in Laskar Hizbullah in the war to defend independence. And the reason for the participation of K. H. M. Hasyim Latief in the Laskar Hizbullah to maintain independence. This research shows that, K. H. M. Hasyim Latief was born in Sumobito, Jombang, East Java, who lives in the Tebuireng Jombang boarding school which is directly cared for by K. H. Hasyim Asy'ari. in his struggle in the Hezbollah army, he became a coach, then became a commander when the situation fought to the Sidoarjo area, Surabaya. His participation was also encouraged by the clerics, especially K. H. Hasyim Asyari. And also for his own encouragement, because he is indeed a descendant of fighters through his grandfather. Also because his father had been imprisoned by the Dutch.Keywords: Struggle, Biography K. H. Munir Hasyim Latief, Laskar Hizbullah, independence

Abstract INTRODUCTION The outcome of patients with Multiple Myeloma (MM) improved considerably over the last years due to an increase in availability of novel agents. However, the optimal sequence is largely unknown. Besides efficacy, determination of the optimal sequence is also of importance in light of cost effectiveness. To this end the development of a health economic (HE) model would be of interest. For such a model time to next treatment (TTNT) is required. We previously showed that in stem cell transplant (SCT) eligible patients TTNT was not treatment but response (i.e. complete, partial or no response; CR, PR or NR) dependent. We here investigate whether response was predictive for TTNT independent of the treatment regimen in SCT ineligible patients (pts) with MM. METHODS We analyzed patient level data of two phase 3 randomized controlled trials (RCTs) performed by the Dutch-Belgian cooperative HOVON group in newly diagnosed, transplant-ineligible patients. The HOVON-87 (N=668) compared Melphalan Prednisone (MP) with Thalidomide followed by Thalidomide maintenance (MPT-T) versus MP with Lenalidomide followed by Lenalidomide maintenance (MPR-R) (Zweegman et al Blood 2016) (EudraCT number 2007-004007-34). The HOVON-49 (N=333) compared MP versus MPT (including Thalidomide maintenance) (Wijermans et al J Clin Oncol 2010) (ISRCTN 90692740). The following data were included: treatment, best response, TTNT and survival status. Pts were censored after last date of contact. Pts who did not have information on TTNT and/or response were excluded from our analyses. Kaplan-Meier curves and Cox proportional hazards models were fitted on this data to investigate whether the TTNT is mainly response dependent and whether the quality of response is predictive for TTNT. RESULTS We included 519 HOVON-87 pts and 252 HOVON-49 pts. First, we analyzed the TTNT hazard ratios (HRs) of the active and comparative arm within each response category for both trials. The TTNT HR of the HOVON-87 pts with a CR (N=75) was not significantly different between treatments (HR 1.340, 95% CI: 0.590-3.039, p-val = 0.484). We also found no significant difference in PR pts (HR 0.952, 95% CI: 0.753-1.204, p-val = 0.681, N = 375) and NR pts (HR: 0.898, 95% CI: 0.518-1.556, p-val = 0.701, N=69). The number of CR pts in the HOVON-49 study was too low (N=8) to allow for a reliable analysis of this response category. Therefore, for this study we present very good PR (VGPR) as separate category. For both VGPR (N=44 pts) and PR pts (N=95 pts) we did see a significant difference in TTNT in the treatment arms (HR: 0.363, 95% CI: 0.174-0.757, p-val = 0.007 and HR:0.634, 95% CI: 0.417-0.965, p-val = 0.033 respectively). However, for NR pts the TTNT HR was similar (HR: 1.131, 95% CI: 0.746-1.714, p-val = 0.561, N=105 pts) Second, we compared the TTNT between the different response groups within each trial. For HOVON-87, the median TTNT for CR pts was 63.4 months (mos) (95% CI: 51.8 mos - not evaluable), for PR pts it was 24.6 mos (95% CI: 22.8 - 27.3 mos), and for NR pts it was 19.5 mos (95% CI: 9.7 - 25.3 mos). The TTNT of CR pts was significantly longer than of PR pts (HR: 3.923, 95% CI: 2.601-5.917, p-val = 0.000). And the TTNT of PR pts was significantly longer than of NR pts (HR: 1.411, 95% CI: 1.052-1.893, p-val - 0.000). For HOVON-49, the median TTNT for VGPR pts is 23.4 mos (95% CI: 15.0 - 26.7 mos), PR pts was 19.0 mos (95% CI: 15.4 - 21.5 mos), and for NR pts was 3.7 mos (95% CI: 3.4 - 4.3 mos). Only the TTNT of PR pts was significantly longer than the TTNT of NR pts (HR: 3.978, 95% CI: 2.938 - 5.388). CONCLUSIONS Data from the HOVON-87 showed a relationship between response and TTNT. Pts in this trial achieving a CR were observed to have a significantly longer TTNT compared to those achieving PR at best. Furthermore, TTNT was not significantly different for the treatment arms (e.g. patients with CR after MPR-R had similar TTNT than patients with CR after MPT-T). Establishing a relationship between response and TTNT was challenging among pts from the HOVON-49 since i) too few CR pts were seen in this trial and ii) the experimental arm included maintenance while the comparator treatment did not. We can conclude that the previous established relationship between response and TTNT was partly confirmed for newly diagnosed SCT ineligible MM pts. Further research is necessary to identify other relevant predictors for TTNT and to confirm the current findings before we can incorporate this into our HE model. Disclosures Blommestein: Novartis: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Amgen: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BMS: Research Funding. Zweegman:Celgene: Honoraria, Research Funding; Janssen: Honoraria, Research Funding; Takeda: Honoraria, Research Funding. Sonneveld:Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Karyopharm: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Celgene: Honoraria, Research Funding.

The arrival of Japanese troops in Java in March 1942 marked the end of colonial rule throughout the Dutch East Indies and transferred to the Japanese occupation government. From various sources, it is stated that the Japanese occupation government prioritized and focused its attention on the island of Java, so that the news of the indigenous population who happily welcomed and cheered the Japanese occupation troops did not seem to be heard in Madura. The military government structure was formed based on a military hierarchy. The highest power holder was Gunshireikan (army commander) who was later called Saiko Shikikan (commander-in-chief). In relation to the activities of the Japanese occupation government in Madura, it turned out that they did not have much to do with the political sector but rather with the economic sector which was limited to the local sector.

ZusammenfassungDie seit 1940 bekannte Erkrankung „Lipedema“ wird zunehmend besser verstanden. Besonders ein dellbares Ödem ist bei der Fettverteilungsstörung der Frauen an Armen und Beinen nicht bedeutsam. Diese und weitere wissenschaftliche Erkenntnisse sind „work in progress“ mit dem Ziel des Renaming der Erkrankung. Ein „proper name“ ist „Lipohyperplasia dolorosa“ (LiDo). Bei LiDo ist die Volumenzunahme genetisch fixiert, der Schmerz jedoch dynamisch progredient.Eine LiDo muss von anderen symmetrischen, schmerzlosen Fettverteilungsstörungen an Armen und Beinen prima vista und nach palpatorischer Untersuchung, insbesondere von der gelegentlich koinzidenten Adipositas, unterschieden werden.Adipositas ist nie komorbid, aber häufig koinzident bei LiDo. Körperliche Aktivität und Ernährungsumstellung können zwar das Übergewicht reduzieren, nicht aber die ausschließlich LiDo-bedingte disproportionale Fettgewebsvermehrung an den Extremitäten beseitigen. Bei mit Adipositas koinzidenten LiDo-Patientinnen gibt es durch Magenchirurgie keine Effekte auf die obligate Schmerzhaftigkeit.Für LiDo gibt es sowohl konservative als auch operative Behandlungsmöglichkeiten. Ein seit 1997 etabliertes Verfahren ist die chirurgische Behandlung durch die Lymphologische Liposculptur. Im Rahmen dieser Operation entstehen unter der Haut große Wunden, die nach den „Rules of Nine“ bei Behandlung der beiden Arme in einer Sitzung und der Suktion der Beine in 2 Sitzungen pro Eingriff einer Fläche von 18% der body surface entsprechen. Durch ein adäquates postoperatives Management sowie die Gabe von Antibiotika und Antithrombotika kommt es dennoch nur selten zu operationsbedingten lokalen Komplikationen.Das wichtigste Ergebnis konsequenter operativer Behandlung der Lipohyperplasia dolorosa ist der Einfluss auf die Lebensqualität: „It ruined her life“ wird zu „It improves her life“.

This research is entitled “The Role of Mobile Brigade Corps in Defending the Independence (19461949)”. The researcher chose this problem because Mobile Brigade Corpse was the main pioneer in defending the independence. At the time of defending the independence, this Mobile Brigade Corps was not disbanded by Japan so that the Mobile Brigade Corps was really essential in defending Indonesia’s independence. The main problem of this research is “How were the role of Mobile Brigade Corps in defending the independence?” The method used is the method of historical research by doing four steps of research which are heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The technique used in data collection is literature study by reviewing the sources of literature relevant to the issues studied. Based on the research results, it can be explained that: First, before the independence, there is a change in the role performed by Mobile Brigade Corps. In the time of the Dutch colonialism, the role of the Mobile Brigade Corps was to maintain security and order but during the Japanese colonialism the role of Mobile Brigade Corpse is combat troops in helping Japan to face the Allies. Second, the early days of independence were marked by Japan’s surrender to the Allies. After Japan surrendered to the Allies, all Japanese-formed military organizations were disbanded except the Mobile Brigade Corps. Under that condition, the Mobile Brigade Corpse joined the Indonesian republic. After joining the Indonesian republic, the role of the Mobile Brigade Corps was to disarm Japan along with the people. The disarmament results are then distributed to the struggle agencies. When entering the period of defending the independence, the role of the Mobile Brigade Corps is to fight against the threat of the Allies and the Netherlands. The resistance was carried out by the Mobile Brigade Corps along with other struggling agencies such as the People’s Security Army.

The port city Liepaja had gained recognition in Europe and the world by World War I. On the coast of the Baltic Sea a resort developed, to which around 1880 a wide promenade – Kurhaus Avenue provided a functional link between the finance and trade centre in Old Liepaja. On November 8, 1890 the building conditions for Liepaja, developed according to the sample of Riga building regulations, were partly confirmed: the construction territory was divided into districts of wooden and stone buildings. In 1888 after the reconstruction of the trade canal Liepaja became the third most significant port in the Russian Empire. The railway (engineer Gavriil Semikolenov; 1879) and metal bridges (engineers Huten and Ruktesel; 1881) across the trade canal provided the link between Old Liepaja and the industrial territory in New Liepaja, where industrial companies and building of houses developed in the neighbourhood of the railway hub, but in spring 1899 the construction of a ten-kilometre long street electric railway line and power station was commenced. Since September 25 the tram movement provided a regular traffic between Naval Port (Latvian: Karosta), the residential and industrial districts in New Liepaja and the city centre in Old Liepaja. In 1907 the construction of the ambitious “Emperor Alexander’s III Military Port” and maritime fortress was completed, but already in the following year the fortress was closed. In the new military port there were based not only the navy squadrons of the Baltic Sea, but also the Pacific Ocean before sending them off in the war against Japan. The development of Liepaja continued: promenades, surrounded by Dutch linden trees, joined squares and parks in one united plantation system. On September 20, 1910 Liepaja City Council made a decision to close the New Market and start modernization of the city centre. In 1911 Liepaja obtained its symbol – the Rose Square. In the independent Republic of Latvia the implementation of the agrarian reform was started and the task to provide inhabitants with flats was set. Around 1927 in the Technical Department of Liepaja City the development of the master-plan was started: the territory of the city was divided into the industrial, commercial, residential and resort zone, which was greened. It was planned to lengthen Lord’s (Latvian: Kungu) Street with a dam, partly filling up Lake Liepaja in order to build the water-main and provide traffic with the eastern bank. The passed “Law of City Lands” and “Regulations for City Construction and Development of Construction Plans and Development Procedure” in Latvia Republic in 1928 promoted a gradual development of cities. In 1932 Liepaja received the radio transmitter. On the northern outskirts a sugar factory was built (architect Kārlis Bikše; 1933). The construction of the city centre was supplemented with the Latvian Society House (architect Kārlis Blauss and Valdis Zebauers; 1934-1935) and Army Economical Shop (architect Aleksandrs Racenis), as well as the building of a pawnshop and saving bank (architect Valdis Zebauers; 1936-1937). The hotel “Pēterpils”, which became the property of the municipality in 1936, was renamed as the “City Hotel” and it was rebuilt in 1938. In New Liepaja the Friendly Appeal Elementary school was built (architect Karlis Bikše), but in the Naval Officers Meeting House was restored and it was adapted for the needs of the Red Cross Bone Tuberculosis Sanatorium (architect Aleksandrs Klinklāvs; 1930-1939). The Soviet military power was restored in Latvia and it was included in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. During the World War II buildings in the city centre around the Rose Square and Great (Latvian: Lielā) Street were razed. When the war finished, the “Building Complex Scheme for 1946-1950” was developed for Liepaja. In August 1950 the city was announced as closed: the trade port was adapted to military needs. Neglecting the historical planning of the city, in 1952 the restoration of the city centre building was started, applying standard projects. The restoration of Liepaja City centre building carried out during the post-war period has not been studied. Research goal: analyse restoration proposals for Liepaja City centre building, destroyed during World War II, and the conception appropriate to the socialism ideology and further development of construction.

Introduction“From every kind of man obedience I expect; I’m the Emperor of Japan.” (“Miyasama,” from Gilbert and Sullivan’s musical The Mikado, 1885)This commentary is facilitated by—surprisingly resilient—oriental stereotypes of an imagined Japan (think of Oscar Wilde’s assertion, in 1889, that Japan was a European invention). During the Victorian era, in Britain, there was a craze for all things oriental, particularly ceramics and “there was a craze for all things Japanese and no middle class drawing room was without its Japanese fan or teapot.“ (V&A Victorian). These pastoral depictions of the ‘oriental life’ included the figures of men and women in oriental garb, with fans, stilt shoes, kimono-like robes, and appropriate headdresses, engaging in garden-based activities, especially tea ceremony variations (Landow). In fact, tea itself, and the idea of a ceremony of serving it, had taken up a central role, even an obsession in middle- and upper-class Victorian life. Similarly, landscapes with wild seas, rugged rocks and stunted pines, wizened monks, pagodas and temples, and particular fauna and flora (cranes and other birds flying through clouds of peonies, cherry blossoms and chrysanthemums) were very popular motifs (see Martin and Koda). Rather than authenticity, these designs heightened the Western-based romantic stereotypes associated with a stylised form of Japanese life, conducted sedately under rule of the Japanese Imperial Court. In reality, prior to the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Emperor was largely removed from everyday concerns, residing as an isolated, holy figure in Kyoto, the traditional capital of Japan. Japan was instead ruled from Edo (modern day Tokyo) led by the Shogun and his generals, according to a strict Confucian influenced code (see Keene). In Japan, as elsewhere, the presence of feudal-style governance includes policies that determine much of everyday life, including restrictions on clothing (Rall 169). The Samurai code was no different, and included a series of protocols that restricted rank, movement, behaviour, and clothing. As Vincent has noted in the case of the ‘lace tax’ in Great Britain, these restrictions were designed to punish those who seek to penetrate the upper classes through their costume (28-30). In Japan, pre-Meiji sumptuary laws, for example, restricted the use of gold, and prohibited the use of a certain shade of red by merchant classes (V&A Kimono).Therefore, in the governance of pre-globalised societies, the importance of clothing and textile is evident; as Jones and Stallybrass comment: We need to understand the antimatedness of clothes, their ability to “pick up” subjects, to mould and shape them both physically and socially—to constitute subjects through their power as material memories […] Clothing is a worn world: a world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body. (2-3, emphasis added)The significant re-imagining of Japanese cultural and national identities are explored here through the cataclysmic impact of Western ideologies on Japanese cultural traditions. There are many ways to examine how indigenous cultures respond to European, British, or American (hereafter Western) influences, particularly in times of conflict (Wilk). Western ideology arrived in Japan after a long period of isolation (during which time Japan’s only contact was with Dutch traders) through the threat of military hostility and war. It is after this outside threat was realised that Japan’s adoption of military and industrial practices begins. The re-imagining of their national identity took many forms, and the inclusion of a Western-style military costuming as a schoolboy uniform became a highly visible indicator of Japan’s mission to protect its sovereign integrity. A brief history of Japan’s rise from a collection of isolated feudal states to a unified military power, in not only the Asian Pacific region but globally, demonstrates the speed at which they adopted the Western mode of warfare. Gunboats on Japan’s ShorelinesJapan was forcefully opened to the West in the 1850s by America under threat of First Name Perry’s ‘gunboat diplomacy’ (Hillsborough 7-8). Following this, Japan underwent a rapid period of modernisation, and an upsurge in nationalism and military expansion that was driven by a desire to catch up to the European powers present in the Pacific. Noted by Ian Ferguson in Civilization: The West and the Rest, Unsure, the Japanese decided […] to copy everything […] Japanese institutions were refashioned on Western models. The army drilled like Germans; the navy sailed like Britons. An American-style system of state elementary and middle schools was also introduced. (221, emphasis added)This was nothing short of a wide-scale reorganisation of Japan’s entire social structure and governance. Under the Emperor Meiji, who wrested power from the Shogunate and reclaimed it for the Imperial head, Japan steamed into an industrial revolution, achieving in a matter of years what had taken Europe over a century.Japan quickly became a major player-elect on the world stage. However, as an island nation, Japan lacked the essentials of both coal and iron with which to fashion not only industrial machinery but also military equipment, the machinery of war. In 1875 Japan forced Korea to open itself to foreign (read: Japanese) trade. In the same treaty, Korea was recognised as a sovereign nation, separate from Qing China (Tucker 1461). The necessity for raw materials then led to the Sino-Japanese War (1894–95), a conflict between Japan and China that marked the emergence of Japan as a major world power. The Korean Peninsula had long been China’s most important client state, but its strategic location adjacent to the Japanese archipelago, and its natural resources of coal and iron, attracted Japan’s interest. Later, the Russo-Japanese War (1904–05), allowed a victorious Japan to force Russia to abandon its expansionist policy in the Far East, becoming the first Asian power in modern times to defeat a European power. The Russo-Japanese War developed out of the rivalry between Russia and Japan for dominance in Korea and Manchuria, again in the struggle for natural resources (Tucker 1534-46).Japan’s victories, together with the county’s drive for resources, meant that Japan could now determine its role within the Asia-Pacific sphere of influence. As Japan’s military, and their adoption of Westernised combat, proved effective in maintaining national integrity, other social institutions also looked to the West (Ferguson 221). In an ironic twist—while Victorian and Continental fashion was busy adopting the exotic, oriental look (Martin and Koda)—the kimono, along with other essentials of Japanese fashions, were rapidly altered (both literally and figuratively) to suit new, warlike ideology. It should be noted that kimono literally means ‘things that you wear’ and which, prior to exposure to Western fashions, signified all worn clothing (Dalby 65-119). “Wearing Things” in Westernised JapanAs Japan modernised during the late 1800s the kimono was positioned as symbolising barbaric, pre-modern, ‘oriental’ Japan. Indeed, on 17 January 1887 the Meiji Empress issued a memorandum on the subject of women’s clothing in Japan: “She [the Empress] believed that western clothes were in fact closer to the dress of women in ancient Japan than the kimonos currently worn and urged that they be adopted as the standard clothes of the reign” (Keene 404). The resemblance between Western skirts and blouses and the simple skirt and separate top that had been worn in ancient times by a people descended from the sun goddess, Amaterasu wo mikami, was used to give authority and cultural authenticity to Japan’s modernisation projects. The Imperial Court, with its newly ennobled European style aristocrats, exchanged kimono silks for Victorian finery, and samurai armour for military pomp and splendour (Figure 1).Figure 1: The Meiji Emperor, Empress and Crown Prince resplendent in European fashions on an outing to Asukayama Park. Illustration: Toyohara Chikanobu, circa 1890.It is argued here that the function of a uniform is to prepare the body for service. Maids and butlers, nurses and courtesans, doctors, policemen, and soldiers are all distinguished by their garb. Prudence Black states: “as a technology, uniforms shape and code the body so they become a unit that belongs to a collective whole” (93). The requirement to discipline bodies through clothing, particularly through uniforms, is well documented (see Craik, Peoples, and Foucault). The need to distinguish enemies from allies on the battlefield requires adherence to a set of defined protocols, as referenced in military fashion compendiums (see Molloy). While the postcolonial adoption of Western-based clothing reflects a new form of subservience (Rall, Kuechler and Miller), in Japan, the indigenous garments were clearly designed in the interests of ideological allegiance. To understand the Japanese sartorial traditions, the kimono itself must be read as providing a strong disciplinary element. The traditional garment is designed to represent an upright and unbending column—where two meters of under bindings are used to discipline the body into shape are then topped with a further four meters of a stiffened silk obi wrapped around the waist and lower chest. To dress formally in such a garment requires helpers (see Dalby). The kimono both constructs and confines the women who wear it, and presses them into their roles as dutiful, upper-class daughters (see Craik). From the 1890s through to the 1930s, when Japan again enters a period of militarism, the myth of the kimono again changes as it is integrated into the build-up towards World War II.Decades later, when Japan re-established itself as a global economic power in the 1970s and 1980s, the kimono was re-authenticated as Japan’s ‘traditional’ garment. This time it was not the myth of a people descended from solar deities that was on display, but that of samurai strength and propriety for men, alongside an exaggerated femininity for women, invoking a powerful vision of Japanese sartorial tradition. This reworking of the kimono was only possible as the garment was already contained within the framework of Confucian family duty. However, in the lead up to World War II, Japanese military advancement demanded of its people soldiers that could win European-style wars. The quickest solution was to copy the military acumen and strategies of global warfare, and the costumes of the soldiery and seamen of Europe, including Great Britain (Ferguson). It was also acknowledged that soldiers were ‘made not born’ so the Japanese educational system was re-vamped to emulate those of its military rivals (McVeigh). It was in the uptake of schoolboy uniforms that this re-imagining of Japanese imperial strength took place.The Japanese Schoolboy UniformCentral to their rapid modernisation, Japan adopted a constitutional system of education that borrowed from American and French models (Tipton 68-69). The government viewed education as a “primary means of developing a sense of nation,” and at its core, was the imperial authorities’ obsession with defining “Japan and Japaneseness” (Tipton 68-69). Numerous reforms eventually saw, after an abolition of fees, nearly 100% attendance by both boys and girls, despite a lingering mind-set that educating women was “a waste of time” (Tipton 68-69). A boys’ uniform based on the French and Prussian military uniforms of the 1860s and 1870s respectively (Kinsella 217), was adopted in 1879 (McVeigh 47). This jacket, initially with Prussian cape and cap, consists of a square body, standing mandarin style collar and a buttoned front. It was through these education reforms, as visually symbolised by the adoption of military style school uniforms, that citizen making, education, and military training became interrelated aspects of Meiji modernisation (Kinsella 217). Known as the gakuran (gaku: to study; ran: meaning both orchid, and a pun on Horanda, meaning Holland, the only Western country with trading relations in pre-Meiji Japan), these jackets were a symbol of education, indicating European knowledge, power and influence and came to reflect all things European in Meiji Japan. By adopting these jackets two objectives were realised:through the magical power of imitation, Japan would, by adopting the clothing of the West, naturally rise in military power; and boys were uniformed to become not only educated as quasi-Europeans, but as fighting soldiers and sons (suns) of the nation.The gakuran jacket was first popularised by state-run schools, however, in the century and a half that the garment has been in use it has come to symbolise young Japanese masculinity as showcased in campus films, anime, manga, computer games, and as fashion is the preeminent garment for boybands and Japanese hipsters.While the gakuran is central to the rise of global militarism in Japan (McVeigh 51-53), the jacket would go on to form the basis of the Sun Yat Sen and Mao Suits as symbols of revolutionary China (see McVeigh). Supposedly, Sun Yat Sen saw the schoolboy jacket in Japan as a utilitarian garment and adopted it with a turn down collar (Cumming et al.). For Sun Yat Sen, the gakuran was the perfect mix of civilian (school boy) and military (the garment’s Prussian heritage) allowing him to walk a middle path between the demands of both. Furthermore, the garment allowed Sun to navigate between Western style suits and old-fashioned Qing dynasty styles (Gerth 116); one was associated with the imperialism of the National Products Movement, while the other represented the corruption of the old dynasty. In this way, the gakuran was further politicised from a national (Japanese) symbol to a global one. While military uniforms have always been political garments, in the late 1800s and early 1900s, as the world was rocked by revolutions and war, civilian clothing also became a means of expressing political ideals (McVeigh 48-49). Note that Mahatma Ghandi’s clothing choices also evolved from wholly Western styles to traditional and emphasised domestic products (Gerth 116).Mao adopted this style circa 1927, further defining the style when he came to power by adding elements from the trousers, tunics, and black cotton shoes worn by peasants. The suit was further codified during the 1960s, reaching its height in the Cultural Revolution. While the gakuran has always been a scholarly black (see Figure 2), subtle differences in the colour palette differentiated the Chinese population—peasants and workers donned indigo blue Mao jackets, while the People’s Liberation Army Soldiers donned khaki green. This limited colour scheme somewhat paradoxically ensured that subtle hierarchical differences were maintained even whilst advocating egalitarian ideals (Davis 522). Both the Sun Yat Sen suit and the Mao jacket represented the rejection of bourgeois (Western) norms that objectified the female form in favour of a uniform society. Neo-Maoism and Mao fever of the early 1990s saw the Mao suit emerge again as a desirable piece of iconic/ironic youth fashion. Figure 2: An example of Gakuran uniform next to the girl’s equivalent on display at Ichikawa Gakuen School (Japan). Photo: Emerald King, 2015.There is a clear and vital link between the influence of the Prussian style Japanese schoolboy uniform on the later creation of the Mao jacket—that of the uniform as an integral piece of worn propaganda (Atkins).For Japan, the rapid deployment of new military and industrial technologies, as well as a sartorial need to present her leaders as modern (read: Western) demanded the adoption of European-style uniforms. The Imperial family had always been removed from Samurai battlefields, so the adoption of Western military costume allowed Japan’s rulers to present a uniform face to other global powers. When Japan found itself in conflict in the Asia Pacific Region, without an organised military, the first requirement was to completely reorganise their system of warfare from a feudal base and to train up national servicemen. Within an American-style compulsory education system, the European-based curriculum included training in mathematics, engineering and military history, as young Britons had for generations begun their education in Greek and Latin, with the study of Ancient Greek and Roman wars (Bantock). It is only in the classroom that ideological change on a mass scale can take place (Reference Please), a lesson not missed by later leaders such as Mao Zedong.ConclusionIn the 1880s, the Japanese leaders established their position in global politics by adopting clothing and practices from the West (Europeans, Britons, and Americans) in order to quickly re-shape their country’s educational system and military establishment. The prevailing military costume from foreign cultures not only disciplined their adopted European bodies, they enforced a new regime through dress (Rall 157-174). For boys, the gakuran symbolised the unity of education and militarism as central to Japanese masculinity. Wearing a uniform, as many authors suggest, furthers compliance (Craik, Nagasawa Kaiser and Hutton, and McVeigh). As conscription became a part of Japanese reality in World War II, the schoolboys just swapped their military-inspired school uniforms for genuine military garments.Re-imagining a Japanese schoolboy uniform from a European military costume might suit ideological purposes (Atkins), but there is more. The gakuran, as a uniform based on a close, but not fitted jacket, was the product of a process of advanced industrialisation in the garment-making industry also taking place in the 1800s:Between 1810 and 1830, technical calibrations invented by tailors working at the very highest level of the craft [in Britain] eventually made it possible for hundreds of suits to be cut up and made in advance [...] and the ready-to-wear idea was put into practice for men’s clothes […] originally for uniforms for the War of 1812. (Hollander 31) In this way, industrialisation became a means to mass production, which furthered militarisation, “the uniform is thus the clothing of the modern disciplinary society” (Black 102). There is a perfect resonance between Japan’s appetite for a modern military and their rise to an industrialised society, and their conquests in Asia Pacific supplied the necessary material resources that made such a rapid deployment possible. The Japanese schoolboy uniform was an integral part of the process of both industrialisation and militarisation, which instilled in the wearer a social role required by modern Japanese society in its rise for global power. Garments are never just clothing, but offer a “world of social relations put upon the wearer’s body” (Jones and Stallybrass 3-4).Today, both the Japanese kimono and the Japanese schoolboy uniform continue to interact with, and interrogate, global fashions as contemporary designers continue to call on the tropes of ‘military chic’ (Tonchi) and Japanese-inspired clothing (Kawamura). References Atkins, Jaqueline. Wearing Propaganda: Textiles on the Home Front in Japan, Britain, and the United States. Princeton: Yale UP, 2005.Bantock, Geoffrey Herman. Culture, Industrialisation and Education. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1968.Black, Prudence. “The Discipline of Appearance: Military Style and Australian Flight Hostess Uniforms 1930–1964.” Fashion & War in Popular Culture. Ed. Denise N. Rall. Bristol: Intellect/U Chicago P, 2014. 91-106.Craik, Jenifer. Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression. Oxford: Berg, 2005.Cumming, Valerie, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. “Mao Style.” The Dictionary of Fashion History. Eds. Valerie Cumming, Cecil Williet Cunnington, and Phillis Emily Cunnington. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Dalby, Liza, ed. Kimono: Fashioning Culture. London: Vintage, 2001.Davis, Edward L., ed. Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Chinese Culture. London: Routledge, 2005.Dees, Jan. Taisho Kimono: Speaking of Past and Present. Milan: Skira, 2009.Ferguson, N. Civilization: The West and the Rest. London: Penguin, 2011.Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. London: Penguin, 1997. Gerth, Karl. China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, Cambridge: East Asian Harvard Monograph 224, 2003.Gilbert, W.S., and Arthur Sullivan. The Mikado or, The Town of Titipu. 1885. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://math.boisestate.edu/gas/mikado/mk_lib.pdf›. Hillsborough, Romulus. 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Victoria and Albert Museum. “The Victorian Vision of China and Japan.” 10 Nov. 2015 ‹http://www.vam.ac.uk/content/articles/t/the-victorian-vision-of-china-and-japan/›.Vincent, Susan J. The Anatomy of Fashion: Dressing the Body from the Renaissance to Today. Berg: Oxford, 2009.Wilde, Oscar. “The Decay of Lying.” 1889. In Intentions New York: Berentano’s 1905. 16 Nov. 2015 ‹http://virgil.org/dswo/courses/novel/wilde-lying.pdf›. Wilk, Richard. “Consumer Goods as a Dialogue about Development.” Cultural History 7 (1990) 79-100.

Clauss, Martin / Christoph Nübel (Hrsg.), Militärisches Entscheiden. Voraussetzungen, Prozesse und Repräsentationen einer sozialen Praxis von der Antike bis zum 20. Jahrhundert (Krieg und Konflikt, 9), Frankfurt a. M. / New York 2020, Campus, 496 S. / Abb., € 52,00. (Jörg Rogge, Mainz) Scheller, Benjamin (Hrsg.), Kulturen des Risikos im Mittelalter und in der Frühen Neuzeit (Schriften des Historischen Kollegs. Kolloquien, 99), Berlin / Boston 2019, de Gruyter Oldenbourg, IX u. 278 S. / Abb., € 69,95. (Christian Wenzel, Marburg) Eisenbichler, Konrad (Hrsg.)‚ A Companion to Medieval and Early Modern Confraternities (Brill’s Companions to the Christian Tradition, 83), Leiden / Boston 2019, Brill, XVI u. 475 S. / Abb., € 215,00. (Nikolas Funke, Münster) Das, Nandini / Tim Youngs (Hrsg.), The Cambridge History of Travel Writing, Cambridge [u. a.] 2019, Cambridge University Press, XVIII u. 639 S. / Abb., £ 135,00. 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(Jörg Schwarz, Innsbruck) Christ, Georg / Franz-Julius Morche (Hrsg.), Cultures of Empire. Rethinking Venetian Rule, 1400 – 1700. Essays in Honour of Benjamin Arbel (The Medieval Mediterranean, 122), Leiden / Boston 2020, Brill, XXXI u. 484 S. / Abb., € 149,00. (Uwe Israel, Dresden) Lemire, Beverly, Global Trade and the Transformation of Consumer Cultures. The Material World Remade, c. 1500 – 1820 (New Approaches to Economic and Social History), Cambridge 2018, Cambridge University Press, XVIII u. 352 S. / Abb., £ 22,99. (Stefan Hanß, Manchester) Siebenhüner, Kim / John Jordan / Gabi Schopf (Hrsg.), Cotton in Context. Manufacturing, Marketing, and Consuming Textiles in the German-Speaking World (1500 – 1900) (Ding, Materialität, Geschichte, 4), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 424 S. / Abb., € 90,00. 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