Journal articles on the topic 'Armed Resistance Unit'

ABSTRACTThis article traces resistance among members of the armed forces who opposed the military dictatorship in Brazil during the first four years of the regime, 1964–67. I show that despite scholars’ efforts to depict the 1964 coup as a project supported by the armed forces as a strategic and ideological unit, there were battle lines within those forces along which hard-liners and moderate interventionists battled for government control. There were, in fact, hundreds of officers and soldiers who opposed the coup and organized against it. To contain resistance efforts inside the armed forces, the generals who orchestrated the coup labeled opponents to intervention as communists and expelled them from the institution, in many cases under considerable duress. This article discusses the first opposition efforts of officers and soldiers, particularly the Nationalist Armed Resistance (RAN) and the Caparaó Guerrilla Movement. Members of the military who were opposed to the coup shared an anti-interventionism and nationalism that united them against the regime. After 1964, their efforts to oppose military interventionism, previously carried out inside the military barracks, became the fight of all its opponents, members of the armed forces and civilians alike.

During the last period of time many questions connected with destruction of Guta Penyatska achieved serious social interest, they aren’t widely investigated in many Ukrainian and Polish documents and papers. Except this, our historical science doesn’t include any basic and important scientific articles concerning this problem. In the publication on the base of many materials and reminiscences of eye-witnesses are shown the main reasons of destruction of Guta Penyatska. The author provides important facts, which vividly testify, that German-fascist unit set on fire that village, and killed a lot of people. The German occupational regime wanted to punish local underground organization for its cooperation with the Soviet guerillas and armed resistance. On the 23-rd of February 1944 German unit lost 4 (four) soldiers and 8 (eight) were badly wounded. At that time there were 500 armed participants of Resistance movement and a lot of poles, who escaped from different German military formations. This fact assured Galician occupational administration (District Galicia), that Guta Penyatska was a shelter for the Soviet querillas, security forces and criminal elements, who performed some terrorist acts in Lviv, killing vice-governor of Galicia Otto Bauer. As a result of this, an occupational power organized so-called punitive action, which took place on the 28-th of February 1944. Keywords Guta Penyatska, German Army, Soviet partisans, Ukrainian insurgent army, division «Galychyna», punitive action.

The emergence of the pseudo-state Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES) or better known as Rojava in 2014 became an alarm for the emergence of a new form of political entity that transcends the form of the Westphalian nation- state. The democratic confederalism system is seen as very close to the thought of anarchism which rejects all forms of hierarchy including the nation-state system and upholds equality between human beings. YPJ is a women's armed forces unit in Rojava that adheres to the idea of Jineology –an idea of gender equality from Abdullah Ocalan which is also integrated into the democratic confederacies system. The magnitude of the role of YPJ in the process of Rojava's resistance to the nation-state and capitalism made the writer interested in analyzing YPJ resistance using the Anarcha-Feminism theory to determine the effect of the theory on YPJ resistance. Anarcha-Feminism was chosen because it can be a synthesis between class struggle, women's liberation, and the deconstruction of the nation-state political system. This research will also review and describe the role of women in post-conflict development in Rojava, particularly regarding their involvement in the economy, education, social, military, and public decision-making through the perspective of the Sustainable Development Goals.

Based on the analysis of recent publications and results of scientific research on pedagogical, psychological military special topics it is established, that military psychological and pedagogical science does not sufficiently address the issue of readiness of future psychologists for professional activity in the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The scientific article analyzes the problem of forming the readiness of a military psychologist for effective professional activity in the Armed Forces of Ukraine in battlefield conditions. The content of the definition "readiness of a military psychologist for professional activity in the Armed Forces of Ukraine" in the context of the outlined problem is specified. It is established, that the concept of "readiness of a military psychologist for professional activity in the Armed Forces of Ukraine" is, first of all, a prerequisite for the effective performance of service and combat activities. The scientific article examines that the psychological support of professional activities of militaries, conducted by a military psychologist in the combat unit, means a set of measures aimed at maintaining professional suitability, psychological readiness for professional activity and resistance to stressors of the service and combat environment. It is outlined that psychological follow-up consists of two components: psychological support, psychological assistance. Readiness as a complex new development of the personality contains not only cognitive and operational components but also motivational, volitional and axiological components, which provide a stable desire for effective performance. In addition, all components of readiness comply with the activity, the indicator of successful implementation of which is readiness. Thus, the readiness of future psychologists for professional activity in the Armed Forces of Ukraine is an important condition for the effective activity of an individual.

Objective: To determine the frequency, risk factors, and antibiotic susceptibility pattern of Burkholderia cepacia isolates from clinical specimens in a Pakistani tertiary care hospital. Study Design: Cross-sectional Study Place and Duration of Study: Department of Microbiology, Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, Rawalpindi Pakistan, from Jul 2017 to Jun 2021. Methodology: The Burkholderia cepacia strains were isolated from clinical samples by routine microbiological methods. In our laboratory, the identification and antimicrobial susceptibility testing of the isolate were made by API 20NE and VITEK-2 Automated Microbiology Analyzer. Results: Four hundred and nineteen (419) str5-ains of Burkholderia cepacia were isolated during the study period. Among them,277(66.1%) and 57(13.6%) isolates were from blood cultures and lower respiratory tracts, respectively. The antibiotic-resistant rates of the isolates of Minocycline, Cotrimoxazole, Levofloxacin, Meropenem, and Ceftazidime were 13(3.1%), 26(6.2%), 49(11.6%),74(17.6%) and 118(28.16%) respectively. Conclusion: We observed a gradual increase in the frequency of isolation. A surge in antimicrobial resistance was also seen during the study period underscoring the need for rigorous implementation of antimicrobial stewardship programs and infection control practices.

The article analyzes the raid activities of the Sumy partisan unit (Putivl partisan detachment, Putivl united partisan detachment) under the command of S. A. Kovpak – S. V. Rudnev during 1941 1943. The evolution of raiding factors, coverage area, tactical and strategic tasks set before the command and personnel of this partisan unit was researched. It was found that at the initial stage of deployment of active armed resistance of the detachment and unit with inadequate supply of weapons and ammunition, lack of communication with other units and a single command center, raids were caused by confrontation with the occupying forces and attempts to maintain personnel. The first two raids of the combined detachment in December 1941 – January 1942, were caused by pressure from the overwhelming forces of the enemy, which forced the unit to move from Spadschansky forest (Sumy region) to Hinelsky forests (Orel and Kursk regions), and later, after replenishment of personnel and provision of weapons and ammunition, with the fighting went to the territory of its previous deployment. The third and fourth raids (February – March 1942; May – July 1942) were carried out within the Sumy and adjacent regions both to spread the influence of the Sumy partisan unit and under pressure from enemy forces. The next stage of the raid activity of the Sumy partisan unit was closely connected with the centralization of the Soviet partisan resistance movement and was carried out within the framework of strategic plans developed by the leadership of the UHGM and CHGM. This is the so-called “Stalin raid”, which took place in October – November 1942, during which 835 km were covered in the occupied territories of Sumy, Chernihiv, Gomel, Polissya, Kyiv, Zhytomyr regions. In February – March 1943, during another raid, guerrillas operated in the Rivne, Zhytomyr and Kyiv regions. From June 12 to October 1, 1943, the Sumy partisan unit conducted a “Carpathian raid” on the territory of Zhytomyr, Rivne, Ternopil, Stanislavsk and Kamyanets-Podilsky regions. Inflicting significant damage to the enemy, the guerrillas suffered significant losses – more than 50 % of the fighters did not return from the raid, S. V. Rudnev was killed, S. A. Kovpak and G. Ya. Bazyma were wounded, which led to a significant renewal of the fighting force and a complete replacement. command. During the raids, the fighters of the Sumy partisan unit under the leadership of S. A. Kovpak – S. V. Rudnev successfully combined combat, sabotage, intelligence and propaganda activities, expanding the area of guerrillas and intensifying the resistance movement among the inhabitants of the new regions.

There has been a war in Ukraine for 6 years. In this regard, the production of military equipment has increased significantly, including. armored vehicles. Serious requirements are imposed on any military equipment. This paper focuses on the reduction of the external noise of the Dozor-B armored vehicle both in terms of ecology and in terms of camouflage. The technical characteristics of the mentioned armored car and its main sources of noise are briefly discussed. It is concluded that the body emits a significant level of noise, and therefore it is important to reduce the total external noise of the armored car by reducing the noise emitted by the body of the latter. The dissertation work of Krutolapov V.Ye. was analyzed. "A method of improving the vibroacoustic characteristics of the car body using vibration damping materials." The dissertation deals with the method of measuring the amplitude-frequency characteristic of a plate with a damping coating, called "obst". We have pointed out the disadvantages developed by Krutolapov V.Ye. bituminous coated plates and suggested their solution. A method of reducing the level of external noise of armored vehicles by coating their housings with a multilayer damping coating is proposed. The algorithm of calculation of the mentioned covering is developed. The choice of the necessary materials is made on the basis of their acoustic properties, heat resistance and cost. The number of coating layers is calculated based on the required acoustic effect, cost and weight of the structure. The acoustic efficiency of the developed three-layer damping coating was calculated, as well as the estimation of the external noise reduction of the Dozor-B armored car for a number of speeds of the latter on the main cycle on the road due to the application of this coating. Keywords: transport, armored car, armed forces, fire support machine, military equipment, engine, power unit, noise, camouflage, ecology, noise source, housing, acoustic efficiency, wave impedance, sound penetration coefficient, multi-layer vibration damping material.

The spread of multidrug-resistant Gram-negative bacteria, which is associated with the distribution of beta-lactamase genes and class 1 and 2 integrons, is a global problem. In this study, in the Moscow neurosurgery intensive care unit (neuro-ICU), the high prevalence of the above-stated genes was found to be associated with intestinal and tracheal carriage. Seven-point prevalence surveys, which included 60 patients in the neuro-ICU, were conducted weekly in the period from Oct. to Nov. 2019. A total of 293 clinical samples were analyzed, including 146 rectal and 147 tracheal swabs; 344 Gram-negative bacteria isolates were collected. Beta-lactamase genes (n = 837) were detected in the isolates, including beta-lactamase blaTEM (n = 162), blaSHV (n = 145), cephalosporinase blaCTX–M (n = 228), carbapenemase blaNDM (n = 44), blaKPC (n = 25), blaOXA–48 (n = 126), blaOXA–51–like (n = 54), blaOXA–40-like (n = 43), blaOXA–23-like (n = 8), and blaVIM (n = 2), as well as class 1 (n = 189) and class 2 (n = 12) integrons. One extensively drug-resistant Klebsiella pneumoniae strain (sequence type ST39 and capsular type K23), simultaneously carried beta-lactamase genes, blaSHV–40 and blaTEM–1B, three carbapenemase genes, blaNDM, blaKPC, and blaOXA–48, the cephalosporinase gene blaCTX–M, and two class 1 integrons. Before this study, such heavily armed strains have not been reported, suggesting the ongoing evolution of antibiotic resistance.

ABSTRACT Introduction Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) continue to plague militaries and defense forces. While the historical recognition of the impact of STIs on operations is evident, contemporary surveillance and research activities are limited. As Neisseria gonorrhoeae and other sexually transmitted pathogens become increasingly resistant to antibiotics, the role of the Department of Defense (DoD) in disease surveillance and clinical research is essential to military Force Health Protection. Methods The Infectious Disease Clinical Research Program (IDCRP) of the Uniformed Services University of the Health Sciences partnered with the DoD Global Emerging Infections Surveillance (GEIS) program to monitor the distribution of gonorrhea antimicrobial resistance (AMR) both domestically and abroad. The DoD gonococcal reference laboratory and repository was established in 2011 as a resource for confirmatory testing and advanced characterization of isolates collected from sites across the continental United States (CONUS) and GEIS-funded sites outside the continental United States (OCONUS). The IDCRP is currently implementing surveillance efforts at CONUS military clinics, including Madigan Army Medical Center, Naval Medical Center Camp Lejeune, Naval Medical Center Portsmouth, Naval Medical Center San Diego, and San Antonio Military Medical Center (efforts were also previously at Womack Army Medical Center). The reference laboratory and repository receives specimens from OCONUS collaborators, including Armed Forces Research Institute of Medical Sciences (AFRIMS; Bangkok, Thailand), Naval Medical Research Unit No. 3 (NAMRU-3), Ghana Detachment (Accra, Ghana), Naval Medical Research Unit No. 6 (NAMRU-6; Lima, Peru), U.S. Army Medical Research Unit – Georgia (USAMRD-G; Tbilisi, Republic of Georgia), and U.S. Army Medical Research Directorate – Kenya (USAMRD-K; Nairobi, Kenya). The gonococcal surveillance program, to include findings, as well as associated clinical research efforts are described. Results Among N. gonorrhoeae isolates tested within the United States, 8% were resistant to tetracycline, 2% were resistant to penicillin, and 30% were resistant to ciprofloxacin. To date, only one of the 61 isolates has demonstrated some resistance (MIC=1 μg/ml) to azithromycin. No resistance to cephalosporins has been detected; however, reduced susceptibility (MIC=0.06–0.125 μg/ml) has been observed in 13% of isolates. Resistance is commonly observed in N. gonorrhoeae isolates submitted from OCONUS clinical sites, particularly with respect to tetracycline, penicillin, and ciprofloxacin. While no azithromycin-resistant isolates have been identified from OCONUS sites, reduced susceptibility (MIC=0.125–0.5 μg/ml) to azithromycin was observed in 23% of isolates. Conclusion Continued monitoring of circulating resistance patterns on a global scale is critical for ensuring appropriate treatments are prescribed for service members that may be infected in the U.S. or while deployed. Domestic surveillance for gonococcal AMR within the Military Health System has indicated that resistance patterns, while variable, are not dramatically different from what is seen in U.S. civilian data. Global patterns of gonococcal AMR have been described through the establishment of a central DoD gonococcal reference laboratory and repository. This repository of global isolates provides a platform for further research and development into biomedical countermeasures against gonococcal infections.

The peculiarities of the interaction of the Armed Forces of Ukraine with territorial defense units and voluntary formations of territorial communities in the conditions of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the problems of legal support for such interaction and the legislative determination of the status of voluntary formations of territorial communities are considered. Formulation of the problem. As a result of the imperfection of the legislation concerning the territorial defense of Ukraine, there are problems of interaction between the Armed Forces, territorial defense and voluntary formations of territorial communities. The contradiction of individual articles of Ukrainian legislation provokes a decrease in the level of effective use of territorial defense and voluntary formations of territorial communities in the conditions of full-scale aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. Analysis of recent research and publications. The full-scale war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine has led to the consideration of the problems of regulatory support for the territorial defense of Ukraine and the voluntary formations of territorial communities. A. L. Beikun and O. M. Romashko in their work consider the essence and content of the legal regulation of the security and defense sector of Ukraine, the effectiveness of the interaction of all components of the security and defense sector, including the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the conditions of Russian aggression. Yu. L. Kolhushkin in his dissertation highlights the issue of administrative and legal provision of territorial defense of Ukraine. Troianskyi O. A. analyzes the legal principles of citizens’ participation in the territorial defense of Ukraine and voluntary formations of territorial communities, he analyzes the main components of territorial defense, considers the peculiarities of the formation of voluntary formations of territorial communities. Main material. Legal regulation of the interaction of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and voluntary formations of territorial communities provides for ordering and regulating the behavior of the specified participants in legal relations with the help of legal norms. The need for proper regulation of the interaction of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Defense Forces of Ukraine arose in connection with military operations in the conditions of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in accordance with the Law of Ukraine No. 1702-IX “On the Basics of National Resistance”. Territorial defense forces exist in many states and are one of the factors in strengthening the state's defense capability. In most countries, the territorial defense forces are closely related to the armed forces or are their integral part. The legislation of Ukraine defines the voluntary formation of a territorial community as a military-civilian component of territorial defense, a paramilitary unit formed on a voluntary basis from citizens of Ukraine living within the territory of the relevant territorial community which is intended to participate in the preparation and fulfillment of territorial defense tasks. Changes made to the legislation of Ukraine regarding the interaction of the Armed Forces with voluntary formations of territorial communities and the use of units of voluntary formations of territorial communities in the combat zone have created some problems. This concerns the inconsistency between the new content of the status of voluntary formations of territorial communities and the obligations during the formation, material and technical support of voluntary formations of territorial communities as well as rights and guarantees for territorial defense and voluntary formations of territorial communities. It is necessary to emphasize that the regulatory support for the interaction of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the voluntary formations of territorial communities needs further improvement, firstly, a clear definition of the status, rights and guarantees of voluntary formations of territorial communities; secondly, provision of the financial component and, thirdly, material and technical support, including weapons and military equipment.

The article analyzes the activities of the security bodies of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists of the Melnyk direction during the Second World War. It was proven that the bodies were created by some former OUN intelligence officers, who were led by Yaroslav Haivas, in February 1940 on the territory of the General Government. In March 1941, the counterintelligence group, which was involved in identifying Bandera’s agents, of the sub-unit was separated. In the summer of 1941, the development of the OUN(M) security bodies network had begun on the territory of Western Ukraine. They resembled the OUN intelligence of the 1930-s by their structure. They reached the greatest development in southern Volyn. In the autumn of 1941, Melnyk security bodies extended their influence on Ukrainian lands to the east of Zbruch. Faced with German repression, they did not dare to confront the armed resistance, considering it was hopeless. Melnyk’s security bodies had high hopes for achieving strong positions in the occupation administration. They primarily focused on the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police. The development of the OUN(M) cells was slow even in the Western Ukraine. It mostly occured in the towns controlled by Germans. The article clarified that Melnyk’s counterintelligence forces sometimes managed to identify and even eliminate individual Bandera agents. However, they could not effectively resist the much stronger OUN (Bandera) Security Service. In the summer of 1943, Melnykivtsi were finally defeated in that confrontation. Banderites surrounded a few armed formations of the OUN(M) and attached them to the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. After those events the Melnyk movement started to decline. The last OUN(M) security service boivka operated until the autumn of 1944 in the Drohobych region.

During World War II, in 1939–1944, there was a Polish armed resistance movement in Eastern Lithuania, which was called Armia Krajowa (Home Army) in the abstract. In researching the activities of Armia Krajowa (AK) in Eastern Lithuania, not only historiography is valuable, but also surviving documents and memoirs, as well as the Bernardine Fund preserved in the Lithuanian Central State Archives. So far, this Fund does not seem to receive much attention from scientists researching the activities of AK in Lithuania, as well as archives compiled by Poles residing in other countries. Based on the concept of storage medium, the article analyzes the case of the Bernardine Fund in the context of archival research of the Polish diaspora. During the analysis of the documents kept in the Bernardine Fund, it was observed that the said Fund held significant documents that could supplement / replace the existing narrative about Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade. Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade is noteworthy, as it is the first armed AK unit to launch a consistent armed resistance, but so far there are no separate studies dedicated to the activities of this brigade. The storage medium is the basis of memory communication that gives authenticity to the constructed memory narrative. The Bernardine Fund is a storage medium that originated in the past and reached the present unchanged / slightly changed, and that contains a certain memory narrative about AK. The Bernardine Fund and the documents contained in it are valuable storage media that can help reveal the situation of the residents of Eastern Lithuania during World War II and shed new light on the military activities of AK. In the context of research and preservation of the written heritage of the Polish diaspora, this medium has not yet received the attention of scientists, although the example of the Kmicic’s AK brigade proved that this Fund contains documents that reveal hitherto unknown aspects of AK activities. A fact turns into an event only when certain groups draw their attention to it, when they give meaning to it and start talking and writing about it, and it begins to be remembered. All significant events are just someone’s creations, created just to justify the present in a way that is convenient for the collective, the political elite, or the heads of state. The case of Kmicic’s brigade has proven that no fact is completely lost. If a fact is not currently updated and used, it does not mean that it will be the case all the time. The documents kept in the Fund reflect that during the formation of the historiographical narrative, the collective memory of the said brigade, part of the events was deliberately omitted in order to give integrity to the narrative being formed.

The article describes the provisions of regulatory legal acts that define the principles of normative and legal, service and combat application of the Kubotan technique by the servicemen of the National Guard of Ukraine for performing the task of protecting public safety and order. The analysis of regulatory legal acts and subordinate regulatory documents governing the list of special means, is carried out that are used by military personnel of the National Guard in the performing of official tasks and the rules for the use of special means by servicemen of the National Guard in the performance of authorised tasks in general and for the protection of public safety and order in particular. The legal essence and formation of the Kubotan, the characteristics and parameters of the Kubotan, the purpose and types of the Kubotan, and the technique of using the Kubotan by the servicemen of the National Guard of Ukraine to perform the task of protecting public security and order are described. The author defines the prohibition of the use of special means of Kubotan against women with obvious signs of pregnancy, minors, persons with obvious signs of disability or old age, except in cases of armed or group attack, armed resistance to a serviceman of the National Guard of Ukraine, threatening his life and health and/or other persons, if it is impossible to repel such attack or resistance by other means. The servicemen of the National Guard of Ukraine are required to undergo special training and periodic testing of their ability to perform actions related to the use of the special means of the Kubotan and to provide first aid to victims. The use of Kubotan as a special means, the time of start and the intensity of its use shall be determined taking into account the current circumstances, the nature of the offence and the personality of the offender. When on duty as part of a group, the decision to use special means is taken by a duly appointed official responsible for ensuring public safety and order, or by the head of the operation or the commander of the relevant military unit (subdivision, group) of the National Guard of Ukraine. Servicemen acting individually shall make such decisions on the use of Kubotan independently. It is concluded that it is advisable to use the Kubotan technique by the National Guard of Ukraine to perform the task of protecting public safety and order if other forms of preliminary impact on offenders have not yielded the desired results.

The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the formation and evolution of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) as a key agency in the national security system from Ukraine’s independence to the present. It examines the historical context of the SBU’s establishment after the dissolution of the USSR and its continuity from Soviet security agencies. Legislative regulation, evolution of functions, powers, and tasks at different stages are discussed. The administrative activities of the SBU, its methods, principles, and peculiarities compared to other law enforcement agencies are analyzed. Attention is given to the SBU’s contribution to countering russian aggression in 2014 – annexation of Crimea and resistance in Donbas. Special emphasis is placed on the role of the SBU’s special unit «A» and other structures in direct combat actions. The administrative activities of the SBU play a crucial role in ensuring national security, encompassing measures to detect, prevent, and stop violations of law. They extend beyond national security to include protecting citizens’ rights and freedoms. The tasks and specifics of the SBU’s functioning in conditions of martial law after russia’s invasion in 2022 are examined. Main directions such as countering saboteurs, ensuring cybersecurity, and documenting war crimes are discussed. The close cooperation between the SBU and the Armed Forces in the combat zone is emphasized. Legislative changes regarding the expansion of SBU’s powers, especially in countering technological terrorism, are analyzed. Prospects for further reform and improvement as a key guarantor of national security, sovereignty, and territorial integrity are outlined. Overall, the SBU has undergone a complex path of development, adapting to new challenges. Today, it is crucial for ensuring Ukraine’s sovereignty and national interests. Further reform and strengthening are essential, especially in the ongoing conflict with russia.

The purpose of the article is to study the theoretical and applied principles and identify problematic aspects of the economic and legal mechanism and the peculiarities of the formation and implementation of the state's financial policy in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The results of the conducted research made it possible to establish that the formation and implementation of the financial policy of Ukraine are under the influence of significant destabilizing factors.Significant problems regarding the formation and implementation of the financial policy of Ukraine were identified, in particular: the strengthening of the negative impact of inflationary factors, a significant decrease in the volume of the country's GDP, increased instability of the exchange rate and risks of devaluation of the national monetary unit, an increase in the volume of money supply in circulation, a decrease in the volume of gold and currency reserves, as well as problems of planning and forecasting the parameters of the formation and implementation of the financial policy of the state in the conditions of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The deviation of the values ​​of Ukraine's financial indicators from the normative values, which testify to the critical drop of the country's GDP in the conditions of military resistance to the armed aggression of the Russian Federation to -45.1%, the increase in the inflation rate to 115%, the increase in the volume of money supply in circulation by all aggregates, the decrease in the level of economy monetization up to 38% and gold and currency reserves up to 25.24 billion US dollars, as well as an increase in the poverty level of the population up to 42%, is proved. It is proposed to improve the economic and legal mechanism for the formation and implementation of the financial policy of the state, taking into account the factors of the state of war in the country, to direct the main efforts to the timely detection and prevention of risks and threats of a financial nature, as well as to stabilize the banking, monetary and credit, budget and currency systems.

The article analyzes the viability of military vehicles from the effects of conventional damage (bullets, splinters), etc. When fired, a car that stops for a short time becomes an easy target and is destroyed. The presence of a tire pressure control system on the vehicles substantially increases the possibility of continued traffic. However, the opportunities of the mobility adjustment system is limited. The required survivability can only be ensured if special wheels are used. RunFlat (flat tire) is the common name for tireless tire technology. The RunFlat car wheel inserts allow you to continue driving after a tire has been punctured or descended, which can, for example, allow the machine to exit the firing zone. The essence of technology is to strengthen the sidewalls of tires. Hutchinson produces wheel inserts of two types - RODGARD and CRF. The RODGARD RunFlat (Rotary RunFlat) system is capable of providing deflated tires thanks to a special patented design. The CRF RunFlat (Static RunFlat) system is a wheel insert that is used as a single unit of the center of the wheel and tubeless tire. Сommon CSR (Conti Support Ring) system includes a metal ring that is fastened to the rim. The disadvantage of this system is that the support ring will only fit in the high profile wheels. The first cars wish RunFlat in the Armed Forces of Ukraine were KrAZ Cougar and Spartan cars. In turn, the main disadvantages of using wheels with RunFlat include, in addition to the much higher cost, the inability to use the tire after long distances. Airless tire (non-pneumatic) is an innovative development that is a one-piece wheel that can replace both the wheel disk and the pneumatic tire.The main advantage of this design is that the wheel does not require pumping, is not afraid of punctures, is resistant to damage and has a long service life. In this case, the weight of the wheel is almost twice as light, the life of such a wheel is two to three times longer, but the cost is more than twice the price of standard wheels. It is proved that the grip of the road surface in such tires is not inferior to traditional tires, and rolling resistance has decreased to hundreds. The Polaris Defense non-pneumatic wheels guarantee significantly better durability than standard tires and can withstand a 12.7mm bullet. The disadvantage of using non-pneumatic (airless) wheels is to create additional load on the suspension of the car due to their rigidity.

Abstract. Before June 2023 the Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant, which is the largest nuclear facility in Europe, had suffered a complete loss of external power seven times since the beginning of the Russian invasion. This forced it to rely on emergency diesel generators to guarantee the safety and security functions of the plant, such as reactor cooling. From that, it appears of meaningful importance to evaluate the performance of all its nuclear facilities, among which the building where the spent fuel storage pool (SFP) is located, to assess what consequences anomalous/abnormal or accident events may determine. Contrary to dry storage, the dry cask/packaging system is stored on open concrete pads within a protected area of the plant site; the wet storage requires a hydraulic environment such as the water pools where SF is safely stored. The hydraulic effluent and the physical containment barriers act as confinement and shielding, guaranteeing safety criteria are fulfilled. In this preliminary study, the attention is thus paid to the SFP; for this reason, a description of its behavior and filling status must be provided. Since 2001, spent nuclear fuel (SNF) from 6 VVER (water–water energy reactor)-1000 units has been stored in the dry storage facility at the Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant. This means that, despite radioactive decay, the total activity of such inventory may exceed 30 times that of the fourth damaged Chornobyl unit at the time of the accident, and this is due to long-lived actinides (2 × 1019 Bq), 137Cs (1 × 1019 Bq) and 90Sr (9 × 1018 Bq). Continued damage caused by a missile attack on the SFP (e.g., cyclic, dynamic, and thermal loadings) may increase the risk of loss of integrity, because, as it is widely known, concrete has low resistance under tension. In this assessment, an evaluation, therefore, the radiological risk is addressed. For such an evaluation, it is considered that an SFP in VVER-1000 is designed to store 687 fuel assemblies and 670 in VVER-440. When it is half full, which is the case for 15 Ukrainian units, it will store about 2200 t U, containing up to 1 × 1019 Bq of 137Cs, 7 × 1018 Bq of 90Sr and 1 × 1019 Bq of TUE. Moreover, if it is considered that the spent fuel pool represented the Achilles' heel of the nuclear power plant during the 2011 Fukushima accident, it appears quite obvious that there is a need to evaluate the threat associated with the SF storage condition in order to prevent the occurrence of a new severe accident or other challenging situations that the armed conflict has created and may create. The results of the analysis of the Zaporizhzhya Nuclear Power Plant behavior suggest firstly that the plant was/is subjected to high stresses its structures may not withstand for a long time. Secondly, damages may impact SFP instrumentation, which is used for monitoring, for example, radiation or hydrogen formation, leading to loss of control of the SFP facility. Further, it is shown that to prevent the global nuclear threat, nuclear safety and security systems must be maintained and upgraded with at least the introduction of new technical and environmental devices.

ABSTRACT: Last summer, Alabama Senator Tommy Tuberville stirred controversy by insist ing that white nationalists were not racists but simply loyal American citizens like any other. In an interview on Alabama public radio about his opposition to the Pentagon’s personnel policies, among them efforts to prevent white supremacists from serving in the armed forces, Tuberville claimed that the people the Biden administration maligned as “white nationalists” were simply “Americans” who “don’t believe in [Biden’s] agenda.” Designating them as unfit for service, he argued, is a form of federal overreach—intruding in matters of identity and conscience over which the federal government has no rightful authority, and sowing weakness and division in the “strong, hard-nosed, killing machine” that is the U.S. military. “We cannot start putting rules in there for one type, one group and make different factions in the military,” he said, “because that is the most important institution in the United States of America.” Despite the efforts of his staff to convey that he had simply been misunderstood, Tuberville doubled down in a later interview: targeting white nationalists was part of a partisan, un-American agenda—an agenda that threatened to drive “most white people in this country out of the military.”

To determine the frequency and antifungal susceptibility pattern of Candida species causing candidemia or blood stream infections (BSI) in immunocompromised patients of a bone marrow transplant unit. The study was conducted at the Department of Microbiology, Armed Forces Institute of Pathology (AFIP), Rawalpindi in collaboration with Armed Forces Bone Marrow Transplant Center (AFBMTC), Rawalpindi, from 1st June 2019 to 31st December 2019. A total 256 paired blood culture samples from patients of all ages, irrespective of gender were collected during a period of seven months. The samples were processed as recommended Clinical & Laboratory Standard Institute (CLSI) guidelines. Antifungal susceptibility by break point MICs was performed through VITEK® 2 system (version: 08.01) for Fluconazole, Itraconazole and Amphotericin B. Of the total 256 blood cultures, 46 (17.97%) were positive for Candida species. The susceptibility of C. albicans was 100% to Amphotericin B, 90% to Fluconazole and 10% to Itraconazole, while C. tropicalis showed sensitivity of 92%, 88% and 0% against Amphotericin B, Fluconazole and Itraconazole, respectively. C. parapsilosis was found sensitive to Amphotericin B while resistance to Fluconazole and Itraconazole.Frequency of candidemia among immunocompromised patients is 17.9%. C. tropicalis and C. albicans are the two most common Candida species involved in blood stream infections in our setup. Fluconazole and Amphotericin B, both were found susceptible and can be used as empirical therapy.

ABSTRACT: Last summer, Alabama Senator Tommy Tuberville stirred controversy by insist ing that white nationalists were not racists but simply loyal American citizens like any other. In an interview on Alabama public radio about his opposition to the Pentagon's personnel policies, among them efforts to prevent white supremacists from serving in the armed forces, Tuberville claimed that the people the Biden administration maligned as "white nationalists" were simply "Americans" who "don't believe in [Biden's] agenda." Designating them as unfit for service, he argued, is a form of federal overreach—intruding in matters of identity and conscience over which the federal government has no rightful authority, and sowing weakness and division in the "strong, hard-nosed, killing machine" that is the U.S. military. "We cannot start putting rules in there for one type, one group and make different factions in the military," he said, "because that is the most important institution in the United States of America." Despite the efforts of his staff to convey that he had simply been misunderstood, Tuberville doubled down in a later interview: targeting white nationalists was part of a partisan, un-American agenda—an agenda that threatened to drive "most white people in this country out of the military."

IntroductionThe American artist Ryan Trecartin makes digital videos that centre on the self-presentations common to video-sharing sites such as YouTube. Named by New Yorker critic Peter Schjeldahl as “the most consequential artist to have emerged since the 1980s” (84), Trecartin’s works are like high-octane domestic dramas told in the first-person, blending carnivalesque and horror sensibilities through multi-layered imagery, fast-paced editing, sprawling mise-en-scène installations and heavy-handed digital effects. Featuring narcissistic young-adult characters (many of whom are played by the artist and his friends), Trecartin’s scripted videos portray the self as fundamentally performed and kaleidoscopically mediated. His approach is therefore exemplary of some of the key concepts of automediality, which, although originating in literary studies, address concerns relevant to contemporary art, such as the blurring of life-story, self-performance, identity, persona and technological mediation. I argue that Trecartin’s work is a form of automedial art that combines camp personas with what Sianne Ngai calls the “zany” aesthetics of neoliberalism—the 24/7 production of affects, subjectivity and sociability which complicate distinctions between public and private life.Performing the Script: The Artist as Automedial ProsumerBoth “automedia” and “automediality” hold that the self (the “auto”) and its forms of expression (its “media”) are intimately linked, imbricated within processes of cultural and technological mediation. However, whereas “automedia” refers to general modes of self-presentation, “automediality” was developed by Jörg Dünne and Christian Moser to explicitly relate to the autobiographical. Noting a tendency in literary studies to under-examine how life stories are shaped by their mediums, Dünne and Moser argued that the digital era has made it more apparent how literary forms are involved in complex processes of mediation. Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, in response, called for an expansion of autobiography into “life writing,” claiming that automediality is useful as a theoretical frame for contemplating the growth of self-presentation platforms online, shifting from the life-narrative genre of autobiography towards more discursive and irresolute forms of first-person expression (4). One’s life story, in this context, can be communicated obliquely and performatively, with the choice of media inextricably contributing to the subjectivity that is being produced, not just as a tool for rendering a pre-existent self. Lauren Berlant conceives of life writing as a laboratory for “theorizing ‘the event’” of life rather than its narration or transcription (Prosser 181). Smith and Watson agree, describing automediality as the study of “life acts” that operate as “prosthetic extension[s] of the self in networks” (78). Following this, both “automedia” and “automediality” can be understood as expanding upon the “underlying intermedial premises” (Winthrop-Young 188) of media theory, addressing how technologies and mediums do not just constitute sensory extensions of the body (Mcluhan) but also sensory extensions of identity—armed with the potential to challenge traditional ideas of how a “life” is conveyed. For Julie Rak, “automedia” describes both the theoretical framing of self-presentation acts and the very processes of mediation the self-presenter puts themselves through (161). She prefers “automedia” over “automediality” due to the latter’s tendency to be directed towards the textual products of self-presentation, rather than their processes (161). Given Trecartin’s emphasis on narrative, poetic text, performativity, technology and commodification, both “automedia” and “automediality” will be relevant to my account here, highlighting not just the crossovers between the two terms but also the dual roles his work performs. Firstly, Trecartin’s videos express his own identity through the use of camp personas and exaggerated digital tropes. Secondly, they reflexively frame the phenomenon of online self-presentation, aestheticizing the “slice of life” and “personal history” posturings found on YouTube in order to better understand them. The line between self-presenter and critic is further muddied by the fact that Trecartin makes many of his videos free to download online. As video artist and YouTuber, he is interested in the same questions that Smith and Watson claim are central to automedial theory. When watching Youtube performers, they remind themselves to ask: “How is the aura of authenticity attached to an online performance constructed by a crew, which could include a camera person, sound person, director, and script-writer? Do you find this self-presentation to be sincere or to be calculated authenticity, a pose or ‘manufactured’ pseudo-individuality?” (124). Rather than setting out to identify “right” from “wrong” subjectivities, the role of both the automedia and automediality critic is to illuminate how and why subjectivity is constructed across distinct visual and verbal forms, working against the notion that subjectivity can be “an entity or essence” (Smith and Watson 125).Figure 1: Ryan Trecartin, Item Falls (2013), digital video stillGiven its literary origins, automediality is particularly relevant to Trecartin’s work because writing is so central to his methods, grounding his hyperactive self-presentations in the literary as well as the performative. According to Brian Droitcour, all of Trecartin’s formal devices, from the camerawork to the constructed sets his videos are staged in, are prefigured by the way he uses words. What appears unstructured and improvised is actually closely scripted, with Trecartin building on the legacies of conceptual poetry and flarf poetry (an early 2000s literary genre in which poetry is composed of collages of serendipitously found words and phrases online) to bring a loose sense of narrativization to his portrayals of characters and context. Consider the following excerpt from the screenplay for K-Corea INC. K (Section A) (2009)— a work which centres on a CEO named Global Korea (a pun on “career”) who presides over symbolic national characters whose surnames are also “Korea”:North America Korea: I specialize in Identity Tourism, ?Agency...I just stick HERE, and I Hop Around–HEY GLOBAL KOREA!?Identifiers: That’s Global, That’s Global, That’s GlobalFrench adaptation Korea: WHAT!?Global Korea: Guys I just Wanted to show You Your New Office!Health Care, I don’t Care, It’s All WE Care, That’s WhyWE don’t Care.THIS IS GLOBAL!Identified: AHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHGlobal Korea: Global, Global !!Identified: AHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHHFigure 2: Ryan Trecartin, K-Corea INC. K (Section A) (2009), digital video stillTrecartin’s performers are guided by their lines, even down to the apparently random use of commas, question marks and repeated capital letters. As a consequence, what can be alienating on the page is made lively when performed, his words instilled with the over-the-top personalities of each performer. For Droitcour, Trecartin’s genius lies in his ability to use words to subliminally structure his performances. Each character makes the artist’s poetic texts—deranged and derivative-sounding Internet-speak—their own “at the moment of the utterance” (Droitcour). Wayne Koestenbaum similarly argues that voice, which Trecartin often digitally manipulates, is the “anxiety point” in his works, fixing his “retardataire” energies on the very place “where orality and literacy stage their war of the worlds” (276).This conflict that Koestenbaum describes, between orality and literacy, is constitutive of Trecartin’s automedial positioning of the self, which presents as a confluence of life narrative, screenplay, social-media posing, flarf poetry and artwork. His videos constantly criss-cross between pre-production, production and postproduction, creating content at every point along the way. This circuitousness is reflected by the many performers who are portrayed filming each other as they act, suggesting that their projected identities are entangled with the technologies that facilitate them.Trecartin’s A Family Finds Entertainment (2004)—a frenetic straight-to-camera chronicle of the coming-out of a gay teenager named Skippy (played by the artist)—was included in the 2006 Whitney Biennial, after which time his work became known around the world as an example of “postproduction” art. This refers to French curator and theorist Nicholas Bourriaud’s 2001 account of the blurring of production and consumption, following on from his 1997 theory of relational aesthetics, which became paradigmatic of critical art practice at the dawn of Web 2.0. Drawing from Marcel Duchamp and the Situationists, in Postproduction: Culture as Screenplay: How Art Reprograms the World, Bourriaud addressed new forms of citation, recycling and détournement, which he saw as influenced by digital computing, the service economies and other forms of immaterial social relations that, throughout the 1990s, transformed art from a subcultural activity to a key signifier and instrument of global capitalism.Because “word processing” was “indexed to the formal protocol of the service industry, and the image-system of the home computer […] informed and colonized from the start by the world of work” (78), Bourriaud claimed that artists at the start of the twenty-first century were responding to the semiotic networks that blur daily and professional life. Postproduction art looked like it was “issued from a script that the artist projects onto culture, considered the framework of a narrative that in turn projects new possible scripts, endlessly” (19). However, whereas the artists in Bourriaud’s publication, such as Plamen Dejanov and Philippe Parreno, made art in order to create “more suitable [social] arrangements” (76), Trecartin is distinctive not only because of his bombastic style but also his apparent resistance to socio-political amelioration.Bourriaud’s call for the elegant intertextual “scriptor” as prosumer (88)—who creatively produces and consumes, arranges and responds—was essentially answered by Trecartin with a parade of hyper-affective and needy Internet characters whose aims are not to negotiate new social terrain so much as to perform themselves crazy, competing with masses of online information, opinions and jostling identities. Against Bourriaud’s strategic prosumerism, Trecartin, in his own words, chases “a kind of natural prosumerism synonymous with existence” (471). Although his work can be read as a response to neoliberal values, unlike Bourriaud, he refuses to treat postproduction methods as tools to conciliate this situation. Instead, his scripted videos present postproduction as the lingua franca of daily life. In aiming for a “natural prosumerism,” his work rhetorically asks, in paraphrase of Berlant: “What does it mean to have a life, is it always to add up to something?” (Prosser 181). Figure 3: Ryan Trecartin, A Family Finds Entertainment (2004), digital video stillPluralist CampTrecartin’s scripts direct his performers but they are also transformed by them, his words acquiring their individualistic tics, traits and nuances. As such, his self-presentations are a long way from Frederic Jameson’s account of pastiche as a neutral practice of imitation—“a blank parody” (125) that manifests as an addiction rather than a critical judgement. Instead of being uncritically blank, we could say that Trecartin’s characters have too much content and too many affects, particularly those of the Internet variety. In Ready (Re’Search Wait’S) (2009-2010), Trecartin (playing a character named J.J. Check, who wants to re-write the U.S constitution) states at one point: “Someone just flashed an image of me; I am so sure of it. I am such as free download.” Here, pastiche turns into a performed glitch, hinting at how authentic speech can be composed of an amalgam of inauthentic sources—a scrambling of literary forms, movie one-liners, intrusive online advertising and social media jargon. His characters constantly waver between vernacular clichés and accretions of data: “My mother accused me of being accumulation posing as independent free will,” says a character from Item Falls (2013)What makes Trecartin’s video work so fascinating is that he frames what once would have been called “pastiche” and fills it with meaning, as if sincerely attuned to the paradoxes of “anti-normative” posturing contained in the term “mass individualism.” Even when addressing issues of representational politics, his dialogue registers as both authentic and insipid, as when, in CENTER JENNY (2013), a conversation about sexism being “the coolest style” ends with a woman in a bikini asking: “tolerance is inevitable, right?” Although there are laugh-out-loud elements in all of his work—often from an exaggeration of superficiality—there is a more persistent sense of the artist searching for something deeper, perhaps sympathetically so. His characters are eager to self-project yet what they actually project comes off as too much—their performances are too knowing, too individualistic and too caught up in the Internet, or other surrounding technologies.When Susan Sontag wrote in 1964 of the aesthetic of “camp” she was largely motivated by the success of Pop art, particularly that of her friend Andy Warhol. Warhol’s work looked kitsch yet Sontag saw in it a genuine love that kitsch lacks—a sentiment akin to doting on something ugly or malformed. Summoning the dandy, she claimed that whereas “the dandy would be continually offended or bored, the connoisseur of Camp is continually amused, delighted. The dandy held a perfumed handkerchief to his nostrils and was liable to swoon; the connoisseur of Camp sniffs the stink and prides himself on his strong nerves” (292).As an artistic device, camp essentially wallows in all the bad fetishisms that Frankfurt School theorists lamented of capitalism. The camp appropriator, does, however, convey himself as existing both inside and outside this low culture, communicating the “stink” of low culture in affecting ways. Sontag viewed camp, in other words, as at once deconstructive and reconstructive. In playing appearances off against essences, camp denies the self as essence only to celebrate it as performance.In line with accounts of identity in automediality and automedia theory, camp can be understood as performing within a dialectical tension between self and its representation. The camp aesthetic shows the self as discursively mediated and embedded in subjective formations that are “heterogeneous, conflictual, and intersectional” (Smith and Watson 71). Affiliated with the covert expression of homosexual and queer identity, the camp artist typically foregrounds art as taste, and taste as mere fashion, while at the same time he/she suggests how this approach is shaped by socio-political marginalization. For Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, the criticality of camp is “additive and accretive” rather than oppositional; it is a surplus form that manifests as “the ‘over’-attachment to fragmentary, marginal, waste or leftover products” (149).Trecartin, who identifies as gay, parodies the excesses of digital identity while at the same time, from camp and queer perspectives, he asks us to take these identifications seriously—straight, gay, transsexual, bisexual, inter-sexual, racial, post-racial, mainstream, alternative, capitalist or anarchist. This pluralist agenda manifests in characters who speak as though everything is in quotation marks, suggesting that everything is possible. Dialogue such as “I’m finally just an ‘as if’”, “I want an idea landfill”, and “It reminds me of the future” project feelings of too much and not enough, transforming Warhol’s cool, image-oriented version of camp (transfixed by TV and supermarket capitalism) into a hyper-affective Internet camp—a camp that feeds on new life narratives, identity postures and personalities, as stimuli.In emphasising technology as intrinsic to camp self-presentation, Trecartin treats intersectionality and intermediality as if corresponding concepts. His characters, caught between youthhood and adulthood, are inbetweeners. Yet, despite being nebulous, they float free of normative ideals only in the sense that they believe everybody not only has the right to live how they want to, but to also be condemned for it—the right to intolerance going hand-in-hand with their belief in plurality. This suggests the paradoxical condition of pluralist, intersectional selfhood in the digital age, where one can position one’s identity as if between social categories while at the same time weaponizing it, in the form of identity politics. In K-Corea INC. K (Section A) (2009), Global Korea asks: “Who the fuck is that baby shit-talker? That’s not one of my condiments,” which is delivered with characteristic confidence, defensiveness and with gleeful disregard for normative speech. Figure 4: Ryan Trecartin, CENTER JENNY (2013), digital video stillThe Zaniness of the Neoliberal SelfIf, as Koestenbaum claims, Trecartin’s host of characters are actually “evolving mutations of a single worldview” (275), then the worldview they represent is what Sianne Ngai calls the “hypercommodified, information saturated, performance driven conditions of late capitalism” (1). Self-presentation in this context is not to be understood so much as experienced through prisms of technological inflection, marketing spiel and pluralist interpretative schemas. Ngai has described the rise of “zaniness” as an aesthetic category that perfectly encapsulates this capitalist condition. Zany hyperactivity is at once “lighthearted” and “vehement,” and as such it is highly suited to the contemporary volatility of affective labour; its tireless overlapping of work and play, and the networking rhetoric of global interconnectedness (Ngai, 7). This is what Luc Boltanski and Eve Chiapello have termed the “connexionist” spirit of capitalism, where a successful career is measured by one’s capacity to be “always pursuing some sort of activity, never to be without a project, without ideas, to be always looking forward to, and preparing for, something along with other persons, whose encounter is the result of being always driven by the drive for activity” (Chiapello and Fairclough 192).For Ngai, the zany—epitomized by Jim Carrey’s character in Cable Guy (1996) or Wile E. Coyote from the Looney Tunes cartoons—performs first and asks questions later. As such, their playfulness is always performed in a way that could spin out of control, as when Trecartin’s humour can, in the next moment, appear psychotic. Ngai continues:What is essential to zaniness is its way of evoking a situation with the potential to cause harm or injury […]. For all their playfulness and commitment to fun, the zany’s characters give the impression of needing to labor excessively hard to produce our laughter, straining themselves to the point of endangering not just themselves but also those around them. (10)Using sinister music scores, anxiety-inducing editing and lighting that references iconic DIY horror films such as the Blair Witch Project (1999), Trecartin comically frames the anxieties and over-produced individualism of the global neoliberalist project, but in ways that one is unsure what to do with it. “Don’t look at me—look at your mother, and globalize at her,” commands Global Korea. Set in temporary (read precarious) locations that often resemble both domestic and business environments, his world is one in which young adults are incessantly producing themselves as content, as if unstable market testers run riot, on whose tastes our future global economic growth depends.Michel Foucault defined this neoliberal condition as “the application of the economic grid to social phenomena” (239). As early as 1979 he claimed that workers in a neoliberal context begin to regard the self as an “abilities-machine” (229) where they are less partners in the processes of economic exchange than independent producers of human capital. As Jodi Dean puts it, with the totalization of economic production, neoliberal processes “simultaneously promote the individual as the primary unit of capitalism and unravel the institutions of solidaristic support on which this unit depends” (32). As entrepreneurs of the self, people under neoliberalism become producers for whom socialization is no longer a byproduct of capitalist production but can be the very means through which capital is produced. With this in mind, Trecartin’s portrayal of the straight-to-camera format is less a video diary than a means for staging social auditions. His performers (or contestants), although foregrounding their individualism, always have their eyes on group power, suggesting a competitive individualism rather than the countering of normativity. Forever at work and at play, these comic-tragics are ur-figures of neoliberalism—over-connected and over-emotional self-presenters who are unable to stop, in fear they will be nothing if not performing.ConclusionPortraying a seemingly endless parade of neoliberal selves, Trecartin’s work yields a zany vision that always threatens to spin out of control. As a form of Internet-era camp, he reproduces automedial conceptions of the self as constituted and expanded by media technologies—as performative conduits between the formal and the socio-political which go both ways. This process has been described by Berlant in terms of life writing, but it applies equally to Trecartin, who, through a “performance of fantasmatic intersubjectivity,” facilitates “a performance of being” for the viewer “made possible by the proximity of the object” (Berlant 25). Inflating for both comic and tragic effect a profoundly nebulous yet weaponized conception of identity, Trecartin’s characters show the relation between offline and online life to be impossible to essentialize, laden with a mix of conflicting feelings and personas. 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