Journal articles on the topic 'Armed conflicts in the DRC'
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1
Menge Etamba Gilbert. "Critical Assessment of Geostrategic Infiltration in UN Peacekeeping Operations Deployed in Intra-State Armed Conflicts in Africa: The Case of ONUC in DRC in 1960." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 4, no. 2 (August 31, 2023): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v4i2.4848.
Abstract:
This study focuses on the deployments of UN peacekeeping operations within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa. The statement of the problem and objective of the study is to demonstrate amidst the significant roles that UN peacekeeping operations deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa have played and are still playing, nonetheless growing geostrategic infiltration from hegemonic states as well as other member states from where troops are drawn from to constitute different operations to mitigate the armed conflicts. This is very important for the successful consolidation of the mandates of different UN peacekeeping operations deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa. The study incorporated both primary and secondary sources of data. The qualitative descriptive analysis and its instruments are the research method that fits the study. The results of the findings were parallel to the problem statement and objective, which proved that geostrategic infiltration aimed at guaranteeing the interests of hegemonic and other member states of the UN that are proved apparent. The study's conclusion and recommendations were proffered to mitigating geostrategic infiltration in UN peacekeeping deployments faced with intra-state armed conflicts in Africa after an in-depth analysis of the case study under review in this study. That is, the United Nations Operations in the Congo deployed in view of the intra-state armed conflict that hit Congo in 1960, where the end of that mission was a debacle. A debacle explained largely by geostrategic infiltration. The Security Council is making every effort to mitigate the numerous challenges that have been and are still impeding the UN peacekeeping operations from successfully consolidating their mandates in different intra-state armed conflicts in Africa where they have been deployed. This study seeks to draw the attention of the international community to a veritable challenge that has become a pertinent stake (geostrategic infiltration), impeding the successful consolidation of the different UN peacekeeping mandates deployed within intra-state armed conflicts in Africa.
2
Kapend, Richard, Jakub Bijak, and Andrew Hinde. "The Democratic Republic of the Congo armed conflict 1998-2004: Assessing excess mortality based on factual and cournter-factual projection scenarios." Quetelet Journal 8, no. 1 (October 28, 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/rqj2020.08.01.01.
Abstract:
To document the scale and scope of the 1998–2004 armed conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the current study combined four different data sources: the 1984 DRC Population Census, the 1995 and 2001 DRC Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys and the 2007 DRC Demographic and Health Survey, to reconstruct missing demographic estimates and assess the level of excess mortality associated with the conflict, going from 1998 to 2007. Findings from this study do not corroborate previous estimates on the same armed conflict and for the same period: these range from excess mortality of 5.4 million population according to Coghlan et al. (2009), to 0.2 million according to Lambert and Lohlé-Tart (2008).
The cohort component projection method as used in this study is a cost-effective approach as it allows the analysis of a complex issue, that is excess mortality associated with an armed conflict, with relatively modest resources. This study highlights that the choice of baseline rates is a key factor in determining the level of excess mortality when data points are scarce. This study produced a range of plausible estimates of excess mortality between 1 and 1.9 million population rather than a single best estimate. The range of excess mortality produced in this study is narrower and less extreme when compared to previous studies on the same conflict. As a further contribution to the debate in this field, the current study advocates producing a range of plausible estimates rather than a single best estimate of excess mortality. This is justified by the uncertainties associated with the scarcity of the data, the statistical modelling and the overall analysis process.
3
Sjöstedt, Britta. "The Role of Multilateral Environmental Agreements in Armed Conflict: ‘Green-keeping’ in Virunga Park. Applying the UNESCO World Heritage Convention in the Armed Conflict of the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Nordic Journal of International Law 82, no. 1 (2013): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718107-08201007.
Abstract:
This article analyses the application of the 1972 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) World Heritage Convention (the WHC) in the context of the armed conflicts that have taken place in the Virunga National Park (the Park), a natural world heritage site in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (the DRC). Instead of addressing wartime environmental damage under the law of armed conflict, this article seeks to establish how such damage can be addressed using multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs). MEAs often consist of general principles and vague obligations and their relevance or applicability during situations of armed conflict may be questioned. However, a number of MEAs, including the WHC, authorise their convention bodies to develop detailed and substantive obligations applicable to their parties. Thus, the decisions and recommendations adopted by the World Heritage Committee, a body established under the WHC, provide substantive content to the provisions of the WHC. These decisions and recommendations may, however, run counter to the requirements of military necessity thereby affecting the application of the law of armed conflict. While the position adopted by the World Heritage Committee does not inevitably imply a clash between the obligations in the WHC and the law of armed conflict, it does raise the question of whether the outstanding values of world heritage should trump the rules of military necessity and other pressing concerns during armed conflict. On an informal basis, the World Heritage Committee and the UN peacekeeping forces deployed in the DRC have agreed to perform operations that jointly address the interconnected concerns of security and conservation of natural resources in the region of the Park. This cooperative ‘green-keeping’ operation represents a useful approach to regime interaction and the harmonisation of obligations set out in different legal regimes that are applicable to the same subject matter.
4
Murgova, A., Z. Ulmann, M. Popovicova, V. Krcmery, I. Kmit, J. Bydzovsky, J. Suvada, et al. "Among Refugees of War from Ukraine, Yemen and Syria, Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome is the Commonest Diagnosis among Health CTR Visits." Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22359/cswhi_13_2_06.
Abstract:
War conflicts are not anymore located only to African and Asian subcontinent or to developing and less democratic countries, but after stopping the armed tensions: Zimbabwe in 2018; Ethiopia & Somalia in 2020; Libya in 2021; DRC in 2022, Middle east and Central Europe are surprisingly leading parts of the world with armed conflicts resulting to large numbers of internally displaced(l) war refugees (11) and subsequent unrest migrants(iii). The aim of this survey is to compare the commonest diseases reported by the migrants and refugees at Outpatient Departments (OPD) of clinics being served by SEUC tropic-team and migrant health teams at border spots within the last 6 years.
5
Aroussi, Sahla. "Women, Peace, and Security and the DRC: Time to Rethink Wartime Sexual Violence as Gender-Based Violence?" Politics & Gender 13, no. 03 (July 21, 2016): 488–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000489.
Abstract:
During armed conflicts, women experience extensive gender harm of a physical, sexual, legal, economic, social, cultural, and political nature. Recently, however, we have witnessed unprecedented attention in international law and policy-making arenas to the specific issue of sexual violence as a strategy of warfare. This has been particularly obvious in the agenda on women, peace, and security. Since 2008, the United Nations agenda has increasingly and repeatedly focused on sexual violence in armed conflicts in several Security Council resolutions, calling on and pressuring member states and international agencies to address this issue using militaristic and legalistic strategies. In this article, looking particularly at the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), I argue that the prioritization of sexual harm over other forms of gender harm has had a detrimental impact on women living in aid-dependent societies, and the international obsession with sexual harm has delivered neither justice nor security for victims in the DRC. The article concludes that in order to effectively address sexual violence, we have to rethink sexual harm as gender harm and start listening and responding to women's actual needs and priorities on the ground.
6
Sidorova, G. M. "Who is Responsible for Instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo?" MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-29-36.
Abstract:
The research focuses on the problem of military-political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo experiencing continued armed conflict for a long time. Dozens of illegal armed groups both Congolese and foreign origin continue to destabilize situation in the eastern part of the country causing humanitarian disasters. Due to governmental weakness, economic backwardness, chronical lack of finance resources, interethnic conflicts, all-round and widely spread corruption of the authorities, the Congolese government at the moment is not able to overcome scores of problems including the problem of security. Assistanceprovided to the DRC by itspartnerssuch as, first of all, the former metropolitan country Belgium, as well as the USA, Great Britain, the Europe Union and China works only in favourof these country-donors. They are attracted by rich Congolese natural resources which the DRC remaining one of the poorest countries in the world cannot turn to advantage to the full extent because of its economic backwardness. In exchange for so-calleddevelopment programmes, expensive strategic raw material (such as coltan, wolfram, casseterit, cooper, gold, niobium, and other) is being extracted and exported from the country, in addition, often on the inequivalent basis. This is taking place for the reason that numerous mines and open-cast mines are being controlled by different illegal armed groups and not by the central government. Therefore, it turns out that in the context of a military-political crisis, for so-called partners it is more beneficial to pursue their own interests. Furthermore, western ideologists arouse "separatism-oriented" theories similar to "balkanization", in other words, a breakdown of this giant country into several independent states. The Congolese are tremulous to this issue, they try to counter such approachs and defend the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, it is not an easy task. The impediment is unsettled relations with neighbouring countries - Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which for tens of years exploit illegally natural resources of the DRC and try to lay hold of frontier Congolese territories.
7
Kabengele Mpinga, Emmanuel, Mapendo Koya, Jennifer Hasselgard-Rowe, Emilien Jeannot, Sylvie B. Rehani, and Philippe Chastonay. "Rape in Armed Conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo: A Systematic Review of the Scientific Literature." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse 18, no. 5 (May 19, 2016): 581–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1524838016650184.
Abstract:
We conducted a systematic review of the scientific literature between 1996 and 2013 on rape in war-ridden Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in order to better understand the interest of the scientific community in describing the magnitude and characteristics of the problem. The literature search was conducted in French and English using several databases (Pubmed, PsycInfo, Sapphire, BDSP, Embase, Rero, and Web of Science) with the key words “rape and DRC” combined with several Medical Subject Headings concepts. Our systematic review yielded 2,087 references, among which only 27 are original studies, that is 20 are based on population surveys and the remaining 7 are original data based on case studies and reviews. Ten studies provided prevalence rates of rape victims, 18 provided specific information on the profile of the victims, 10 reported that most of the perpetrators of rape were military personnel, 14 referred to the negligence of the government in protecting victims, and 10 reported a lack of competent health-care facilities. The awareness of rape in conflict-ridden DRC is still limited as reported in the scientific literature: Published scientific papers are scarce. Yet more research would probably help mobilize local authorities and the international community against this basic human rights violation.
8
Shirambere, Philippe Tunamsifu. "The Democratic Republic of the Congo-China’s Deals on Construction of Roads in Exchange of Mines." Afrika Focus 33, no. 2 (March 11, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03302008.
Abstract:
After 32 years of dictatorship regime and a decade of various armed conflicts. the newly elected DRC government in 2006 was expected to receive US$4 billion from the traditional Western donors for reconstruction and development to help cement peace. Based on the issue of the lack of trust in the public institutions, the West failed to provide its promised aid following its conditionality. Alternatively, Joseph Kabila approached China to secure his cinq chantiers. Without prior conditionality on good-governance and human rights, China agreed to provide its financial support valued at US$ 9 billion in exchange for mines. Using historical and comparative methods, findings reveal that the Chinese presence in the DRC goes back to the colonial era of the 19th century. The conditionality for financial support seems inadequate for post-conflict countries in need of reconstruction. Also, the Chinese non-interference policy as an alternative to the western approach needs to be transparent.
9
Johnson, Dustin. "Letter from the Editor." Allons-y: Journal of Children, Peace and Security 3 (March 29, 2020): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/allons-y.v3i0.10065.
Abstract:
For this volume of Allons-y we asked young authors to write about how armed conflict impacts children in the countries on International Crisis Group’s ten conflicts to watch in 2018 list. Much has changed in these conflicts since then, but all continue to do grave harm to children, which we struggle to address in the aftermath. The militarization and abuse of children are often used by autocratic regimes and armed groups to further their aims, and the trauma can have a lasting impact on the children and their societies. The four papers and their accompanying commentary in this volume illustrate these challenges and collectively highlight the importance of prevention.The authors, all young scholars who are in or have recently completed graduate school, wrote about the ways in which children are ripped from their communities in order to be used for military and political ends in armed conflict, and the difficulties of repairing these harms afterwards, whether in countries affected by armed conflict like the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) or when people flee as refugees to new lands. The first two papers explore how children are weaponized: Peter Steele writes about the North Korean Songbun system that militarizes children from birth, and Airianna Murdoch-Fyke writes about the systematic use of rape as a weapon of war targeted at girls in the DRC. Both methods are designed to disrupt a child’s connection to their family and community. The last two papers explore the difficulties of addressing the resulting trauma: Arpita Mitra writes about the failures of the demobilization, disarmament, and reintegration process in the DRC, and Emily Pelley writes about the difficulties of aiding young refugees exposed to wartime violence when they come to Northern countries such as Canada. Collectively, these papers highlight the need to invest more in prevention of wartime abuses, rather than scrambling to catch-up and repair the damage already done.While it may be cliché to say that young people are the future, it is also the truth, and it is important for them to have platforms to discuss and present their ideas and contribute to the most pressing challenges facing our world. Whether it is young politicians challenging our complacency on climate change, students fighting for safer schools, young activists towards peace in their countries and around the world, or young scholars such as the authors of this volume, we must turn to and support the younger generations who are invested in making a better world for themselves and all of humanity. In this spirit, Allons-y seeks to pair the academic and practical work of young people with the commentary of those who are more experienced in their field to demonstrate how young people can contribute to and create a brighter tomorrow.
10
Ossi, Gnamien Yawa. "Vécu Des Enfants Soldats Pendant La Guerre: Une Analyse À Partir Des Projets De l’Organisation Non Gouvernemental Caritas Makeni En Sierra Léone." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 2 (January 31, 2017): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n2p256.
Abstract:
The phenomenon of «child soldier» has become very rampant these last years. In Africa, they are very common in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), in Chad, in Uganda, in Sierra Leone, and in Côte d’Ivoire. More recently, they are in Mali and in the Central African Republic. However, armed conflicts have imposed various situations on populations. The children are the main victims. The focus of this study is on child soldiers during times of war. The main objective of this study is to analyze the ways they join the armed groups and the difficulties of their social reintegration. The objective of this study is to analyze the recruitment conditions of children and the difficulties of social reintegration. The hypothesis postulates that there is a link between the passage of the children in armed groups and their psychosocial outcome. The study took place in Sierra Leone. The quantitative and qualitative methods were used. The results of the study show that: the mode of recruitment of children has an influence on their social reintegration. Also, the violent practices in armed conflicts are obstacles to their social reintegration.
11
Baaz, Maria Eriksson, and Maria Stern. "Making sense of violence: voices of soldiers in the Congo (DRC)." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 1 (January 31, 2008): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07003072.
Abstract:
ABSTRACTDuring the last years the DRC has made itself known in the world for terrible acts of violence committed by armed men – militia and the regular army – against the civilian population. The voices of the soldiers and combatants have so far been absent in the accounts of this violence. This silence is problematic, both because it makes it harder to understand such violence, but also because it reinforces stereotypes of African warriors as primitive and anarchic, driven by innate violence and tribal hatred. Enquiry into the particular discursive as well as material circumstances of the armed conflict in the DRC, which might better redress the complex and interrelated context in which ‘people in uniforms’ commit violence, is consequently impeded. The story we recount here emerges from soldiers within the main perpetrator of violence in the DRC today: the Integrated Armed Forces. The soldiers' interview texts challenge the dominant representation of soldiers and combatants in the DRC. The soldiers made sense of the prevalence of violence (in which they too had participated) in several interrelated ways, none of which reflected any expression of ‘natural’ (if dormant) violent tendencies, hatred or vengefulness for the enemy.
12
Manirabona, Amissi M., and Jo-Anne Wemmers. "Specific Reparation for Specific Victimization: A Case for Suitable Reparation Strategies for War Crimes Victims in the DRC." International Criminal Law Review 13, no. 5 (2013): 977–1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01305002.
Abstract:
The vast number of victims as well as their tremendous needs have to be taken into consideration by the International Criminal Court (ICC) that is dealing with some of the war criminals from the DRC. However, while many international instruments provide war victims with rights to reparation, the ICC is limited in terms of who it considers a victim and what it can offer in terms of reparation. The Trust Fund for victims, however, does not suffer these same limitations. Nevertheless, the Trust Fund is grossly underfunded. Thus, it should be supplemented by a national compensation fund for war victims financed by the international community, the DRC as well as States involved in Congolese armed conflict. As we will see later on, although this research is focused to victims of the DRC armed conflict, many of its lessons might have broader implications and apply to other situations involving war-induced victimization.
13
Zhang, Tingkai, Xinran Qi, Qiwei He, Jiayi Hee, Rie Takesue, Yan Yan, and Kun Tang. "The Effects of Conflicts and Self-Reported Insecurity on Maternal Healthcare Utilisation and Children Health Outcomes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)." Healthcare 9, no. 7 (July 3, 2021): 842. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/healthcare9070842.
Abstract:
Background The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has experienced political unrest, civil insecurity, and military disputes, resulting in extreme poverty and a severely impaired health care system. To reduce the morbidity and mortality in women and children by strengthening healthcare, this study aimed at exploring the relationship between self-reported insecurity of mothers and maternal health-seeking behaviours and diseases in children in the DRC. Method Data collected from 8144 mothers and 14,403 children from the Multiple Indicators Cluster Survey (MICS) conducted by the National Institute of Statistics in 2017–2018, in collaboration with the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), was used. The severity of the conflict in different provinces was measured using the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) reports. Multivariate logistic regression and stratified analysis were utilized to explore the association between conflicts with maternal health-seeking behaviours and diseases among children. Results High self-reported insecurity was positively associated with skilled antenatal care (OR1.93, 95%CI 1.50–2.49), skilled attendants at delivery (OR1.42, 95%CI 1.08–1.87), and early initiation of breastfeeding (OR1.32, 95%CI 1.04–1.68). These associations were more significant in regions with more armed conflict. It was also found that children of mothers with high self-reported insecurity were more likely to suffer from diarrhoea (OR1.47, 95%CI: 1.14–1.88), fever (OR1.23, 95%CI 1.01–1.50), cough (OR1.45, 95%CI 1.19–1.77), and dyspnea (OR2.04, 95%CI 1.52–2.73), than children of mothers with low self-reported insecurity. Conclusions Conflicts increases mothers’ insecurities and negatively affects children’s development. However, high conflict regions have to increase governmental and international assistance to promote the availability and access to maternal and child health services.
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Lekkas, Sotirios-Ioannis. "Remarks by Sotirios-Ioannis Lekkas." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 116 (2022): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2023.11.
Abstract:
On February 9, 2022, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) rendered its judgment on the reparations phase of the Armed Activities (DRC v. Uganda) case which related to the Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) claims against Uganda arising from the Second Congo War.1 The judgment concluded a case which had all the hallmarks of a landmark: an exceptionally large-scale, protracted, and complex armed conflict, a key actor as the respondent, and virtually unfettered material jurisdiction of the Court. As a reminder, in 1999, the Court was seised with DRC's claims against Uganda arising from the (then ongoing) Second Congo War. Similar claims against Rwanda and Burundi failed before reaching the merits stage. In 2005, the Court rendered its judgment on the merits declaring Uganda responsible for violating the principle of non-use of force and non-intervention by the acts of its own forces and by supporting armed groups in the DRC.2 The Court also found Uganda responsible for breaches of international humanitarian law and international human rights law, and for plundering DRC's natural resources.3 The Court concluded that Uganda had to make reparation to the DRC for the injury caused by its internationally wrongful acts and enjoined the parties to enter into negotiations for that purpose.4 After almost ten years of sporadic and fruitless discussions, in 2015, the DRC brought the case back to the Court for conclusive resolution.
15
Kansiime, Peninah, Claire Van der Westhuizen, and Ashraf Kagee. "Barriers and facilitators to physical and mental health help-seeking among Congolese male refugee survivors of conflict-related sexual violence living in Kampala." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 19, no. 3 (October 4, 2018): 152–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v19i3.1196.
Abstract:
In Uganda, over 1.3 million refugees have fled armed conflicts from neighbouring countries, with about 251 730 refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) alone. In this article we report on a qualitative research study on the help-seeking behaviour of Congolese male refugee survivors of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) living in Kampala, Uganda. We recruited 10 Congolese male survivors of war-related rape and 6 Ugandan service providers (psychologists, social workers and physicians) who participated in individual interviews focused on barriers and facilitators to care seeking in Kampala, Uganda. We found that the major barriers to help-seeking were socio-cultural and political factors, health system and infrastructural barriers, poverty and livelihood barriers, physical effects of CRSV, fear of marital disharmony and breakup, and self-sufficiency The major facilitators were social support, symptom severity, professionalism among service providers, availability of free tailored services and information, education and communication. On the basis of our findings, we recommend that a multidisciplinary and multisectoral approach is important to address these barriers. In addition, we suggest that the Ugandan government should develop legislation and health policies to create protection for men who have experienced sexual violence.Keywords: armed conflict; conflict-related sexual violence; male refugee survivors; help-seeking; physical and mental health; barriers; and facilitators
16
Kenge Mukinayi, Dominique. "Tentatives de résolution du conflit congolais accords, accalmie et rebondissements." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.1.10.
Abstract:
"What are the reasons for the failure of the ""peace agreements"" signed by the protagonists of the ever-revolving Congolese conflict? The signing of peace agreements, the presence of foreign forces and the presence of international armed troops have not prevented the armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (since 1996) from continuing. The application of the texts of the various agreements concluded between the states of the region to put an end to the insecurity that reigns there is slow, which is why they often become inoperative because they are not applied at the appropriate time. A lasting peace in the DRC does not seem to be within reach, especially in the next few years. The deployment of peacekeepers in the country at the beginning of this new millennium seems to be planned for a long-term anchorage in the DRC. In spite of this UN mechanism, the country continues to suffer under the weight of insecurity due to this war that does not say its name. The vicious circle is thus complete: conflict calls for the presence of UN forces, which are unable to curb the insecurity. A long-term presence in the DRC in the heart of Africa seems inescapable. Keywords: accord de paix, négociation, violence, conflit, résolution, ressources naturelles "
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Zhang, Tingkai, Qiwei He, Sol Richardson, and Kun Tang. "Does armed conflict lead to lower prevalence of maternal health-seeking behaviours: theoretical and empirical research based on 55 683 women in armed conflict settings." BMJ Global Health 8, no. 8 (August 2023): e012023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2023-012023.
Abstract:
BackgroundWomen and children bear a substantial burden of morbidity and mortality due to armed conflict. Life-saving maternal and child health (MCH) services are low-quality in most conflict-affected regions. Previous studies on armed conflict and MCH services have been mostly cross-sectional, and a causal relationship between armed conflict and MCH services utilisation cannot be inferred.MethodsFirst, we constructed a utility equation for maternal health-seeking behaviour. Next, we extracted MCH data from the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey led by the UNICEF. Armed conflict data were obtained from the Uppsala Conflict Data Programme; 55 683 women aged 15–49 from Chad, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Republic of Iraq were selected as participants. We fitted a difference-in-differences (DID) model, taking before or after the conflict started as an exposure variable to estimate the effects of armed conflict on maternal health-seeking behaviours.ResultsAccording to the results of the DID model, in the regional sample, armed conflict had a positive effect on tetanus vaccination (β=0.055, 95% CI 0.004 to 0.106, p<0.05), and had a negative effect on antenatal care at least eight visits (ANC8+) (β=−0.046, 95% CI −0.078 to −0.015, p<0.01). And, the effects of armed conflict on ANC, ANC4+, institutional delivery and early initiation of breast feeding (EIB) were not statistically significant. As for the country sample, we found that armed conflict had a negative effect on EIB (β=−0.085, 95% CI −0.184 to 0.015, p<0.1) in Chad. In Iraq, armed conflict had positive impacts on ANC (β=0.038, 95% CI −0.001 to 0.078, p<0.1) and tetanus vaccination (β=0.059, 95% CI 0.012 to 0.107, p<0.05), whereas it had a negative effect on ANC8+ (β=−0.039, 95% CI −0.080 to 0.002, p<0.1). No statistically significant associations were discovered in DRC based on the DID model.ConclusionsThere might be a mixed effect of armed conflict on maternal health-seeking behaviours. In the absence of humanitarian assistance, armed conflict reduces certain maternal health-seeking behaviours, such as ANC8+. When practical humanitarian health assistance is provided, the damage can be alleviated, and even the prevalence of maternal health-seeking behaviours can be improved, such as tetanus vaccination. Providing humanitarian assistance to conflict-affected regions improved the accessibility of MCH services for women living in those areas. However, the goals of saving lives and alleviating suffering still need to be achieved. In conflict-affected regions, humanitarian assistance on ANC, institutional delivery and breast feeding need strengthening.
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Dozio, E., and C. Bizouerne. "Psychological rapid response to population movements in democratic republic of congo (DRC)." European Psychiatry 64, S1 (April 2021): S321—S322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/j.eurpsy.2021.863.
Abstract:
IntroductionIn DRC, the North Kivu province has been plagued by recurring humanitarian crises for nearly two decades, with multiple displacements of populations triggered low intensity armed inter-communal conflicts spread throughout nearly all territories. 818,605 people (displaced, returnees and indigenous) affected by these movements are in alarming psychosocial vulnerability.ObjectivesIn 2019, the NGO Action contre la Faim started a psychological intervention with the objective to contribute to reducing the vulnerability of conflict-affected populations.MethodsParticipants have been identified through psychoeducation sessions in the community in which people recognizing corresponding symptoms in themselves were evaluated through a short one-on-one interview. Persons identified as particularly in distress, including those who have experienced gender-based violence, have been involved in a short group therapeutic intervention. Two different options have been proposed in order to evaluate the most effective for the specific context: six sessions with a weekly or bi-weekly frequency.Results767 people participated in the psychosocial intervention, 457 with weekly frequency and 310 bi-weekly. The measures of post traumatic symptoms (PCL-5), anxiety and depression (HAD) and resilience (CD-RISC) show that the two approaches have the same positive effects. This is very important in volatile contexts with difficulties of access to the population due to security problems.ConclusionsThe fact that even a short intervention focused on a bi-weekly frequency, can reduce the distress and increase the psychological resilience of populations living in contexts of conflict, gives us the possibility of intervening in areas with limited access, while guaranteeing therapeutic efficacy.
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Brabant, Justine. "Producing Journalistic Discourse on War." Journal of Humanitarian Affairs 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jha.044.
Abstract:
Based on the author’s experience as both a journalist and an independent researcher working regularly in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article examines the many constraints that journalists face in areas of armed conflict. It considers two unusual aspects of journalistic practice observed in the DRC: first, the reporters’ lexical dependence – that is, how the language journalists typically use to describe war is borrowed, sometimes unconsciously, from the war-related rhetoric developed in other fields – and second, journalists’ practical dependence on humanitarian organisations and how this might influence the articles they produce.
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Laudati, Ann, and Charlotte Mertens. "Resources and Rape: Congo’s (toxic) Discursive Complex." African Studies Review 62, no. 4 (April 15, 2019): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.126.
Abstract:
Abstract:In the last decade, the rapes (of women) in, and the metaphoric raping (of natural resources) of, the Democratic Republic of Congo have received unprecedented attention from media, donors, and advocacy groups. Beginning in the early 2000s, these two narratives (the involvement of armed groups and state forces in illegal resource exploitation and the widespread prevalence of sexual violence in eastern DRC) merged to form a direct cause-consequence relationship, in which rape is framed as a tool for accessing mineral wealth. Through an analysis of media articles and reports of human rights organizations, this study traces the making of this rape-resources narrative, juxtaposing it with wider academic debates and critical scholarship. The narrative effectively focuses attention on a narrow set of actors and spaces in Congo’s conflicts, highlighting each of those actors/spaces in particular ways while obscuring the role of others. Because of this, key dynamics are missing from the narrative, such as historical context, gendered conflict dynamics, and armed group/civilian activity and mobilization, which are critical to understanding the scale and scope of violence in the region more broadly and the perpetration of instances of rape more specifically. The unraveling of the rape-resources narrative reveals its toxicity in limiting effective interventions and in closing down alternative narratives.
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Taylor, Alexandra. "A Violent Peace." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2008): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.343.
Abstract:
Since 2003, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has enjoyed only a tenuous peace. For the past decade, a period spanning two official wars and years of continued violence, the only constant division has been between those who have guns and those who do not. The transitional government, established in 2003, brought the main rebel groups from the Second Congo War into the government, a move to stabilize the intertwined political and military conflict. However, a constantly shifting web of armed groups continues to operate in the DRC, particularly in the northeast. The alliances sometimes cross borders. In this very fluid conflict, identifying the aggressor, the allegiance of certain fighters, or the location of a group of refugees or internally displaced persons fleeing conflict can change almost monthly. Despite five years since “peace,” national elections, and the presence of the most expensive current United Nations peacekeeping operation, the DRC remains destabilized and has seen no drastic improvement.
22
Safari, Gentil Kasongo. "State Responsibility and the Right to Personal Security in the drc: A Human Rights Law Perspective." African Journal of Legal Studies 7, no. 2 (July 30, 2014): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342027.
Abstract:
The right to personal security has been grossly violated in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo for nearly two decades by persistent armed conflicts. Ensuring this right through justice in such a complex context is particularly challenging but feasible. This paper examines whether the drc should be judicially held accountable for violations of the right to personal security. Drawing on case-law, international practice and literature in the field of human rights, the paper demonstrates that under the doctrine of State responsibility the drc has the duty to exercise due diligence in protecting its inhabitants through legislation, precautionary measures and prosecution. It also explains, however, that the drc’s responsibility may not be established under certain mitigating circumstances and factors, such as loss of part of territorial control, the necessity of granting amnesty to some perpetrators of human rights violations and the difficulty of judicially determining the minimum core of the right to personal security. The paper concludes that the possibility of judicially holding the drc accountable for failure to respect its international human rights obligations has been demonstrated and recommends that to be capitalised by competent jurisdictions in order to improve the situation of the right to personal security on the ground.
23
Adolphe, Kilomba Sumaili. "Gender equality in the context of transitional justice in DRC: state of play of legal reforms." KAS African Law Study Library - Librairie Africaine d’Etudes Juridiques 10, no. 4 (2023): 601–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2363-6262-2023-4-601.
Abstract:
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has experienced violents conflits since the mid of 1990s. From 1996 to date, the country is grappling with more than 250 armed groups located in its eastern part. The same dynamics becomes is nascent in the western part. The war that occurred from 1998 to 2003 has been described as the deadliest conflict after the World Word II. To date, the activism of armed groups increased the number of victims whose majority is constituted by women and children in the provinces of North-Kivu, South-Kivu and Ituri. The transitional justice process entrenched in 2003 with the creation of the truth and reconciliation commission to deal with the war legacy has not yielded expected results. The TRC was abruptly removed form the 2006 constitution as an institution to support democracy. In this jeopardy, women and children are still importantly affected: displacement, rapes and other human rights violations alike. How does one address issues of women victims within a society dominated by the patriarchy?
24
Mollel, Andrew. "Judicial Settlement of Armed Conflicts in International Law: Reflecting the 2005 International Court of Justice Decision in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Nordic Journal of International Law 76, no. 4 (2007): 407–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/090273507x249219.
Abstract:
AbstractThe duty of states to settle their disputes peacefully and in accordance with international law is emphasized in a number of important provisions enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations (UN) and state practices. Adjudication is one among a range of existing means of pacific settlement of disputes. This article analyzes the role of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in pacific settlement of international disputes. It critically examines judicial settlement of armed conflicts, taking the ICJ decision in the Case Concerning Armed Activities in the Territory of the Congo (Democratic Republic of Congo v. Uganda) as a focal point. The main argument of the author is that while the adjudicatory role of the ICJ as the principal judicial organ of the UN is a crucial method in the pacific settlement of international disputes, it is unlikely to suit armed conflicts situations. Jurisdictional limitations of the ICJ in adjudication of armed conflicts situations is pointed out. The article points to the preclusion of the Court from adjudicating the other cases brought by the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) against Rwanda and Burundi as an illustration of such limitations. It, however, stresses that the very outcome of the 2005 ICJ decision in the Democratic Republic of Congo v. Uganda case is another clear example of such shortcomings. Without getting into detailed discussions of theories of compliance with international law, the article further discusses the question of compliance with the current ICJ decision in the light of previous state practices. Since there are no established enforcement mechanisms in the international system akin to those in national legal systems, the question whether decisions of international judicial bodies (the ICJ in this case) are complied with remains at the mercy of condemned states. In the final analyses, the author points to the current weaknesses and limitations of the international legal system as a whole in the administration of justice.
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Kibasomba Man-Byemba, Roger. "Drivers of Chaos in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo Warfare." Journal of Central and Eastern European African Studies 2, no. 4 (2022): 82–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.59569/jceeas.2022.2.4.180.
Abstract:
Eastern DRC is seriously affected by a protracted warfare involving illicit exploitation of natural resources, corruption, humanitarian crisis and terrorism carried out by armed groups including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) and the Movement of 23 March (M23). According to DRC government, M23 is a terrorist group supported by Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF). Invasion and terrorism drive the war and the chaos. For Rwanda, fighting and chaos derive from ethnic conflicts over land, citizenship, local political power, and state failures. To many observers, ongoing violence and fighting are driven by rent seeking by Congolese military commanders, lack of State authority, distorted rule of law at both national and local levels, the abuse of public office for private gain (corruption), failed defence/security and justice sector reforms, undisciplined civilian armed and unarmed combatants, warlords and opportunist warmongers. Overall, state failures combined with globalized war diseconomy as conducted by multinational companies, failed multiparty system regarding democratic governance system drive ongoing chaos and armed violence, beyond government control and defence capabilities, despite peace agreements and the involvement of international and regional peace peacekeeping initiatives. Our analysis suggests that the war strategy being used resembles to what McKew refers to as the Gerasimov Doctrine, a chaos theory of political warfare which is used by Russia in Ukraine war. It is a silent total warfare combining politics and war activities with the objective of weakening, controlling and submitting an enemy by influencing its domestic politics and security. It creates a chaotic environment as a result of Clausewitzian friction. Hence, the search for sustainable peace and political stability needs to address factors which drive and sustain the chaos. Such strategic change requires top leadership involvement at the Head of State level, in his capacity of commander in chief of the armed forces. It is a matter of rebuilding the State, transforming non-state forces into a professional military and inducing few innovations into the defence reform process. Such innovations will include establishing territorial armies in eastern provinces where armed groups and foreign forces take advantage of State weaknesses to exploit resources and abuse local defenceless populations.
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Prunier, Gérard. "The Catholic Church and the Kivu Conflict." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00103.
Abstract:
AbstractThis paper examines the role of the Catholic Church in the armed conflict that has engulfed the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) since 1993. The conflict itself has two dimensions. Since 1996 the DRC has been at the centre of a major war that has spilled well beyond its borders, embroiling neighbouring states and others further afield. Less well known is the local struggle, in the eastern part of the country in the two provinces of North and South Kivu, which began three years earlier. While having a dynamic of its own, Kivu's fate has become entwined in the wider international conflict. Given its large constituency and immense wealth and infrastructure, the Catholic Church has come to wield enormous influence in the DRC, particularly in the context of a declining state. It was a key player in the movement for democratisation in the early 1990s and more recently it has sought to offer moral guidance on the conflict. But its attempts to adopt a superior moral outlook have been severely tested by the fact that its clergy are now thoroughly zairianised, and have come to embody the ethnic and political prejudices of their respective communities.
27
Polonova, J., R. Bazalickova, V. Krcmery, M. Palenikova, M. Jackulikova, V. Kozon, M. Popovicova, et al. "Unexpectedly low Incidence of COVID-19 among Refugees of War from Ukraine to Slovakia in First Month of Conflict (Original Research)." Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22359/cswhi_13_2_04.
Abstract:
Several armed conflicts and military troop interventions have been associated with minor pandemics, however, not always, and with the extent varied. e.g. during the most catastrophic loss of lives in the Bosnian Conflict in 1993-95 where 160,000 civilians and soldiers fell into mass graves, only one small epidemic of Hepatitis A was reported to the European branch of WHO. In contrast, epidemics of cholera in Haiti, not related to war but associated with troop deployment (UN battalion from Nepal) in 2014, led to a devastating epidemic of cholera in the Artibonite River District with 1,000s of deaths. The same was reported during civil war and genocide in Rwanda in 1988-98 where hundreds died, and refugees of war-related exodus from Rwanda to the DRC in Goma. Finally, pipeline and water supply devastation during war in Yemen, led to the largest cholera outbreak in Yemen (1-3). Therefore, fear of epidemics, especially during COVID-19 Omicron wave is of concern mainly when the numbers of positive cases in Austria and other EU countries are increasing. The aim of this study was to report the results of COVID-19 antigen testing in those escaping from war in Ukraine.
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Mkhize, Nkosingiphile. "SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO ARMED CONFLICT: TESTING THE AU AND EU PROTOCOLS." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND DEVELOPMENT ALTERNATIVES 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.55190/qwvx1671.
Abstract:
The purpose of this article is to examine measures for curbing the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Specifically, the article tests protocols provided by the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) in order to highlight the attendant key critiques and challenges. It highlights the prospects that protocols provided for by the AU and EU could mitigate and ameliorate sexual violence in armed conflict (SVAC) in contexts such as that of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Therefore, the article also examines strengths and weaknesses of the AU and EU protocols for SVAC. The article finds that there are more complex and area-specific reasons why sexual violence in armed conflict takes place in Africa, especially in the DRC. Furthermore, the article notes the notion that sexual violence as a weapon is recognized to be “cheaper than the use of bullets” as well as the societal preoccupation with biosocial and patriarchal military theory. This article finds that such acts or beliefs, which are morally unacceptable, are prevalent causes of SVAC in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The article concludes that protocols provided for by the AU and EU fall-short of what is required in the DRC because this country’s contexts entail more of redress than prevention. Indeed, prevention cannot be underrated, but there are already scars and victims of SVAC that require urgent intervention to build for a better society. The article recommends that a just and fair framework be established to address the problems that confront victims of SVAC as well as to hold governments and officials to account. Keywords: Armed conflict, Gender-based Violence, Institutional Frameworks, Security
29
Njagi, Catherine Wambugu. "Combating Civil Wars in Africa." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 4, no. 1 (May 10, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v4i1.34.
Abstract:
The Twentieth and twenty first centuries have been described as the age of anxiety. This is largely due to the many civil wars and conflicts that have been prevalent in our contemporary world, and especially with special reference to Africa which is the worst hit. In particular, armed conflicts been witnessed in Angola, Ethiopia Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan among others. Equally, civil wars have been witnessed in Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Sudan. Sadly, some of these States are at the verge of collapse due to the effect of these unfortunate civil wars and conflicts. Other countries that were affected by civil or ethnic conflicts, albeit at lower levels include: Burundi, Cameroon, Kenya, Nigeria, Togo, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Malawi, Senegal, and South Africa. The latter has witnessed xenophobic attacks, especially in May 2008. Terrorism activities have also Increased, as it continues to create tensions among nations, religions, tribes and so on. To this end, this article seeks to explore the causes of civil wars and conflicts in Africa, that bleeds poverty on a mass scale. How can the church participate in curbing these wars and conflicts, and eventually usher-in sanity in these troubled waters? In its methodology, this article strives to redefine war and discusses the characteristics of modern warfare. Through an extensive review of relevant literature, the article has also attempted to explore the place of individual persons, the nation-states and the international network systems in combating civil wars; and lastly, it has endeavored to show the contribution of the church in wrestling out all forms of conflicts in the Sub-Saharan Africa.
30
Shumba, Munyayiwashe. "Understanding perennial recruitment of child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Allons-y: Journal of Children, Peace and Security 6 (March 31, 2022): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/allons-y.v6i0.11158.
Abstract:
Recruitment of child soldiers in armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has become a perennial problem despite efforts by local and international actors to put a stop to it. This paper launches a critical investigation into the underlying causes behind the continued recruitment of children as soldiers. More so, in light of economic challenges in a war tone country, where there is no school, no recreational facilities and no proper services, this paper seeks to establish how the implementation of the Vancouver Principles can be made a total success in such conditions.
31
Buzard, David A. "Ethnocentric nationality in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: An analysis under international human rights law." African Human Rights Law Journal 21, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2021/v21n2a39.
Abstract:
In order to dismantle institutionalised tribalism in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which has fostered recurring war and armed conflict, its lynchpin of ethnocentric citizenship must be removed. Due to the Congolese law of nationality by birth being grounded in ethnicity, Congolese nationality has been and remains subject to political manipulation, particularly concerning the Banyamulenge people. In the latter half of the twentieth century the Congolese state has alternatively granted, withdrawn and reinstated their Congolese citizenship. Fundamentally, the basic Congolese nationality law - anchored in the Congolese Constitution - perpetuates a legal framework for racial division which does nothing to hinder but only enables malicious sympathies that tend toward exclusion, persecution, expulsion and genocide. To address this existential flaw, this article describes how the primacy of ethnicity in the Congolese law of nationality by birth violates three international human rights treaties that the DRC has accepted, thus laying a foundation for legal action to change the Constitution and nationality law of the DRC.
32
Simons, Claudia, Franzisca Zanker, Andreas Mehler, and Denis M. Tull. "Power-sharing in Africa's war zones: how important is the local level?" Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 4 (November 18, 2013): 681–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000645.
Abstract:
ABSTRACTResearch on power-sharing in Africa remains silent on the effects of national peace agreements on the sub-national level. Conversely, most armed conflicts originate and are fought in (or over) specific areas. A plausible hypothesis would be that for power-sharing to have the desired pacifying effect throughout the national territory, it needs to be extended to the local level. Based on fieldwork in six former hotspots in Liberia, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) we find that there is hardly any local content, including local power-sharing, in national agreements. However, contrary to our hypothesis, neither local content (inclusion of actors or interest) nor local-power-sharing (either introducing a local power balance or monopoly) are indispensable to effectively bring about local peace, at least in the short-term. On the contrary, it might even endanger the peace process. The importance of the sub-national level is overestimated in some cases and romanticised in others. However, the history of spatial-political links, centralised policies, and the establishment of local balances or monopolies of power ultimately play an important role.
33
Schwartz, David A. "Being Pregnant during the Kivu Ebola Virus Outbreak in DR Congo: The rVSV-ZEBOV Vaccine and Its Accessibility by Mothers and Infants during Humanitarian Crises and in Conflict Areas." Vaccines 8, no. 1 (January 22, 2020): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines8010038.
Abstract:
The Ebola virus disease (EVD) outbreak that began in Kivu province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in July 2018 is the second largest in history. It is also the largest and most deadly of the ten Ebola outbreaks to occur in DRC, the country where Ebola was first identified during the 1976 Yambuku outbreak. The Kivu region is one of the most challenging locations in which to organize humanitarian assistance. It is an active conflict zone in which numerous armed groups are conducting violent acts, often directed against the inhabitants, healthcare and relief workers and peacekeepers. EVD has been especially problematic in pregnancy—previous outbreaks both in DRC and other countries have resulted in very high mortality rates among pregnant women and especially their infants, with maternal mortality in some outbreaks reaching over 90% and perinatal mortality 100%. The development and implementation of the Merck rVSV-ZEBOV vaccine for Ebola infection has been a tremendous public health advance in preventing EVD, being used successfully in both the West Africa Ebola epidemic and the Équateur DRC Ebola outbreak. But from the start of the Kivu outbreak, policy decisions had resulted in excluding pregnant and lactating women and their infants from receiving it during extensive ring vaccination efforts. In June 2019, this policy was reversed, 10 months after the start of the outbreak. Pregnant and lactating women are now permitted not only the rVSV-ZEBOV vaccine in the continuing Kivu outbreak but also the newly implemented Ad26.ZEBOV/MVA-BN vaccine.
34
Tsarenko, A., K. Bundzelova, and M. Olah. "Call for Socioeconomic and Health Infrastructure Rehabilitation after Pandemics and armed Conflicts - an ultimate wake up Call for the International Community?" Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention 13, no. 4 (July 26, 2022): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.22359/cswhi_13_4_01.
Abstract:
This current issue of Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention (CSW, 1-5) summarizes the three last issues focused on two devastating events. 1st – the two year pandemics of coronavirus infection originated from Hongkong 2003; via Abu Dhabi 2012; Busan 2017; Wuchan 2019 via Italy, France and large airports and sports/ cultural events to Central and Eastern Europe. 2nd – three war conflicts, two of them in Europe, or very close to the EU: first in 2012-2020 in Yemen due to airstries and infrastructure bombing of Taizz, Sanaa and Hodeida; second in Karabakh, Stepanakert Region by shelling from Azerbajjjan; third in Ukraine after bombing and still permanent shelling from Russian and Russia-satellite allies to Ukraine. We have to face the part played by devastating infrastructure destruction of hospitals schools, socio-economic and industrial damage to health and sanitary with consequences such as has been noted after an earthquake in Haiti and war in Rwanda and DRC. Currently, unfortunately, dealing with destroyed urban infrastructure in Mariopil and other towns, such as cholera outbreaks and Covid 19 resurgence results in massive a flow of refugees of war - a classic example of how socio-economic tragedy is followed by large health catastrophe. The EU is prepared for country rehabilitation including healthcare and educational support. The ultimate condition however is the immediate stopping of armed activities especially bombing and shelling of the water supplies and sanitary infrastructure.
35
Suarez, Carla. "‘Living between Two Lions’: Civilian Protection Strategies during Armed Violence in the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, no. 3 (December 2017): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1372796.
Abstract:
This article examines how civilians assess, negotiate with, and in some cases deceive armed actors in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It demonstrates that civilians not only navigate the precarious and unpredictable conditions within armed conflict, but also exploit these conditions to improve their security situations. The ‘self-protection’ strategies analysed aim to prevent, mitigate and confront violent threats that civilians encounter in their daily lives. This article argues that civilian self-protection strategies are especially prevalent in contexts marked as ‘no peace – no war’. Characterised by prolonged and low intensity violence, ‘no peace – no war’ contexts shape civilian self-protection strategies in three ways. First, civilians often develop a sophisticated understanding of the actors involved and the patterns of violence that unfold. Second, civilians often learn what particular strategies are most likely to be successful, typically through trial and error. Third, civilians have often become sceptical and cynical about international actors and activities. Understanding what actions civilians take to protect themselves, their families, and their communities is critical for the international community's role in peacemaking and peacebuilding.
36
Muzinga, Louis Mukonga, and Olawumi D. Awolusi. "Strategic leadership in post-conflict states: A study of The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 10, no. 4(S) (August 21, 2020): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v10i4(s).3024.
Abstract:
The research examines the impact of strategic leadership in post-conflict states. This was achieved by comparing different leadership styles with the performance of the post-conflict state to identify which leadership style fits best with specific performance indicators in The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The study explores the qualitative methodology to assess the impact of strategic leadership in post-conflict states through an explanatory view using an interpretive approach, participant contributions, direct observations, documents, and interviews. Data were analyzed using NVivo data analysis software. The research discovered leadership deficiency at all levels of society. The leadership lacks some essential characteristics to guarantee the well-being of the people. The study also observed an inadequate commitment to support the vision. Also, the mismanagement of country natural resources often causes insecurity and triggers the creation of many armed groups to exploit the resources illegally. The study, therefore, recommended strong committed leadership, the political will, and stable state institutions. One needs a committed leadership to set the vision which can make a change in people's lives, and we can gain the milestones and eventually achieve the vision with the support of the political will and stable state institutions. The study contributes to knowledge by developing a much more user-friendly formula that summarizes the strategic, leadership needed in post-conflict states.
37
Bartels, Susan A., Jennifer A. Scott, Jennifer Leaning, Jocelyn T. Kelly, Denis Mukwege, Nina R. Joyce, and Michael J. VanRooyen. "Sexual Violence Trends between 2004 and 2008 in South Kivu, Democratic Republic of Congo." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, no. 6 (December 2011): 408–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x12000179.
Abstract:
AbstractIntroduction: For more than a decade, conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been claiming lives. Within that conflict, sexual violence has been used by militia groups to intimidate and punish communities, and to control territory. This study aimed to: (1) investigate overall frequency in number of Eastern DRC sexual assaults from 2004 to 2008 inclusive; (2) determine if peaks in sexual violence coincide with known military campaigns in Eastern DRC; and (3) study the types of violence and types of perpetrators as a function of time.Methods: This study was a retrospective, descriptive, registry-based evaluation of sexual violence survivors presenting to Panzi Hospital between 2004 and 2008.Results: A total of 4,311 records were reviewed. Throughout the five-year study period, the highest number of reported sexual assaults occurred in 2004, with a steady decrease in the total number of incidents reported at Panzi Hospital from 2004 through 2008. The highest peak of reported sexual assaults coincided with a known militant attack on the city of Bukavu. A smaller sexual violence peak in April 2004 coincided with a known military clash near Bukavu. Over the five-year period, the number of sexual assaults reportedly perpetrated by armed combatants decreased by 77% (p = 0.086) and the number of assaults reportedly perpetrated by non-specified perpetrators decreased by 92% (p < 0.0001). At the same time, according to the hospital registry, the number of sexual assaults reportedly perpetrated by civilians increased 17-fold (p < 0.0001). This study was limited by its retrospective nature, by the inherent selection bias of studying only survivors presenting to Panzi Hospital, and by the use of a convenience sample within Panzi Hospital.Conclusions: After years of military rape in South Kivu Province, civilian adoption of sexual violence may be a growing phenomenon. If this is the case, the social mechanisms that prevent sexual violence will have to be rebuilt and sexual violence laws will have to be fully enforced to bring all perpetrators to justice. Proper rehabilitation and reintegration of ex-combatants may also be an important step towards reducing civilian rape in Eastern DRC.
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Anis, Ozzie. "The Kivu Ebola Epidemic." WikiJournal of Medicine 9, no. 1 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15347/wjm/2022.001.
Abstract:
The Kivu Ebola epidemic began on 1 August 2018, when four cases of Ebola virus disease (EVD) were confirmed in the eastern region of Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The disease affected the DRC, Uganda, and is suspected to have also affected Tanzania, though the Ministry of Health there never shared information with the WHO. The outbreak was declared ended on 25 June 2020, with a total of 3,470 cases and 2,280 deaths. Other locations in the DRC affected included the Ituri Province, where the first case was confirmed on 13 August 2018. In November 2018, it became the biggest Ebola outbreak in the DRC's history, and by November, it had become the second-largest Ebola outbreak in recorded history, behind only the 2013–2016 Western Africa epidemic. On 3 May 2019, 9 months into the outbreak, the DRC death toll surpassed 1,000. In June 2019, the virus reached Uganda, having infected a 5-year-old Congolese boy who entered with his family, but this was contained. Since January 2015, the affected province and general area have been experiencing a military conflict, which hindered treatment and prevention efforts. The World Health Organization (WHO) has described the combination of military conflict and civilian distress as a potential "perfect storm" that could lead to a rapid worsening of the situation. In May 2019, the WHO reported that, since January of that year, there had been 42 attacks on health facilities and 85 health workers had been wounded or killed. In some areas, aid organizations have had to stop their work due to violence. Health workers also had to deal with misinformation spread by opposing politicians. Due to the deteriorating security situation in North Kivu and surrounding areas, the WHO raised the risk assessment at the national and regional level from "high" to "very high" in September 2018. In October, the United Nations Security Council stressed that all armed hostility in the DRC should come to a stop to address the ongoing outbreak better. A confirmed case in Goma triggered the decision by the WHO to convene an emergency committee for the fourth time, and on 17 July 2019, the WHO announced a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC), the highest level of alarm the WHO can sound. On 15 September 2019, some slowdown of cases was noted in the DRC. However, contact tracing continued to be less than 100%; at the time, it was at 89%. In mid-October the transmission of the virus had significantly reduced; by then it was confined to the Mandima region near where the outbreak began, and was only affecting 27 health zones in the DRC (down from a peak of 207). New cases decreased to zero by 17 February 2020, but after 52 days without a case, surveillance and response teams confirmed three new cases in mid-April. As a new and separate outbreak, was reported on 1 June 2020 in Équateur Province in north-western DRC, described as the eleventh Ebola outbreak since records began; after almost two years the tenth outbreak was declared ended on 25 June 2020, with a total of 3,470 cases and 2,280 deaths.
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Evans, Malcom D., and Chester Brown. "II. Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo (New Application: 2002) (Democratic Republic of the Congo v Rwanda) Provisional Measures, Order of 1 July 2002." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 3 (July 2003): 782–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.3.782.
Abstract:
Since 1998, a war has ravaged one of Africa's largest countries, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (‘DRC’). Africa's ‘Great War’ is said to have involved nine national armies and an unknown number of militia groups, and has reportedly claimed more lives than any other in the last four years. Estimates of the death toll range from 3 to 3.5 million. On 28 May 2002, the DRC instituted proceedings before the International Court of Justice (‘the Court’) against Rwanda alleging ‘massive, serious and flagrant violations of human rights and international humanitarian law’, and requested certain provisional measures.2 On 10 July 2002, the Court rejected the DRC’s request for provisional measures, as it considered that it did not have prima facie jurisdiction to determine the merits of the case.3 However, the Court also rejected Rwanda's request that the case be removed from the list, as the Court considered that its lack of jurisdiction was not ‘manifest’.4 This note reviews the history of the conflict and the litigation, before considering the DRC's request for provisional measures and the grounds of jurisdiction upon which it sought to rely. The Order is then analysed, and this note concludes that the Court was right to reject the DRC's request, but it should have gone further and removed the case from the list.
40
Anis, Ozzie. "The Kivu Ebola epidemic." WikiJournal of Medicine 9, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.15347/wjm/2021.005.
Abstract:
The Kivu Ebola epidemic[note 1] began on 1 August 2018, when four cases of Ebola virus disease (EVD) were confirmed in the eastern region of Kivu in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).[2][3][4] The disease affected the DRC, Uganda, and is suspected to have also affected Tanzania, though the Ministry of Health there never shared information with the WHO.[5] The outbreak was declared ended on 25 June 2020, with a total of 3,470 cases and 2,280 deaths.[6][7] Other locations in the DRC affected included the Ituri Province, where the first case was confirmed on 13 August 2018.[1] In November 2018, it became the biggest Ebola outbreak in the DRC's history,[8][9][10] and by November, it had become the second-largest Ebola outbreak in recorded history,[11][12] behind only the 2013–2016 Western Africa epidemic. On 3 May 2019, 9 months into the outbreak, the DRC death toll surpassed 1,000.[13][14] In June 2019, the virus reached Uganda, having infected a 5-year-old Congolese boy who entered with his family,[15] but this was contained. Since January 2015, the affected province and general area have been experiencing a military conflict, which hindered treatment and prevention efforts. The World Health Organization (WHO) has described the combination of military conflict and civilian distress as a potential "perfect storm" that could lead to a rapid worsening of the situation.[16][17] In May 2019, the WHO reported that, since January of that year, there had been 42 attacks on health facilities and 85 health workers had been wounded or killed. In some areas, aid organizations have had to stop their work due to violence.[18] Health workers also had to deal with misinformation spread by opposing politicians.[19] Due to the deteriorating security situation in North Kivu and surrounding areas, the WHO raised the risk assessment at the national and regional level from "high" to "very high" in September 2018.[20] In October, the United Nations Security Council stressed that all armed hostility in the DRC should come to a stop to address the ongoing outbreak better.[21][22][23] A confirmed case in Goma triggered the decision by the WHO to convene an emergency committee for the fourth time,[24][25] and on 17 July 2019, the WHO announced a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC), the highest level of alarm the WHO can sound.[26] On 15 September 2019, some slowdown of cases was noted in the DRC.[27] However, contact tracing continued to be less than 100%; at the time, it was at 89%.[27] In mid-October the transmission of the virus had significantly reduced; by then it was confined to the Mandima region near where the outbreak began, and was only affecting 27 health zones in the DRC (down from a peak of 207).[28] New cases decreased to zero by 17 February 2020,[29] but after 52 days without a case, surveillance and response teams confirmed three new cases in mid-April.[30][31][32] As a new and separate outbreak, was reported on 1 June 2020 in Équateur Province in north-western DRC, described as the eleventh Ebola outbreak since records began;[33] after almost two years the tenth outbreak was declared ended on 25 June 2020, with a total of 3,470 cases and 2,280 deaths.[34][7]
41
Nyamutata, Conrad. "From Heroes to Victims: An Analysis of the Mutation of the Social Meaning of Child Soldiering." International Criminal Law Review 14, no. 3 (June 13, 2014): 619–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01403004.
Abstract:
Although a considerable body of scholarship on children and armed conflict has developed, little sociological, conceptual and historical analysis has been proffered to help our understanding of the dynamics of meaning-change to the current social conception of child soldiering. This article analyses the evolution of the prevailing ‘social meaning’ of child soldiering. To this end, it recognises the historical and current role of transnational agents in the mutation of the conception of child militarization and universalisation of its negative meaning. The article discusses how the meaning has influenced the legal construction of and regulation of such meaning through instruments in extant international and regional child law. The conviction and imprisonment of Democratic of Republic of Congo (DRC) rebel leader Thomas Lubanga by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2012 represented a concretization of the globalized opprobrious social perception of child soldiering through the penal process.
42
Hofman, Michiel. "The Evolution from Integrated Missions to ‘Peace Keepers on Steroids’." Global Responsibility to Protect 6, no. 2 (June 12, 2014): 246–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00602009.
Abstract:
In the two decades that followed the traumatic events in Rwanda and Srebrenica, the paradigms of both international aid and international military action have profoundly changed. By 2008, strong political missions combined with robust peacekeeping operations, under the new doctrine of ‘Integrated Missions’, had become the norm for un involvement in conflict. This article will argue, illustrated by three examples in Afghanistan, Somalia and Mali, that these international military interventions, whether in the form of a un integrated mission, R2P or non-authorised allied initiatives like Iraq and Afghanistan, have a negative effect on access for humanitarian aid. This affects all aid agencies, as armed groups have neither the time nor inclination to note subtle differences between organisations within this international enterprise. The evolution to ever more proactive peacekeeping operations, reaching its culmination in 2013 in drc and to a lesser extend in Mali, has a direct effect on the impartial delivery of aid to all sides of a conflict. Whether or not the integrated model and offensive peacekeeping will have better outcomes for the longer term stability and security of populations trapped in conflict, is not addressed or challenged. But there is a price to pay for this approach: access for humanitarian aid will suffer.
43
Mapera, Emil, Jean Pierre Fina, Joseph Body Mabiala, Lukanu Phillipe Ngwala, and Doudou Nzaumvila. "Clinico-epidemiological profile of children living with HIV/AIDS managed at Heal Africa Hospital, Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo." African Health Sciences 22, no. 4 (December 25, 2022): 435–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ahs.v22i4.49.
Abstract:
Background: Conflict in the DRC led to a poor health care. HIV/AIDS in children remains one of the leading causes of pediatric morbidity and mortality.Methods: This cross-sectional study used a sample size of 238 files and aimed to determine the epidemiological profile of childrenliving with HIV at Heal Hospital in 2015.Results: The age ranged from zero to fifteen, with a mean of 6.1 (±3.9) years. Records of PMTCT were noted in 12%. The mean birth weight was 3(±0.8) kg, most cases (88 percent) had normal vaginal delivery. Many of them (71 percent) were living with at least one parent. The majority of the children (92 percent) were from Goma, and 75 percent were diagnosed at WHO Stage 3. At least one episode of hospital admission was reported in 71 percent. Respiratory tract infections were the most common disease, and they were also the leading cause of death. Based on the CD4, which was the most cost-effective method ofmonitoring, there was an improvement in immunity at the last visit.Conclusion: This study pointed out the importance of PMTC and early management of children leaving with HIV/AIDS. Outreach would encourage voluntary HIV/AIDS testing for pregnant women in armed conflict zone.Keywords: Central Africa; civil war; HIV/AIDS; pediatric; presentation.
44
Bahama, Tabin Lissendja. "Conflits Armés Et Fragilité De L’autorité Étatique Au Nord-Kivu En République Démocratique Du Congo." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 5 (February 28, 2017): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n5p457.
Abstract:
This article analyzes the official institutional weakness of Congo’s state in its quest to strengthen its authority in the province of North Kivu. Indeed, since 1998, it became obvious that state authority at both the central and provincial levels in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) were weakened by armed groups’ activism, war-based economy, borders’ looseness, militarization of local economy, and its extraversion. The most obvious challenge today is that private actors and organizations are acting in networks and mobilizing strategies. These strategies were employed in order to prevent the expansion of state authority over their areas of intervention. The presence of the latter would heavily affect the emergence and the pursuit of business, often associated with illicit practices. The operatory mode of this predation considerably limits Congo’s state capacity and it was to the detriment of the local population. This study revealed that Congo’s state is no longer capable of redeploying its authority in the province of North Kivu. On the other hand, it does not want to do it anymore because this state of chaos paradoxically protects the political and economic interests of certain members of the ruling class. Its apparent weakness denotes more unwillingness than a real incapacity.
45
Amodu, Oluwakemi C., Magdalena S. Richter, and Bukola O. Salami. "A Scoping Review of the Health of Conflict-Induced Internally Displaced Women in Africa." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 4 (February 17, 2020): 1280. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17041280.
Abstract:
Armed conflict and internal displacement of persons create new health challenges for women in Africa. To outline the research literature on this population, we conducted a review of studies exploring the health of internally displaced persons (IDP) women in Africa. In collaboration with a health research librarian and a review team, a search strategy was designed that identified 31 primary research studies with relevant evidence. Studies on the health of displaced women have been conducted in South- Central Africa, including Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); and in Eastern, East central Africa, and Western Africa, including Eritrea, Uganda, and Sudan, Côte d’Ivoire, and Nigeria. We identified violence, mental health, sexual and reproductive health, and malaria and as key health areas to explore, and observed that socioeconomic power shifts play a crucial role in predisposing women to challenges in all four categories. Access to reproductive health services was influenced by knowledge, geographical proximity to health services, spousal consent, and affordability of care. As well, numerous factors affect the mental health of internally displaced women in Africa: excessive care-giving responsibilities, lack of financial and family support to help them cope, sustained experiences of violence, psychological distress, family dysfunction, and men’s chronic alcoholism. National and regional governments must recommit to institutional restructuring and improved funding allocation to culturally appropriate health interventions for displaced women.
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Cirimwami, Ezéchiel Amani, and Pacifique Muhindo Magadju. "Prosecuting rape as war crime in the Democratic Republic of the Congo: lessons and challenges learned from military tribunals." Military Law and the Law of War Review 59, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/mllwr.2021.01.03.
Abstract:
Several armed conflicts have marked the past two decades in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). As a result, the DRC is facing an unprecedented humanitarian disaster with the death of hundreds of thousands of people, the large-scale displacement of civilians and the rape of thousands of women, girls and men. These armed conflicts have led to the metamorphosis of the concept of ‘crime’ with the emergence of new forms of sexual violence, particularly the widespread sexual violence used by armed groups as a tactic of war. In response to this avalanche of sexual violence, the DRC has taken a series of legislative measures. It began with the ratification of the Statute of the International Criminal Court (Rome Statute) on 11 April 2002. This was followed by the promulgation of the Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code on 18 November 2002 (MJC and MCC, respectively) criminalizing, inter alia, war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. In 2006, the Congolese legislator criminalized various forms of sexual crimes as defined by international law in the Military Penal Code. On 31 December 2015, the Congolese authorities promulgated Law No. 15/022, amending and supplementing the Military Penal Code, for the implementation of the Rome Statute. Through this Law, the legislator has included in the Congolese Ordinary Criminal Code rape and other sexual assaults constituting war crimes, and in some circumstances, crimes against humanity. In terms of prosecutions, around 40 cases of rape classified as war crimes and crimes against humanity have been tried by Congolese military courts, and a few other cases are being investigated. This article seeks to assess the progress made by the DRC in prosecuting rape as a war crime and the challenges to such prosecutions. La République démocratique du Congo (RDC) a été marquée par plusieurs conflits armés au cours des deux dernières décennies. Il en résulte que ce pays est confronté à une catastrophe humanitaire sans précédent avec la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes, le déplacement à grande échelle de civils et le viol de milliers de femmes, de filles et d'hommes. Ces conflits armés ont entraîné une métamorphose du concept de ‘crime’ avec l'émergence de nouvelles formes de violence sexuelle, notamment la violence sexuelle généralisée utilisée par les groupes armés comme tactique de guerre. En réponse à cette avalanche de violences sexuelles, la RDC a adopté une série de mesures législatives. La première fut la ratification du Statut de la Cour pénale internationale (Statut de Rome) le 11 avril 2002. Cette ratification fut suivie par la promulgation du Code judiciaire militaire et du Code pénal militaire le 18 novembre 2002 (respectivement le CMJ et le CCM) qui criminalisent, entre autres, les crimes de guerre, les crimes contre l'humanité et le génocide. En 2006, le législateur congolais a incriminé dans le Code pénal militaire diverses formes de crimes sexuels tels que définis par le droit international. Le 31 décembre 2015, les autorités congolaises ont promulgué la loi no 15/022, modifiant et complétant le Code pénal militaire, pour la mise en œuvre du Statut de Rome. A travers cette loi, le législateur a inclus dans le Code pénal ordinaire congolais les viols et autres agressions sexuelles constitutifs de crimes de guerre, et dans certaines circonstances, de crimes contre l'humanité. En termes de poursuites, une quarantaine de cas de viols qualifiés de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l'humanité ont été jugés par les tribunaux militaires congolais, et quelques autres cas sont en cours d'instruction. Cet article vise à évaluer les progrès réalisés par la RDC en matière de poursuites pénales pour viol en tant que crime de guerre et les défis auxquels ces poursuites sont confrontées. Verschillende gewapende conflicten hebben de afgelopen twee decennia hun stempel gedrukt op de Democratische Republiek Congo (DRC). Als gevolg daarvan wordt de DRC geconfronteerd met een ongekende humanitaire ramp die gepaard gaat met de dood van honderdduizenden mensen, de grootschalige ontheemding van burgers en de verkrachting van duizenden vrouwen, meisjes en mannen. Die gewapende conflicten hebben geleid tot een metamorfose van het begrip ‘misdaad’ met de opkomst van nieuwe vormen van seksueel geweld, in het bijzonder het wijdverspreide seksuele geweld dat door gewapende groepen als oorlogstactiek wordt gebruikt. Als reactie op die lawine van seksueel geweld heeft de DRC een reeks wetgevende maatregelen genomen. Het begon met de ratificatie van het Statuut van het Internationaal Strafhof (Statuut van Rome) op 11 april 2002, gevolgd door de afkondiging van het militair gerechtelijk wetboek en het militair strafwetboek op 18 november 2002. Daarin worden onder meer oorlogsmisdaden, misdaden tegen de mensheid en genocide strafbaar gesteld. In 2006 heeft de Congolese wetgever verschillende vormen van seksuele misdrijven, zoals omschreven in het internationaal recht, strafbaar gesteld in het militair strafwetboek. Op 31 december 2015 hebben de Congolese autoriteiten wet nr. 15/022 tot wijziging en aanvulling van het militair strafwetboek uitgevaardigd, met het oog op de uitvoering van het Statuut van Rome. Met die wet heeft de wetgever verkrachting en andere vormen van seksueel geweld die te beschouwen zijn als oorlogsmisdaden, en in sommige omstandigheden misdaden tegen de mensheid, in het gewone Congolese Wetboek van Strafrecht opgenomen. Wat vervolging betreft, zijn ongeveer 40 gevallen van verkrachting die als oorlogsmisdaden en misdaden tegen de mensheid werden aangemerkt, door de Congolese militaire rechtbanken berecht, en enkele andere gevallen worden momenteel onderzocht. Deze studie heeft tot doel na te gaan welke vooruitgang de DRC heeft geboekt bij de vervolging van verkrachting als oorlogsmisdaad en voor welke uitdagingen dergelijke vervolgingen staan. Varios conflictos armados han dejado huella en las dos décadas pasadas en la República Democrática del Congo (RDC). A resultas de ello, la RDC se está enfrentando a un desastre humanitario sin precedentes con la muerte de cientos de miles de personas, desplazamiento de civiles a gran escala y la violación de miles de mujeres, niñas y hombres. Estos conflictos armados han llevado a la metamorfosis del concepto de ‘crimen’ con la aparición de nuevas formas de violencia sexual, en particular el uso generalizado de la violencia sexual por grupos armados como táctica de guerra. En respuesta a esta avalancha de violencia sexual, la RDC ha adoptado una serie de medidas legislativas. Todo comenzó con la ratificación del Estatuto de la Corte Penal Internacional (Estatuto de Roma) el 11 de abril de 2002. A esto siguió la promulgación del Código Judicial Militar y del Código Penal Militar el 18 de noviembre de 2002 (Código Judicial Militar y Código Penal Militar, respectivamente), penalizando, entre otros, los crímenes contra la humanidad y el genocidio. En 2006, el legislador congoleño introdujo en el Código Penal Militar varias modalidades de crimen sexual tal y como se definen en el Derecho Internacional. El 31 de diciembre de 2015, la autoridades congoleñas promulgaron la Ley Núm. 15/022, reformando y complementando el Código Penal Militar, con objeto de implementar el Estatuto de Roma. A través de esta ley, el legislador ha tipificado en el Código Penal Común la violación y otros ataques sexuales que constituyen crímenes de guerra y, en algunas circunstancias, crímenes contra la humanidad. En términos de procedimientos instruidos, cerca de 40 casos de violación tipificada como crímenes de guerra y crímenes contra la humanidad han sido tramitados por los tribunales militares congoleños, y varios casos más continúan siendo objeto de investigación. Este estudio busca valorar el progreso de la RDC en la persecución de la violación como crimen de guerra y los retos a los que se ha tenido que hacer frente en dicha tarea. Gli ultimi due decenni della Repubblica Democratica del Congo (RDC) sono stati segnati da diversi conflitti armati. Di conseguenza, la RDC sta affrontando un disastro umanitario senza precedenti con la morte di centinaia di migliaia di persone, lo sfollamento di civili su larga scala e lo stupro di migliaia di donne, ragazze e uomini. Questi conflitti armati hanno portato alla metamorfosi del concetto di ‘crimine’ con l'emergere di nuove forme di violenza sessuale, in particolare la diffusa violenza sessuale usata dai gruppi armati come tattica di guerra. In risposta a questa valanga di violenza sessuale, la RDC ha adottato una serie di misure legislative. È iniziato tutto con la ratifica dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale (Statuto di Roma) l'11 aprile 2002. A ciò è seguita la promulgazione del Military Judicial Code and the Military Criminal Code il 18 novembre 2002 (rispettivamente Codice giudiziario militare e Codice penale militare), che hanno criminalizzato, tra l'altro, crimini di guerra, crimini contro l'umanità e genocidio. Nel 2006, il legislatore congolese ha definito come crimini varie forme di reati sessuali così come definito dal diritto internazionale nel Codice Penale Militare. Il 31 dicembre 2015 le autorità congolesi hanno promulgato la Legge n. 15/022, che modifica e integra il Codice Penale Militare, per l'attuazione dello Statuto di Roma. Attraverso questa legge, il legislatore ha incluso nel Codice penale Ordinario congolese lo stupro e altre aggressioni sessuali definiti crimini di guerra e, in alcune circostanze, crimini contro l'umanità. In termini di procedimenti penali, circa 40 casi di stupro classificati come crimini di guerra e crimini contro l'umanità sono stati processati dai tribunali militari congolesi e alcuni altri casi sono oggetto di indagine. Questo studio cerca di valutare i progressi compiuti dalla RDC nel perseguire lo stupro come crimine di guerra e l’impegno in tali procedimenti penali. Mehrere bewaffnete Konflikte haben die vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnte in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) geprägt. Als Folge dessen steht die DRK vor einer beispiellosen humanitären Katastrophe mit dem Tod von Hunderttausenden von Menschen, der massiven Vertreibung von Zivilisten und der Vergewaltigung von Tausenden von Frauen, Mädchen und Männern. Diese bewaffneten Konflikte haben zu einer Metamorphose des Begriffs ‘Verbrechen’ mit dem Aufkommen neuer Formen sexueller Gewalt geführt, insbesondere der weit verbreiteten sexuellen Gewalt, die von bewaffneten Gruppen als Kriegstaktik eingesetzt wird. Als Reaktion auf diese Lawine sexueller Gewalt hat die DRK eine Reihe von gesetzlichen Maßnahmen ergriffen. Es begann mit der Ratifizierung des Statuts des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs (Römisches Statut) am 11 April 2002. Es folgte die Verkündung des Militärgerichtsgesetzbuchs und des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs am 18. November 2002, die unter anderem Kriegsverbrechen, Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Völkermord unter Strafe stellen. Im Jahr 2006 hat der kongolesische Gesetzgeber im Militärstrafgesetzbuch verschiedene Formen von Sexualverbrechen im Sinne des Völkerrechts unter Strafe gestellt. Am 31. Dezember 2015 haben die kongolesischen Behörden das Gesetz Nr. 15/022 zur Änderung und Ergänzung des Militärstrafgesetzbuchs im Hinblick auf die Umsetzung des Römischen Statuts verkündet. Mit diesem Gesetz hat der Gesetzgeber Vergewaltigung und andere sexuelle Übergriffe, die Kriegsverbrechen und unter gewissen Umständen auch Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit darstellen, in das kongolesische ordentliche Strafgesetzbuch aufgenommen. Was die Strafverfolgung anbelangt, so wurden etwa 40 Fälle von Vergewaltigung, die als Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit eingestuft werden, von kongolesischen Militärgerichten abgeurteilt, und einige weitere Fälle werden derzeit untersucht. Diese Studie versucht, die Fortschritte der DRK bei der strafrechtlichen Verfolgung von Vergewaltigung als Kriegsverbrechen und die Herausforderungen für solche Verfolgungen zu bewerten.
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Urs, Andreea Bianca. "National Security and Fulfilled Promises? A Brief Analysis of the State of Siege in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, no. 2 (December 2021): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.2.03.
Abstract:
"Already in the middle of his first term, Felix Tshisekedi has understood that his re-election depends only on the pacification of the eastern region of his deeply damaged country. For over 20 years, informality, corruption, death, trafficking, theft represented a modus vivendi in the North Kivu province. The state of siege implemented on May 6, 2021 is intended to be a major restoration of North Kivu and Ituri provinces. At that time, the provinces fell under the military control of the FARDC (Armed Forces of the DRC), which raises two main questions Is this measure fit to meet the goal established by the President, namely the pacification of the eastern region? Or is it a tool to reinforce the control of the President over the country? However, the State of Siege is more than an exceptional measure: it is a promise of the President to his people. Active, determined and involved in the two territories, with appropriate words addressed to the grieving population, Tshisekedi not only repeats the sensitive elements known worldwide, but he exceeds the usual limits: he desires to remove the “maguilles” from the national army and he wants institutions on which he can rely. Basically, the one who embodies the system is fighting it today. Within this article we aim at exploring if new approach to conflict is prolific and has the potential to succeed at least in its early stages. This study could be performed due to field data provided by Kivu Security Tracker. Key words: Democratic Republic of Congo, discourse, State of Siege, North Kivu, Ituri, conflict, militarization, power "
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Buju, Roger T., Pierre Z. Akilimali, Erick N. Kamangu, Gauthier K. Mesia, Jean Marie N. Kayembe, and Hippolyte N. Situakibanza. "Predictors of Viral Non-Suppression among Patients Living with HIV under Dolutegravir in Bunia, Democratic Republic of Congo: A Prospective Cohort Study." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 3 (January 19, 2022): 1085. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19031085.
Abstract:
The Democratic Republic of the Congo adopted the integrase inhibitor dolutegravir (DTG) as part of its preferred first-line HIV treatment regimen in 2019. This study aimed to identify predictors of viral non-suppression among HIV-infected patients under a DTG-based regimen in the context of ongoing armed conflict since 2017 in the city of Bunia in the DRC. We conducted a cohort study of 468 patients living with HIV under DTG in all health facilities in Bunia. We calculated the proportion of participants with an HIV RNA of below 50 copies per milliliter. About three in four patients (72.8%) in this cohort had a viral load (VL) of <50 copies/mL after 6–12 months. After controlling for the effect of other covariates, the likelihood of having non-suppression remained significantly lower among the 25–34 age group and self-reported naïve patients with a baseline VL of ≥50 copies/mL. The likelihood of having non-suppression remained significantly higher among those who were at advanced stages of the disease, those with abnormal serum creatinine, those with high baseline HIV viremia over 1000 copies/mL, and the Sudanese ethnic group compared to the reference groups. This study suggests that we should better evaluate adherence, especially among adolescents and economically vulnerable populations, such as the Sudanese ethnic group in the city of Bunia. This suggests that an awareness of the potential effects of DTG and tenofovir is important for providers who take care of HIV-positive patients using antiretroviral therapy (ART), especially those with abnormal serum creatinine levels before starting treatment.
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Basimane Bisimwa, Parvine, Giscard Wilfried Koyaweda, Dieudonné Bihehe Masemo, Rodrigue Balthazar Basengere Ayagirwe, Ahadi Bwihangane Birindwa, Patrick Ntagereka Bisimwa, Georges Kikuni Besulani, et al. "High prevalence of hepatitis B and HIV among women survivors of sexual violence in South Kivu province, eastern Democratic Republic of Congo." PLOS ONE 19, no. 7 (July 3, 2024): e0292473. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0292473.
Abstract:
Introduction Limited data are available on the prevalence rates of hepatitis B and acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) among women survivors of sexual violence (WSSV) in South Kivu province, in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where armed conflicts persist. Here, we aimed to assess the prevalence of these two infections in this vulnerable local population. Methods A total of 1002 WSSV, aged from 18 to 70 years old were enrolled from May 2018 to May 2020 at three healthcare facilities (Panzi, Mulamba and Bulenga hospitals), which are called “The One-Stop Centre Care Model" for the management of sexual violence in South Kivu. Blood samples were collected and tested for hepatitis B virus (HBV) and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) antigens and antibodies using enzyme-linked immunoassay (ELISA) methods. Subsequently, viral load quantification for HBV and HIV were performed using the GeneXpert. Univariate and multivariate logistic regression models were used to assess factors associated with HIV-positive and HBV-positive status. Results For HBV, overall prevalence was 8.9% (95% CI; 7.2–10.8%), 32.1% (95% CI; 29.3–35.0%), and 14.5% (95% CI; 12.3–16.8%) for HBsAg, anti-HBc and anti-HBs antibodies, respectively. Among the 89 HBsAg-positive patients, 17 (19.1%) were HBeAg-positive. The median age of individuals with a positive HBsAg test was higher than those with a negative test (median: 40 years (IQR 30–52) compared to 36 years (IQR 24–48)). Risk factors for HBV infection were age (≥35 years) (AOR = 1.83 [1.02–3.32]; p = 0.041), having no schooling (AOR = 4.14 [1.35–12.62]; p = 0.012) or only primary school-level (AOR = 4.88 [1.61–14.75]; p = 0.005), and multiple aggressors (AOR = 1.76 [1.09–2.84], p = 0.019). The prevalence of HIV was 4.3% [95% CI: 3.1–5.7%]. HIV/HBV co-infection occurred only in 5 individuals (0.5%). The HBV viral load was detectable (> 1 log10 UI/mL) in 61.8% of HBsAg-positive subjects and 64.8% HIV-positive subjects had a high viral load (≥ 3 log10 copies/mL). Conclusion This study revealed a high prevalence of HBV and HIV infections among WSSV in South Kivu. The results generated highlight the urgent need for systematic screening of HBV and HIV by integrating fourth-generation ELISA tests in HIV and HBV control programs.
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BANNELIER, KARINE, and THEODORE CHRISTAKIS. "Under the UN Security Council's Watchful Eyes: Military Intervention by Invitation in the Malian Conflict." Leiden Journal of International Law 26, no. 4 (November 8, 2013): 855–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156513000447.
Abstract:
AbstractResponding to an urgent request by the authorities of Mali, France launched Operation Serval against several terrorist armed groups in January 2013. The French troops were assisted by a Chadian contingent and by forces progressively deployed by other African countries within a UNSC authorized African force (Resolution 2085). While the French and African military operations in Mali were clearly legal, they raise important questions of jus ad bellum in relation to the two legal arguments put forward to justify them: intervention by invitation, and UNSC authorization. In this paper we first discuss the general rules of international law applying to intervention by invitation. We explain that such an intervention could sometimes be contrary to the principle of self-determination and we propose a purpose-based approach. We then apply these rules to the situation in Mali and conclude that the French and Chadian interventions were legal because, on the one hand, the request was validly formulated by the internationally recognized government of Mali and, on the other hand, their legitimate purpose was to fight terrorism. The UNSC approved this legal basis and ‘helped’ France and Chad appeal validly to it by listing the enemy as ‘terrorist groups’. It gave its ‘blessing’ to these interventions, without authorizing them, and observed the events with relief. The adoption of Resolution 2100 on 25 April 2013 raises new legal questions. The Council creates a UN peace enforcement mission in Mali, MINUSMA, which has a robust use-of-force mandate. Created just a few weeks after the DRC Intervention Brigade, this force seems to indicate an ongoing evolution (revolution?) in UN peacekeeping, notwithstanding the assurances by some UNSC member states that MINUSMA will avoid ‘offensive counter-terrorism operations’. At the same time Resolution 2100 gives a restricted use-of-force mandate to France (to protect MINUSMA), without challenging the legal validity of intervention by invitation for all other tasks. The conflict in Mali might thus remain for some time yet between the latitude of UNSC authorization and the longitude of unilateral intervention by invitation.