Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Armed conflicts in the DRC'
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1
Iraguha, Ndamiyehe Patient. "Internally displaced children and HIV in situations of armed conflict in the DRC : a study of the obligations of the government and selected non-state actors." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/37290.
Abstract:
The mini-dissertation analyses the international law obligations of the government and nonstate
actors regarding the protection of internally displaced children living with HIV in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo.
The war and armed conflicts in the Eastern DRC have exacerbated the vulnerability of
children, causing them to be separated from their families, to experience sexual violence and
forced conscription into armed groups, to experience the violent deaths of a parent or friend,
resulting in insufficient adult care. They further are subject to a lack of safe drinking water
and food, insufficient access to health care services, discrimination and stigmatisation, and so
on. These factors increase their risk of contracting HIV and, if they are already living with
HIV, they adversely affect their welfare.
The mini-dissertation illustrates that international, regional and domestic human rights
instruments protecting children can be applied in situations of armed conflicts to supplement
humanitarian law instruments. It demonstrates that the government of the DRC has not
implemented and fulfilled its international obligations to ensure these children adequate
access to health services and to humanitarian assistance for displaced persons living with
HIV; security and protection within displaced persons camps; and that children are protected
from abuse and human rights violations.
The dissertation recommends the prosecution of perpetrators of crimes tied to the conflicts which have targeted children, as well as the ratification by the DRC of regional instruments
such as the African Union Convention on the Protection and Assistance of Internally
Displaced Persons in Africa, and the African Charter on the Rights and the Welfare of the
Child, as this may enhance the legal protection of displaced children in the DRC.Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted
2
Kochani, Lawin. "Does higher quality peacekeepers equal better civilian protection? : A qualitative research study on UN-peacekeeping effectiveness in Mali and the DRC." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430686.
Abstract:
The aim of this thesis was to investigate whether higher quality troops would perform better in civilian protection within UN-peacekeeping missions. The appropriate method to answer this question was through a Structured Focused Comparison and the most similar system design. The theory suggested that higher quality peacekeepers would be more effective in combating armed groups and directly protecting civilians during civil wars. However, the case comparison did not fully answer the given hypothesis. Instead, it showcased another dilemma that high-quality troops exhibit. These peacekeeping troops seemed reluctant to utilize their high-quality equipment and assets effectively for the mission. Instead, they displayed risk-aversive behaviour and difficulty to cooperate with other troop contributing nations. These findings have important implications for policy making.
3
Samphansakul, Attaphorn Mason T. David. "Child soldiers and intrastate armed conflicts an analysis of the recruitments of child soldiers in civil wars between 2001 and 2003 /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2008. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9038.
4
Omoali, Quionie. "Vers un modèle évolué de prise en charge des victimes des violences sexuelles basées sur le genre commises en période de conflits armés. Cas de la République Démocratique du Congo." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Pau, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024PAUU2156.
Abstract:
Depuis environ vingt-sept ans, la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) est en proie aux conflits armés qui se poursuivent actuellement dans l'Est de ce pays. On y compte plusieurs milliers de morts et de femmes et filles violées. Ces dernières ont subi des préjudices divers et exceptionnels causés par les actes de violences sexuelles, amplifiés par la stigmatisation et l'ostracisation sociale.Nonobstant l'existence d'un cadre juridique national et international progressiste, l'impunité persiste. Les victimes n'ont toujours pas accès au droit à réparation. Le système judiciaire national dysfonctionnel, conforté par les principes du droit pénal et du droit à réparation classiques en vigueur, se révèle la faiblesse de la réponse nationale aux crimes internationaux en cause.Dans le cadre de la relance de la justice transitionnelle, les réponses nationales de justice pénale et de réparation s'inscrivant dans l'approche classique apparaissent inadaptées au contexte national et international.Au travers d'une approche globale sui generis de prise en charge des crimes internationaux centrée sur l'affirmation de l'autonomie des violences sexuelles utilisées comme arme de guerre en RDC, émerge un mécanisme de justice transitionnelle à visée judiciaire et extrajudiciaire.Dans un contexte géopolitique contrasté par le désengagement des Nations Unies ou de l'effritement de la responsabilité internationale, la perspective d'un modèle de mécanisme judiciaire construit selon l'approche crescendo d'internationalisation ou de dénationalisation de la compétence concurrente entre les juridictions nationales (les Chambres Judiciaires Spécialisées) et le Tribunal Pénal Spécial pour la RDC, juridiction internationale, constitue l'innovation de la présente thèseFor approximately 27 years, the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been plagued by armed conflicts, currently persisting in the eastern part of the country. Thousands have lost their lives, and women and girls have endured various and exceptional harms from sexual violence, compounded by stigma and social ostracization. Despite progressive national and international legal frameworks, impunity persists, denying victims access to the right to redress. The dysfunctional national judicial system, guided by conventional criminal and reparative principles, reveals the weakness of the domestic response to the implicated international crimes. In the context of transitional justice revival, traditional national approaches to criminal justice and reparations prove inadequate in the dual national and international setting. A unique comprehensive approach addressing international crimes, focusing on the autonomy of sexual violence as a weapon of war in the DRC, gives rise to a transitional justice mechanism encompassing both judicial and extrajudicial aspects. In a geopolitical landscape marked by UN disengagement and the erosion of international responsibility, the prospect of a judicial mechanism constructed with a crescendo approach to the internationalization or denationalization of concurrent jurisdiction between national courts (Judicial Special Chambers) and the Special Criminal Court for the DRC, an international tribunal, constitutes the innovation of this thesis
5
Williams, Jack F. "Archaeological ethics in armed conflicts." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28187.
Abstract:
Like its ancestral disciplines, archaeology is no stranger to human conflict. Greek and Roman warfare often resulted in the sacking of cities, with all property (public, private, temple) taken as booty and the population and heritage exterminated or absorbed (men killed, women and children sold into slavery). In addition to the personal danger risked in a hostile region, archaeologists may also be thrust into deep and divisive cultural embattlements. Cultural property may be destroyed, intentionally or unintentionally. Graves, including potential evidence of genocide or mass murder, may be disturbed. Archaeologists may find themselves embroiled in many of these disputes and violent events, leading to difficult and complex ethical issues. This viperous nest of ethical concerns is amplified where an archaeologist is present as part of, or perceived to be related to, an invading or occupying military force. The goal of this thesis is to develop an engaging and pragmatic virtue-based professional ethic that may guide an archaeologist and archaeology through the ethical bramble bush raised by modern human conflict. The present ethical systems, based primarily on utilitarian or deontological principles manifested in ethical codes, are deficient because they fail to establish the archaeologist as a trustee (active or passive) in a political dynamic, elevate the archaeological record even when these professional codes purport to discount its importance, fail to address adequately the matrix of relationships in a manner that ensures trust across the interests of all stakeholders – both present and past, and dramatically fail to identify and develop the central thrust of a professional ethic (as opposed to personal moral judgment) in the first instance.
6
Al-Kraisha, Abeer Jamal. "Law of internal armed conflicts." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271566.
7
Macak, Jakub (Kubo). "Internationalized armed conflicts in international law." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:793d605d-dea3-403c-95df-c88bfe0cf19f.
Abstract:
In a world shaped by the simultaneous forces of globalization and fragmentation, very few armed conflicts remain isolated from any foreign involvement and confined to the territory of one State. On the contrary, many begin as internal conflicts that gradually acquire international characteristics of varying degree and nature. Yet, the law of armed conflict forces each such conflict into one of two legal categories: it must either be a non-international, or an international armed conflict. Accordingly, the prevailing approach in the literature is to examine what type of conflict, if any, corresponds to a certain situation in reality at a given time. In contrast, this thesis opts for a dynamic approach, focussing on the combination of factors that transform a prima facie non-international armed conflict into an international armed conflict. It argues that four such modalities of internationalization have emerged thus far: (1) outside intervention; (2) State dissolution; (3) wars of national liberation; and (4) relative internationalization by way of recognition of belligerency, unilateral declarations, or special agreements. Since some situations feature more than two conflict parties, the thesis puts forward an autonomy-based interpretive model, which enables to determine whether such situations should be seen as a single internationalized armed conflict or a number of independent international and non-international armed conflicts. On the basis of this comprehensive map of conflict internationalization, the thesis turns to the effects brought about by this process. It analyses two areas of the law of armed conflict considered to be regulated differently in the two respective types of conflict, namely matters of combatant status and belligerent occupation. It argues that fighters belonging to non-State armed groups participating in internationalized armed conflicts are in principle eligible for combatant status and it proposes an interpretive model for the determination whether they in fact meet the relevant criteria in practice. Finally, the thesis argues in favour of the applicability of the law of belligerent occupation to internationalized armed conflicts. To substantiate this claim, it delineates the temporal, geographical, and personal scope of the law of occupation in such conflicts. In its totality, the thesis analyses the meaning, process, and effects of conflict internationalization and on this basis argues for a particular interpretation of the concept of internationalized armed conflict in international law.
8
Roos, Ebba, and Elsa Holmgren. "Twenty years of the UNSCR 1325 - progress for whom? : Emxamining the impact at grassroot levels in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Jönköping University, HLK, Globala studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49214.
Abstract:
Twenty years has passed since the adopted of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which aims to strengthen the gender perspective in conflict settings as well as address inequalities related to sexually gender-based violence. Still, the concrete impact it has had on sexual violence in armed conflict, is questioned. Additionally, it is questioned if it reaches the grassroot level in armed conflict settings. Thus, this study has examined what factors that may have hindered a successful implementation on a grassroot level in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. Furthermore, it has examined the concrete impact on the efforts against sexual violence in these areas. This was done by firstly, conducting a policy analysis using the “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” approach to identify underlying problematics within the resolution. Additionally, semi-structed interviews were conducted with respondents having experience in working with the resolution and/or sexual violence in armed conflict. The results showed, among other things, that the complex construction of the resolution have been a hindering factor for a successful implementation. Additionally, the concrete change for the efforts against sexual violence in conflict settings is lacking. However, the empowerment that the resolution has provided to those working with these issues, is still an important impact.
9
Pech, Lisa. "Armed Conflict and Urban Growth Patterns." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/21130.
Abstract:
Soziale, politische und geografische Prozesse der Stadtentwicklung in Konflikt- und Grenzregionen werden in dieser Dissertation durch eine Kombination von Satellitenbildern und Feldforschung analysiert. Das Untersuchungsgebiet ist die Grenzregion zwischen der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) und Ruanda, die seit Anfang der 1990er Jahre von zwischen- und innerstaatlichen bewaffneten Konflikten betroffen ist. Im Fokus der Analyse liegt Goma, die Provinzhauptstadt von Nord-Kivu im Osten der DRK. Zusätzlich wird ein Vergleich mit Gomas Zwillingsstadt Gisenyi in Ruandas Westprovinz gezogen.
Die Literatur zu urbanen Räumen im Kongo und in gesamt Subsahara-Afrika bezieht sich häufig auf Primärstädte. Über die Entwicklung von Sekundärstädten in Konfliktzonen, für die es kaum räumlich explizite Studien gibt, ist wenig bekannt. Diese Arbeit bietet zwei sich ergänzende Perspektiven durch die Kombination von Satellitenbildanalyse mit semi-strukturierten Interviews und Beobachtungen aus mehreren Forschungsaufenthalten. Das zweite Kapitel verwendet eine Zeitreihe hochaufgelöster Landsat-Szenen, um die Expansion von Goma zwischen 1986 und 2015 zu analysieren. Dieser Zeitrahmen umfasst internen Konflikt in Ruanda (1990-1994), die Kongo-Kriege (1996-2003) und deren von Gewalt geprägte Folgezeit. Das dritte Kapitel basiert auf der Analyse sehr hochauflösender Satellitenbilder. Eine feinskalige Kartierung von Urbanisierungsmustern zwischen 2005 und 2014 wird mit verantwortlichen Akteursgruppen verbunden. Das vierte Kapitel erweitert die Analyse auf Gomas ruandische Nachbarstadt Gisenyi. Es untersucht und vergleicht, wie sich zwischen- und innerstaatliche Konflikte und die jüngste Phase von Stabilität in Ruanda auf die räumliche Stadtentwicklung über die nationale Grenze hinweg auswirken. Die Arbeit schließt mit einer kritischen Reflexion über Nutzen und Grenzen des angewendeten Methodenmix und zeigt mögliche Bereiche für weitere Forschung auf.This dissertation combines satellite imagery analysis and field research to investigate the influence of armed conflict on urban spatial development in the eastern periphery of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and western Rwanda. This border region continues to be affected by inter- and intra-state conflict since the early 1990s. The primary study area is the city of Goma in Congo's North Kivu province. Additionally, a comparison is drawn to the adjacent city of Gisenyi in Rwanda's Western Province. The literature on urban areas in Congo and throughout Sub-Saharan Africa often refers to large primary cities. Little is known about urban development of secondary cities in conflict zones, and spatially explicit studies are rare. By combining satellite imagery analysis with semi-structured interviews and observations from field visits, this dissertation provides two complementary perspectives. The second chapter uses a time series of high-resolution Landsat images to analyze Goma's expansion between 1986 and 2015, a timeframe that includes conflict in Rwanda (1990-1994), the Congo Wars (1996-2003), and their violent aftermath. It shows how stages of urban growth relate to waves of forced displacement. The third chapter relies on very high-resolution (VHR) images for a fine-scale mapping of urbanization patterns between 2005 and 2014, and attributes them to groups of key actors. The fourth chapter extends the analysis to Goma’s Rwandan twin-city Gisenyi. It compares how inter- and intra-state conflict, and recent stability in Rwanda affect urban development across a national border. The dissertation concludes by reflecting on the utility and limitations of this methodological combination for conflict regions, highlighting areas for further research.
10
Wa, Baya Mutombo Joseph. "Sexual rights violations during the conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo between 2005 and 2015." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6991.
Abstract:
Magister Legum - LLMThis thesis examines the sexual rights violation in Eastern DRC, which has been described as the worst in the world. The sexual violence against women and children in this country is systematic and widespread and perpetrated by armed groups, and increasingly also by civilians. The prosecution of sexual offences should contribute to the reduction of these offences, but the Congolese state prosecutes very few cases. The resulting impunity became an obstacle to the state to stop sexual violence, which become unable to overcome the obstacles to prosecutorial action. The successful prosecution of sexual offenders in Eastern DRC faces many obstacles and requires an exceptional jurisdiction which must provide a minimum of better freely conditions to the prosecutors and better unrestrained justice access to the victims. The enforcement of the international instruments of justice will be possible only by this jurisdiction. The victims of sexual violence need more confidence in the jurisdiction which is really working for them to attain justice.
11
Kocúnová, Oľga. "Konfliktné minerály a Demokatická republika Kongo." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-136333.
Abstract:
As already the title of the diploma thesis is saying " Conflict minerals and the Democratic republic of Congo" aims at discussing issues around conflict minerals produced in DRC, including illicit trade, exports, smuggling minerals from DRC and committing crimes such as human rights abuses including rapes, sexual violence, executions, forced recruitment, abduction, child work etc. The militarisation mostly in eastern parts of the country leads to escalated conflict, in which rebel groups are warring in order to obtain power and control over rich natural resources in country. Long lasting conflicts, insecurity in the country, failed governance, wide-spread corruption, illegal exploitation of natural resources and of miners as well have reach the level of poverty, economic weakness, as well as political inability to lead the country and control its own natural wealth and prevent from any kind of foreign touch, mostly by armed or rebel groups. This thesis presents measures, which have to be taken in order to mitigate rebel groups power in the country, enhance transparency, remove corruption and exercise due diligence for responsible supply chain and thus strengthen economic and political development as well as human right
12
Cho, Sihyun. "Applicability of international humanitarian law to internal armed conflicts." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245162.
13
Lee, Uih Ran. "An economic analysis of human cost in armed conflicts." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://digirep.rhul.ac.uk/items/e112705e-c357-b1c8-9aa2-2c555d6485f5/1/.
Abstract:
This thesis seeks to analyse military and civilian loss from violence during contemporary armed conflict in order to facilitate understanding of the evolution of war and its impact on human behaviour. It comprises four chapters; the first two concentrate on the 2033 Iraq War whilst the last two are focused upon global armed conflict during the recent past. Chapter 1 explores how and to what extent military deaths during the Iraq war affect US domestic opinion, proxied by various poll questions concerning war-related issues. Having addressed irregular frequencies of poll data that restrict time series application, this chapter renders a fresh perspective on casualty-opinion research, suggesting that cumulative military casualties prior to the poll did not have an immediate effect on the poll respondents' opinion regarding the continuation of military actions in Iraq, Instead, respondents are influenced by marginal casualty information from the previous time period, implying a slow adjustment in forming opinion through the Error Correction Mechanism (ECM). Chapter 2 presents a comparative analysis to gauge any different standards between the US department of Defense and the media in counting violent civilian deaths during the Iraq war. In spite of substantial discrepancies during the initial period of the war, non-parametric tests corroborate that the US military authority and media reports had a non-differential approach towards counting violent civilian deaths during the war period across the spatial and spatiotemporal dimensions. However, the conspicuously conservative count by the US military authority during the initial stage of the war may have hindered the US forces' ability to predict and prepare for the subsequent escalation of violence that brought about large-scale human loss as well as the prolongation of the war which lasted more than 7 years. Chapter 3 analyses to what extent warring actors intentionally used lethal force against civilians, through the employment of a Civilian Targeting Index (CTI), a newly invented measure to indicate the intensity of civilian targeting for each actor. Building upon Chapter 3, Chapter 4 further examines factors that lead to warring actors targeting civilians as opposed to engaging in battle with war combatants. A dynamic panel approach shows that an increase in the degree of civilian targeting in the previous year further intensified civilian targeting in the current year for the actors involved in prolonged armed conflict.
14
Karlén, Louise. "State Responsibility Regarding Starvation in Non-International Armed Conflicts." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-81618.
15
Kajoba, Moses. "The human and peoples' rights and armed conflicts in Africa." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27352.
Abstract:
Armed conflict and the systematic violation of human rights have been characteristics of life in much of Africa. The interrelationship between these two phenomenon is explored; armed conflict is both the result of the denial of such human rights as the right of political participation, and a cause of further denial of human rights both by States and by armed guerrilla movements.
The cases of Ethiopia, Sudan and Uganda are discussed in detail. In the first two cases the denial of the right to autonomy and self-determination have clearly been major factors in the armed conflict and in the further denial of human rights. The clearest failure in Uganda has been the continued failure of regimes to ensure reasonable political participation of the people in government.
In the light of the situation, the adequacy of the African Charter of Human and Peoples' Rights, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, and the machinery available through the United Nations and existing Non-Governmental Organizations is examined.
The African system, in comparison to the human rights systems in Europe or the Americas, is excessively dominated by State political leaders, leading to doubts whether the new African Commission on Human Rights will be able to be effective. For various reasons, the United Nations organs have not addressed the human rights situation in much of black Africa, concentrating concern on Southern Africa and Apartheid.
The study concludes that the African human rights machinery should be altered to make the Commission more independent and to add a court or an arbitration tribunal. It is also necessary to develop indigenous Non-Governmental Organizations concerned with human rights in Africa.
Foreign States could condition their foreign aid on State respect for human rights, and should avoid armed support for particular factions, as has occured in Ethiopia, Angola and Mozambique. But humanitarian intervention in genuine cases of gross human rights abuses should be provide for, as with the Tanzanian entry into Uganda in 1979.Law, Peter A. Allard School of
Graduate
16
Atukoit-Malinga, Christine Grace. "Child soldiers and child conscription into armed conflicts in Africa." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0019/MQ55118.pdf.
17
La, Haye Eve. "Individual criminal responsibility for war crimes in internal armed conflicts." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406082.
18
Szesnat, Felicity. "The applicability of the law of armed conflict regimes : the classification of armed conflicts in international law." Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701646.
Abstract:
Treaty rules governing the classification of armed conflicts have been said to give rise to problems in both theory and .practice. This requires examination, as classification determines the specific set of ius in bello rules which must be applied to a particular armed conflict. If classification rules are problematic, the treaty and/or customary rules critical to the protection of victims and the conduct of hostilities may not be applied. This thesis first examines the treaty classification system to determine its legal coherence and practical workability. Each category within this system is considered in order to identify the criteria and sub-criteria which need to be satisfied for cl situation to fall within it. In doing so, treaty negotiation records and commentaries, State practice, court judgments and commentators' writings are analyzed. The thesis also investigates whether certain types of armed conflicts fall outside the current system. Second, it determines whether there is a customary classification system, an issue which rarely receives attention. It is also examined for legal coherence and practical workability. . It is concluded that, in the main, the treaty classification system is legally coherent and workable in practice, although there are legal grey areas which require attention. It also concludes that there is a customary classification system, albeit one which is still emerging. Although this system clearly recognizes a distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts, whether there is more than one threshold for non-international armed conflicts is unclear. In addition, some of the criteria and sub-criteria are not clearly ascertainable, and their scope is also frequently unclear. These issues notwithstanding, assertions that the treaty classification system is inherently problematic are argued to be unfounded. The reluctance by some States to acknowledge that they are engaged in particular types of armed conflicts leads to a proposal that an independent, authoritative and contemporaneous mechanism for classification determination is desirable.
19
Longoni, Gian Marco. "How civil conflicts end: Fragmented and competitive armed oppositions and the outcomes of civil conflicts (1989-2017)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/315015.
Abstract:
In the last three decades, civil conflicts have become more complex and intractable than in the past. One reason for this development is the proliferation of rebel groups within the armed oppositions involved in these conflicts. Today, armed oppositions are more likely to be movements composed of loosely connected or competing rebel groups rather than unitary blocs. Yet, despite their centrality to the dynamics of conflict, different structural characteristics of and competitive and power relations within armed oppositions have not been taken in adequate account as possible predictors of civil conflict outcomes. To further our knowledge and cover this gap in the scholarship, the dissertation investigates how and to what extent the fragmentation, internal competition, and internal power distribution of armed oppositions affect civil conflict termination.
The dissertation develops a theory that sees the fragmentation of, a moderate and severe competition, and a dispersed distribution of power within armed oppositions as having an impact on the fighting effectiveness of the rebels, the countereffort of the government, bargaining problems, and the intensity of the conflict. This impact shapes, in turn, how civil conflicts end. This theory is tested with a nested analysis consisting of a large-N and a small-N analysis. Through the large-N analysis, the dissertation demonstrates that, at a general level, these characteristics of armed oppositions indeed affect how civil conflicts end. Through the small-N analysis, the dissertation further illustrates the causal mechanisms linking these characteristics to specific civil conflict outcomes.
With these findings, the dissertation makes two important contributions. First, it provides generalisable conclusions that remedy the limited generalisability of the scholarship on the phenomena under study. Second, it provides indications on how to resolve conflicts in which the involved oppositions are fragmented and bedevilled by internal competition, thus helping disentangle the proverbial complexity of multi-party civil conflicts.
20
Longoni, Gian Marco. "How civil conflicts end: Fragmented and competitive armed oppositions and the outcomes of civil conflicts (1989-2017)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/315015.
Abstract:
In the last three decades, civil conflicts have become more complex and intractable than in the past. One reason for this development is the proliferation of rebel groups within the armed oppositions involved in these conflicts. Today, armed oppositions are more likely to be movements composed of loosely connected or competing rebel groups rather than unitary blocs. Yet, despite their centrality to the dynamics of conflict, different structural characteristics of and competitive and power relations within armed oppositions have not been taken in adequate account as possible predictors of civil conflict outcomes. To further our knowledge and cover this gap in the scholarship, the dissertation investigates how and to what extent the fragmentation, internal competition, and internal power distribution of armed oppositions affect civil conflict termination.
The dissertation develops a theory that sees the fragmentation of, a moderate and severe competition, and a dispersed distribution of power within armed oppositions as having an impact on the fighting effectiveness of the rebels, the countereffort of the government, bargaining problems, and the intensity of the conflict. This impact shapes, in turn, how civil conflicts end. This theory is tested with a nested analysis consisting of a large-N and a small-N analysis. Through the large-N analysis, the dissertation demonstrates that, at a general level, these characteristics of armed oppositions indeed affect how civil conflicts end. Through the small-N analysis, the dissertation further illustrates the causal mechanisms linking these characteristics to specific civil conflict outcomes.
With these findings, the dissertation makes two important contributions. First, it provides generalisable conclusions that remedy the limited generalisability of the scholarship on the phenomena under study. Second, it provides indications on how to resolve conflicts in which the involved oppositions are fragmented and bedevilled by internal competition, thus helping disentangle the proverbial complexity of multi-party civil conflicts.
21
Svensson, Isak. "Elusive Peacemakers : A Bargaining Perspective on Mediation in Internal Armed Conflicts." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Peace and Conflict Research, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7412.
Abstract:
This composite dissertation explores mediation in internal armed conflicts from a bargaining perspective. Four separate essays investigate why mediation occurs, why it is successful, and why peace guarantors’ commitments are credible. Essay 1 examines the conditions under which mediation takes place. The study argues that whereas it is costly for governments to accept international mediation, it is a less costly intervention tool for potential third parties. This argument implies that mediation will be more likely when and where negotiated settlements are least likely to be reached, a contention that is supported by empirical tests. Essay 2 reviews the contemporary debate on what types of mediators that can disseminate information in a credible manner, and formulates a set of testable hypotheses on mediation partiality. The analysis shows that negotiated settlements are more likely if biased or interested mediators intervene, while neutral mediators are not associated with mediation success. Essay 3 elaborates on the role of biased mediators. It proposes that rebels face a commitment problem when negotiated settlements are to be reached, which government-biased mediators can mitigate. The study finds that such types of mediators outperform rebel-biased mediators in terms of helping combatants to settle the armed conflict. Essay 4 deals with the commitment problem that comes to pass between, on the one hand the primary parties, and on the other, the potential peace guarantors. The study probes the requests and promises for third-party security guarantees and suggests that the reputation of the United Nations (UN) enhances its credibility as peace guarantor compared to non-UN actors. It finds that although the UN is more restrictive with its promises, it is more likely that peacekeeping forces will be provided if the UN is one of the guarantors. In sum, utilizing unique data from two time-periods (post World War II and post Cold War), this dissertation arrives at new insights on the role of mediators in bringing about negotiated settlements of internal armed conflicts.
22
Perna, Laura. "The formation of the treaty law of non-international armed conflicts /." Leiden [u.a.] : Nijhoff, 2006. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/50248327X.pdf.
23
Munyua, David O. "Ungoverned spaces and armed civil conflicts: the predicament of developing nations." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45911.
Abstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedSeveral developing nations are grappling with the phenomenon of ungoverned territories, which are believed to be harboring insurgent, terrorist, and other armed violent groups. This study investigates how a developing nation can use its resources to reduce violent activities and, consequently, ungoverned spaces from within its sovereign territory. The study uses geo-referenced violent events data as a measure of violence and spatiotemporal data for law enforcement agencies (LEAs), social services, and economic infrastructure as measures of state authority. All data is specific to Uganda. Using multi-regression models (negative binomial and matched wake analysis), the study employs interpolated spatiotemporal data to estimate the effects of state authority factors on violent events over space and time. The findings show that LEAs, including police, prisons, courts, and border protection, are the most effective in reducing violence and therefore ungoverned territories. Save for schools and local governments, social services like health centers, and economic infrastructure like roads, tend to be associated with increased levels of violence. The policy implication for developing nations is therefore to consider directing their resources toward building their LEAs before or concurrently with socioeconomic services in order to reduce violence emanating from ungoverned spaces.
24
Pezzo, Stefania <1987>. "Preservation of cultural heritage during armed conflicts: the case of Israel." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4707.
Abstract:
The thesis aims at discovering the protection of cultural heritage in Israel and occupied territories. It examines Israel behavior towards cultural property of other religions and communities,in particular highlighting recent episodes regarding appropriation and legitimacy.
25
Ioannis, Kalpouzos. "The applicability of international law to armed conflicts involving non-state armed groups : between status and humanitarian protection." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2011. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/12056/.
Abstract:
This is a thesis about the applicability of the jus in bello to armed conflicts involving non-state armed groups. The thesis focuses on the thresholds of applicability. These are the definitions of actors and situations that activate the applicability of the jus in bello. The aim is to illuminate and critique the regulatory rationales behind the different definitions of actors and situations in the different thresholds. The evolution of the thresholds is reviewed chronologically. Accordingly, the enquiry ranges from the 19th century doctrines of recognition of belligerency and insurgency, through common article 3 and Additional Protocols I and II, to the law developed by the ICTY and included in the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court. While the thresholds constitute the centre of the enquiry, their meaning and function are further elucidated by the analysis of the process of their assessment, as well as the extent of the substantive legal regime they activate. The central question of the thesis is whether there has been a gradual shift from a status-based rationale to one focused on the humanitarian protection of individuals, in the evolution of the thresholds of applicability. A status-based rationale fits with a system of horizontal regulation of state-like collective entities and allows considerations and perceptions of the ascription of status through legal regulation to determine the threshold of applicability. A humanitarian-protection rationale is more related to a system of vertical regulation irrespective of status and links the applicability of the law to the individual and her protection. The argument proposed is that such a gradual shift is indeed visible, if tempered by the continuous role that considerations of status have in conflict situations and the still largely decentralised system of assessment of the applicability of the law.
26
Gode, Martin. "In security? : Humanitarian organizations' and aid workers' risk-taking in armed conflicts." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för naturvetenskap, miljö och teknik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-24211.
Abstract:
Denna studie undersöker problematiken kring attacker mot humanitära biståndsarbetare i konfliktområden. Studien ämnar bidra till detta forskningsfält med ett nytt perspektiv rörande risktagande på individuell så väl som organisatorisk nivå. Studien undersöker ifall detta risktagande kan äventyra biståndsarbetarnas säkerhet. Vidare problematiserar studien det dikotomiska tänkandet om huruvida organisationer bör dra sig ut eller stanna kvar i högriskområden. Detta görs genom att diskutera problematiken utifrån begreppet mänsklig säkerhet i relation till det humanitära uppdraget. Informationen samlades in genom att läsa tidigare litteratur, genomföra intervjuer och genom att distribuera ett frågeformulär. Studien finner flera olika orsaker och incitament till högt risktagande och kategoriserar dessa som avsiktligt och oavsiktligt risktagande. Vidare uppmanar studien organisationer att beakta risktagandeperspektivet och att de bör hantera det oavsiktliga risktagandet eftersom det påverkar humanitära biståndsarbetares säkerhet negativt.
27
Zinsstag, E. "Sexual Violence Against Women in Armed Conflicts : Towards a Transitional Justice Perspective." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.501588.
28
Baya, Joseph Mutombo Wa. "Sexual rights violations during the conflicts in the Democratic Republic of the Congo between 2005 and 2015." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6972.
Abstract:
Magister Legum - LLMThis thesis examines the sexual rights violation in Eastern DRC, which has been described as the worst in the world. The sexual violence against women and children in this country is systematic and widespread and perpetrated by armed groups, and increasingly also by civilians. The prosecution of sexual offences should contribute to the reduction of these offences, but the Congolese state prosecutes very few cases. The resulting impunity became an obstacle to the state to stop sexual violence, which become unable to overcome the obstacles to prosecutorial action. The successful prosecution of sexual offenders in Eastern DRC faces many obstacles and requires an exceptional jurisdiction which must provide a minimum of better freely conditions to the prosecutors and better unrestrained justice access to the victims. The enforcement of the international instruments of justice will be possible only by this jurisdiction. The victims of sexual violence need more confidence in the jurisdiction which is really working for them to attain justice.
29
Yav, Katshung Joseph. "Prosecution of grave violations of human rights in light of challenges of national courts and the International Criminal Court: the Congolese dilemma." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1122.
Abstract:
"Although the United Nations (UN) has often been pivotal in forging the international response to serious human rights crimes in such settings, the justice gap in countries such as the Democratic Republic [of] Congo (DRC) (the focus of this study) underscores the need for more systematic UN efforts. The war in the DRC has resulted in one of the world's worst humanitarian crisis with over 3.4 million displaced persons scattered throughout the country. An estimated 3.5 million people have died as a result of the war. The armed conflict has been characterised by appalling widespread and systematic human rights violations, including mass killings, ethnic cleansing, rape and the destruction of property. The most pressing need to be addressed is the question of justice and accountability for these human rights atrocities in order to achieve a durable peace in the country and also in the Great Lakes region (Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda, Angola and the DRC, to name just a few). In this respect, this study will address the grave human rights violations committed in the DRC and the mechanisms for dealing with them. It is particularly true in post-conflict situations where justice systems have been either partially or completely destroyed, that national courts are not capapble of arriving at a uniform stance, or willing to provide justice for atrocities in the immediate future. As a result, international justice seems to be a crucial and last resort that must continue to be fortified against efforts to undermine it. ... Chapter one will set out the content of the research, identify the problem and outline the methodology. Chapter two will discuss the state obligations in international law to prosecute gross violations of human rights and gives a summary of the human rights violations situation during the Congolese war. Chapter three will discuss the available naitonal mechanisms for accountaiblity in the DRC. It will discuss if national courts and TRC are able to deal with these atrocities committed in the DRC. Chapter four will analyse the extent to which the ICC could deal with the Congolese case and challenges. Chapter five will discuss the trends towards accountability in the DRC and the way forward. Chapter six will draw a conclusion on how to break the cycle of impunity in the DRC." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Boukongou Jean Didier and Dr. Atangcho Akonumbo at the Catholic University of Central Africa, Yaounde, Cameroon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
30
Etumba, Longila Boyengo Tristan. "Les opérations de maintien de la paix des Nations unies en République Démocratique du Congo : de la MONUC à la MONUSCO, un champ expérimentation du maintien de la paix ?" Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022COAZ0015.
Abstract:
Les présences de forces de maintien de la paix des Nations unies (NU) sur le territoire de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC), de 1960 à 1964, puis de 1999 à nos jours, témoignent des crises politiques et sécuritaires qui secouent ce pays ainsi que des atrocités qui y sévissent avec un bilan humain et humanitaire marqué notamment par la mort de plus de cinq millions de Congolais et parmi les pires crimes commis contre l'humanité depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondialeDe 1960 à 2020, comment les opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) ont-elles évolué au regard des résultats sur le terrain ? Comment les interventions et actions des NU en RDC ont-elles conduit la communauté internationale à envisager une transformation doctrinale et opérationnelle de ces interventions extérieures ?Le cas atypique des interventions et de la présence onusiennes en RDC a contraint les NU à de nombreuses révisions de ses doctrines d'intervention et de maintien de la paix permises par l'article 39 de sa charte.Ayant connu presque tous les types d'intervention, la RDC peut être considérée comme le meilleur cas de compréhension des OMP des NU, de leurs fondements, de leur évolution et de leur devenir par une nécessaire transformation.L'utilisation d'une méthodologie transversale croisant les méthodes historique, juridique et sociologique conduit à l'appréhension et la compréhension complexes des OMP et fonde l'envisagement d'une modélisation et d'une nouvelle approche doctrinale.L'étude des OMP en RDC contribue à la compréhension tant de l'évolution de ces doctrines et des mécanismes particuliers mis en place, qu'à considérer la RDC comme un véritable champ d'expérimentation opérationnel de la dilatation du maintien de la paix et des interventions de la communauté internationale au moyen de ses Casques bleus.Mais surtout il autorise à considérer cette expérimentation congolaise comme le point d'appui à une modélisation des opérations de consolidation de la paix intégrant des pratiques d'actions socio-humanitaires consolidant la paix et la stabilité.L'étude de ces OMP avec de conséquents moyens déployés en RDC par les Nations unies -jusqu'à près de 20 000 Casques bleus et fonctionnaires stationnés et plus de quinze milliards de dollars américains dépensés- montrent, au regard des résultats sur le terrain, la limite de la politique des moyens.L'étude des OMP en RDC conduit, en s'interrogeant sur l'efficacité de ces interventions au regard de la persistance de conflits meurtriers et non encore résolus par la communauté internationale, à revisiter les formes d'intervention, mais aussi et donc, à entamer une nouvelle doctrine des OMP, « les OMP de quatrième génération ».Tel est l'un des objectifs de cette thèse outre celui de la construction d'une mémoire congolaise sur les opérations de maintien de la paix en RDCThe presence of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping forces on the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), from 1960 to 1964, and then later from 1999 to date, witnesses not onlythe political and security crises that shake the country but also the atrocities raging in it. As a consequence, there has beensuch a human and humanitarian toll that particularly caused the death of more than five million Congolese people and the worst crimes ever committed against humanity since the end of the Second World War.From 1960 to 2020, how have peacekeeping operations (PKOs) improved in relation to outcomes on the field? How did the interventions and actions of the UN in the DRC get the international community to envisage a doctrinal and operational transformation of such external interventions?The atypical case of UN interventions and presence in the DRC has forced the UN to many reviews of its intervention and peacekeeping doctrines as supported by article 39 of its charter.Having known almost all types of intervention, the DRC can be considered as the best case of testing groundof UN PKOs - their foundations, evolution and future through a necessary transformation.The use of a transversal methodology involving historical, legal and sociological methods leads to the apprehension and complex understanding of PKOs and is the basis for considering a modeling and a new doctrinal approach.The study of these PKOs with the substantial resources deployed in the DRC by the United Nations - up to nearly 20,000 peacekeepers and officials stationed and more than fifteen billion US dollars spent - shows, in view of the results on the field, the limits of the means policy.The study of PKOs in the DRC leads, by questioning the effectiveness of these interventions in view of the persistence of deadly and still unresolved conflictsby the international community, to revisit the forms of intervention, to initiate a new doctrine of PKOs, “the fourth generation PKOs”.This is one of the objectives of this thesis besides that of building a Congolese memory on peacekeeping operations in the DRC
31
Likoti, Fako Johnson. "African military intervention in African conflicts: an analysis of military intervention in Rwanda, the DRC and Lesotho." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4006_1182235430.
Abstract:
The dissertation examines three military interventions in Sub-Saharan Africa which took place in the mid and late 1990s in Rwanda, the DRC and Lesotho. These interventions took place despite high expectations of international and regional peace on the part of most analysts after the collapse of cold war in 1989. However, interstate and intrastate conflicts re-emerged with more intensity than ever before, and sub-Saharan Africa proved to be no exception.
The study sets out to analyse the motives and/or causes of military interventions in Rwanda in 1990, the DRC in 1996-7, and the DRC military rebellion and the Lesotho intervention in 1998. In analysing these interventions, the study borrows extensively from the work of dominant security theorists of international relations, predominantly realists who conceptualise international relations as a struggle for power and survival in the anarchic world. The purpose of this analysis is fourfold
firstly, to determine the reasons for military interventions and the extent to which these interventions were conducted on humanitarian grounds
secondly, to investigate the degree to which or not intervening countries were spurred by their national interests
thirdly, to assess the roles of international organisations like Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations, in facilitating these interventions
as well as to evaluate the role of parliaments of intervening countries in authorising or not these military interventions in terms of holding their Executives accountable. In this context, the analysis argues that the intervening countries
Angola, Botswana, Burundi, Chad, Namibia, Rwanda, Sudan, South Africa, Uganda and Zimbabwe appeared to have used intervention as a realist foreign policy tool in the absence of authorisation from the United Nations and its subordinate bodies such as the OAU and SADC.
32
Al-Ali, Talal. "Armed conflicts and collective identities : a discursive investigation of lay and political accounts of the wars in Iraq and Lebanon." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9518.
Abstract:
This thesis investigates how and why various Iraqi and Lebanese politicians and laypeople account for the armed conflicts, which they have been living through, and the involved sides of these conflicts. In both of these countries people have been exposed to major international and civil wars. Both nations are also cosmopolitan societies that contain multiple ethnic, racial, and religious groups, which make the issue of identity of great importance. How wars should be examined is a subject of much debate within psychology. On the one hand, the majority of psychological studies of war rest upon the assumption that war is primarily a destructive experience. Thus, the focus has been traditionally on investigating lasting psychopathological effects of war. A Large number of previous studies have reported that a significant segment of people who were exposed to the experience of war developed psychological problems, especially post traumatic stress disorder. On the other hand, a growing number of psychology researchers contend that most people maintain their psychological equilibrium in the face of almost all types of traumatic experiences, including war-related affairs. These researchers have shifted the focus toward examining and explaining this finding. Within this vigorous debate, limited attention has been paid to the question of how and why people account for their experiences as well as the various aspects of war in their own words. Currently, a limited number of studies indicate that people can and do present the same war in significantly different ways, as a means to attain certain ends. Furthermore, a significant body of research suggests that people’s collective identities play an important role in relation to their understandings, descriptions, preferences and behaviours in relation to war. The war rhetoric is also reported as an important issue that can influence the people’s understanding of war, as well as war’s course of events. Hence, through adopting a discursive psychological approach to analysis, this thesis examines several important issues simultaneously. Accounts of the wars and collective identities are approached as communicative resources that are constructed and deployed as a means to accomplish social actions. This thesis examines, specifically, how different Iraqi laypeople and politicians construct the 2003 American and Allies intervention in Iraq, with focus on collective identity. It also examines how various Lebanese construe the events of the 2006 war and the civil strife that occurred during and afterward this war. The data is taken from three sources. The first one is represented by semi-structured interviews conducted in Lebanon in October 2006. The second source is TV interviews conducted and broadcasted live with Iraqi politicians and decision makers in the period from 2003 to 2008 and with Lebanese politicians from 2006 to 2008. The third source is an open-ended question distributed in Basra City, Iraq in May 2005 as part of an extensive questionnaire. This study has several practical and theoretical implications to psychology in general and in particular to the study of armed conflicts. The first contribution is highlighting the importance of analysing laypeople’s rhetorical accounts of wars, as directly involved people can and do present surprisingly different discourses from the outsiders’. I argue that to gain a realistic and applicable understanding of the discourse of war, its function and its potential implications, it is necessary to study the general public’s versions of such experience in addition to the elite’s discourses. The analysis shows that different participants have constructed different action-oriented accounts of the same war. Within these various accounts the participants invoked and incorporated a number of different stimulating notions, such as dignity, nationalism, religion, resilience and victory as part of the rational of the war. These accounts have important practical and discursive functions, such as establishing, warranting, rejecting, and promoting specific views of the war, the involved sides, and the appropriate course of action. Secondly, this study contributes to the theoretical understanding of the role of rhetorical collective identity during armed conflicts. The analysis shows that collective identities attain their meanings and their functions from, by, and through the accounts they are situated within. Thirdly, the findings of this thesis highlight the complex and consequential role of rhetorical accounts in relation to wars and to violence and the relevance of qualitative analysis. I argue that discourse of war can obscure its destructive effects, which in turn can contribute to maintaining people’s psychological equilibrium but, also, prolong the conflict. Thus, exposing the rhetorical strategies that legitimate war and warrant killing other people can be an important step toward making war unconditionally morally unacceptable.
33
Kastner, Philipp. "Law-Rest in peace? Legal normativity in the resolution of internal armed conflicts." Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=123064.
Abstract:
This thesis deals with the creation and role of legal norms in the context of the peaceful resolution of internal armed conflicts. Peace negotiations aiming to resolve internal armed conflicts are a complex and multifaceted enterprise. They are also of great consequence, since their outcome – ideally the conclusion of a workable and widely accepted peace agreement – determines whether violence will resume or whether durable, positive peace is given a real chance. The negotiations leading to the conclusion of such legal documents are still poorly understood, especially from a legal perspective. They have been mainly considered and analyzed as political processes to solve political problems, with law offering only a utopian ought perspective and playing a subordinate role because of the crushing grip of political necessity. Peace negotiations are, however, not detached from the realm of law but take place within a legal-normative framework. Failing to recognize the existence and importance of this normative framework, its use and continuous development would misconceive the reality of peace negotiations and would miss the central contribution that law can – and ought to – make to the resolution of internal armed conflicts.In addition to realizing the value of a relatively formal and clear legal framework anchored in international law, this thesis argues that orthodox legal theory cannot fully account for the normative dynamics of peace negotiations. Instead, a socio-legal and pluralistic understanding of law with a focus on human interaction is better suited to analyze the conduct and role of peace negotiators and mediators. Such a process-oriented approach allows us to recognize the norm-creative capacity of the actors involved and to appreciate, more generally, the normative dynamics of peace negotiations. By exploring these dynamics, this thesis aims to contribute to a better understanding of how legal norms are created and what role they play in peace negotiations as well as to enhance the legitimacy and effectiveness of these negotiations.Cette thèse analyse la création et le rôle des normes juridiques dans le contexte de la résolution pacifique de conflits armés internes. Les négociations de paix sont des processus complexes d'une grande importance : leur aboutissement, idéalement sous forme d'un accord de paix viable et largement accepté par les parties prenantes, détermine si les violences reprendront ou si une paix positive et durable pourra s'installer. Les négociations menant à l'adoption de tels accords sont toujours mal appréhendées, particulièrement d'un point de vue juridique. En effet, les négociations de paix ont été, jusqu'ici, analysées et comprises avant tout comme des processus politiques permettant de résoudre des problèmes de ce même ordre. Ainsi, selon cette logique, le droit n'aurait pratiquement aucun rôle à jouer en raison d'une présumée contrainte politique et n'offrirait qu'une perspective jugée trop idéaliste. Or, cette thèse démontre que les négociations de paix se déroulent bel et bien à l'intérieur d'un cadre normatif. Elle argue également qu'en niant l'existence et l'importance de ce cadre normatif, l'on méconnaitrait un aspect important de la réalité des négociations de paix et l'on délaisserait la contribution significative que le droit peut, et devrait, apporter à la résolution de conflits armés internes. En plus de réaliser la valeur d'un cadre juridique relativement formel et bien défini, qui prend ses racines dans le droit international, cette thèse affirme que la théorie juridique orthodoxe ne peut totalement saisir les dynamiques normatives des négociations de paix. Une conception socio-juridique et pluraliste du droit, axée sur l'interaction humaine, est plus favorable à une analyse de la conduite et du rôle des négociateurs et des médiateurs. Une telle approche, qui met de l'avant le processus, permet aussi de reconnaitre la capacité des acteurs impliqués de créer des normes et facilite l'appréciation des dynamiques normatives des négociations de paix. En explorant ces dynamiques, cette thèse vise à favoriser une meilleure compréhension de la création des normes juridiques et du rôle qu'elles jouent dans les négociations de paix, l'objectif ultime étant de contribuer au renforcement de la légitimité et de l'effectivité de ces négociations.
34
Söder, Rickard. "Understanding Terrorism in Internal Armed Conflicts : Explaining why some rebel groups use terrorism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-315041.
35
Jaiani, D. "Challenges of compensation in case of violations of international law of armed conflicts." Thesis, Sumy State University, 2015. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/41629.
Abstract:
The right to reparation is a well-established principle of international law. As stated in the Chorzow Factory case of the Permanent Court of International Justice: "It is a principle of international law that the breach of an engagement involves an obligation to make reparation in an adequate form."
The International Law Commission affirmed this principle in its 53rd Session when it adopted the Articles on responsibility of States for internationally wrongful acts. Additionally, the right to reparation is firmly embodied in international human rights treaties and declarative instruments. It has been further refined by the jurisprudence of a large number of international and regional courts, as well as other treaty bodies and complaints mechanisms. Additionally, Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law constitute a significant contribution to the codification of norms relating to the right to reparation.
36
Jarauta, Bernal Silvia. "Coping, adapting and resisting: a critical analysis of risk management during armed conflicts." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Alicante, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10045/13429.
37
Kapetanyannis, Vassilios Konstantinos. "Socio-political conflicts and military intervention : the case of Greece: 1950-1967." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324609.
Abstract:
The thesis attempts to account for the social and political conditions which precipitated the military coup d'etat in 1967 in Greece. Part I focuses on the Hellenic Armed Forces as a power centre in the Greek political system erected on the ruins of the civil war (1946 - 1949 ). The roots of the Army's political role are traced back to the circumstances which gave rise to the civil war and the country's dependence on foreign powers. The nature of the Greek military's dependence on foreign powers is also brought into perspective. A p.rticu1ar chapter is devoted to the discussion of the sources of the Army's economic and social power as well as describing the socio-political and professional portrait of the Greek officer cotps and their politics. Part II deals with the complex relationships between the principal state institutions, the Monarchy, Parliament and the Armed Forces. Their individual strengths and weaknesses, and conflicts between them, are analysed in conjunction with the various pressures and influences exerted upon them from within and without. Part 111 studies the impact of a certain model of capitalist development on the socio-political changes which occurred in Greece in the post civil-war era (1950-1967). The form of state and the resultant political divisions, and their r1ationshi p to the social and political movements of the period are also examined in some detail. The conditions of the regime's stability and change are linked to the country's 'political institutions by applying the concepts of political mobilisation, political participation, political integration and institutionalisation.Part IV emines the crisis of the post civil-war state in Greece and attempts to cast light on the important political changes in the period 1963-1967 and on the relationship of a deepening and all embracing political crisis to the actual staging of the military coup d'tat of 1967. A necessary chronological account of events is combined with an examination of actual political practices, policies, conduct and tactics applied by the main protagonistic political forces. Finally, a concluding chapter focuses specifically on various theoretical approaches and interpretations of the role of the Hellenic Armed Forces in Greek politics over the period concerned and their ultimate intervention. The substantive conclusions of the thesis are placed into the context of a theoretical discussion which attempts to account for the post-war rise of military and authoritatian regimes in peripheral and semiperipheral capitalist societies
38
Barasa, Bernard Otieno. "The application of Jus in Bello to indiscriminate attacks in non-international armed conflicts." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12913.
Abstract:
Includes bibliographical references.This thesis examines the prohibition of indiscriminate attacks in non-international armed conflicts. The world has seen an increase in the number of armed conflicts that are not of an international character. Most of these conflicts have proven to be very destructive and detrimental to persons not taking part in the hostilities. Having in mind the fact that International Humanitarian Law seeks to protect persons not taking part in armed conflicts, this thesis is an appraisal of whether International Humanitarian Law prohibits indiscriminate attacks in non-international armed conflicts.
39
Ali, Abed Sara. "Targeted killing under International Humanitarian Law : The lawfulness of targeted killing in armed conflicts." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-86493.
40
Janaby, Mohamad. "The legal regime applicable to private military and security company personnel in armed conflicts." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2015. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=228981.
Abstract:
Private military and security companies (PMSCs) have been extensively used to provide military and security services in various armed conflicts. Aspects of their use have generated concerns that the personnel of these companies are no more than modern mercenaries. This thesis clarifies the legal regime applicable to such companies in armed conflicts. This regime includes both the legal status and legal regulation of PMSC personnel. The aim of this thesis is not to create a new status for PMSC personnel, but to clarify which of the existing legal statuses adopted by international humanitarian law (IHL) can apply to them. This status relies completely on the actors to whom these companies supply their services, and the sort of mission in which they are involved. This approach is not employed in the literature. Most attention has been paid to the use of PMSCs by States. This is not, however, the only scenario whereby PMSCs become engaged in armed conflicts. PMSCs provide their services to other actors such as the United Nations (UN), Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and armed groups. Consequently, one definitive status cannot be applied in all situations. Different types of status can be applied in accordance with the nature of the particular PMSC involvement in armed conflicts. Accordingly, the three statuses established by IHL can apply to PMSC personnel; namely those of “mercenary”, “combatant” and “civilian”. Two environments classify the personnel of PMSCs as mercenaries; this is when they provide their services to a State party to an international armed conflict and to an armed group in non-international armed conflicts. Mercenary status is not applicable to the use of PMSCs in UN peacekeeping operations or providing protection to NGOs, because in both circumstances neither can be considered as a party to an armed conflict. PMSC personnel can be categorised as “combatants” when hired to provide their services to States and when they are used as UN peacekeepers. They are most likely to be classified as “civilians” if they are not “combatants”. There are two types of civilians; “civilians accompanying armed forces of a party to an armed conflict”, and “normal civilians”. The former categorisation only applies in international armed conflict, while the latter can apply to all other PMSC involvement in armed conflicts. Appropriate regulation of PMSCs depends on the legal status of their personnel. Therefore, this thesis asserts that IHL can regulate the activities of PMSCs. Additionally, international human rights law can apply to PMSCs and their personnel.
41
Serrano-Amaya, Jose Fernando. "Chiaroscuro: the uses of ‘homophobia’ and homophobic violence in armed conflicts and political transitions." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/12868.
Abstract:
This research connects studies of gender and sexualities with studies of political conflicts, conflict resolution and democratisation, using two in-depth case studies (Colombia and South Africa). It explores the hypothesis that homophobia, or the set of hatreds bundled under that term, plays a fundamental role in the dispute for hegemony between antagonists during political transitions. The study shows how homophobia, as a form of gender and sexual violence, has both a constructive and deconstructive character in political transitions. It contributes to the transformation of gender and sexual orders required by warfare and deployed by armed groups. It also reinforces the creation of consensus around the projects of change implemented by them. From the perspective of individuals and their organisations such hatreds are part of the embodied experience of violence caused by protracted conflicts and social inequalities. In their struggles for dignity, such violence becomes a reason to mobilise and to transform themselves into political activists. This PhD research is important for theoretical, methodological and political reasons. Theoretically, it creates links between fields of study that have been developed separately from each other, reading concepts applied in one field with the lens of the other. Debates on ‘non-normative’ sexualities are useful in discussing normative concepts such as ‘conflict resolution’. Methodologically, the research analyses issues of documentation, memory and case construction that are of relevance in the field of human rights and gender in post-conflict reconstruction. In terms of political significance, this research is developed at a time in which discrimination against individuals and collectives, because of their sexual orientation and gender identities, is being increasingly recognised in the international arena. This research provides information that has not yet been collected and provides a systematic analysis useful for NGOs and state institutions.
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Lindgren, Göran. "Studies in conflict economics and economic growth /." Uppsala : Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6942.
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Vlaskamp, Martijn C. "The European Union’s policies to curtail the trade in natural resources that fund armed conflicts." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285539.
Abstract:
Durant els últims 15 els recursos naturals que financen recursos armats han rebut una creixent atenció per part de la investigació acadèmica. La Unió Europea (UE) també ha reconegut la problemàtica dels anomenats “recursos de conflicte”, però fins ara li ha mancat un enfocament coherent per afrontar el problema. En alguns casos, la UE ha optat per mesures multilaterals per trencar el vincle entre els recursos naturals i els conflictes, però en altres casos, la Unió ha actuat d'una manera unilateral o no ha actuat en absolut. Aquesta falta de coherència pot semblar sorprenent ja que la UE és percebuda generalment com un ‘campió mundial’ de promoure solucions multilaterals pels problemes globals. La tesi es pregunta per tant: per què en situacions similars relacionades amb els recursos de conflicte la Unió Europa ha optat per polítiques diferents?
Per respondre a aquesta pregunta s’ha dissenyat un marc analític que integra factors externs i interns. A nivell extern, en primer lloc s’ha examinat el nivell de suport a les institucions europees i els estats membres de polítiques com la restricció del comerç d’aquests recursos de conflictes. En segon lloc, s’ha estudiat el context mundial per les polítiques d’aquest tipus, utilitzant la conceptualització de les Xarxes Globals de Producció. Les dinàmiques de conflictes, alimentades pels ingressos de l’explotació dels recursos naturals, s’emmarquen en processos més amplis de la globalització econòmica. Aquest marc s’ha aplicat als casos de (I) els diamants i el Procés de Kimberley; (II) la fusta i el Reglament de la Fusta de la UE; i (III) els minerals de la República Democràtica del Congo.
A nivell intern, en tots els casos estudiats es pot detectar una complexa interacció entre les consideracions normatives i econòmiques. Com més es poden reconciliar aquestes dues dimensions, més suport té una mesura en l'àmbit de la UE. Però pels resultats finals de les polítiques, el factor determinant és el context global. En primer lloc, perquè la UE es troba en un entorn més advers per a promoure les seves normes dins dels fòrums multilaterals com a conseqüència de l’auge de les economies emergents, reticents a mesures globals vinculants per motius ideacionals i materials. En segon lloc, perquè les normes privades transnacionals, sovint aclamades com una resposta a la “escletxa de la governança mundial”, tenen un impacte més aviat limitat a les Xarxes Globals de Producció. Aquestes normes tenen una certa presència i importància a la UE i altres mercats occidentals, però el seu pes en altres parts de la resta del món és limitat. Com a conseqüència, la UE pren cada vegada més mesures unilaterals.
La tesi conclou que l’elecció de les polítiques unilaterals i bilaterals reflecteix un canvi des del suport a qualsevol preu al multilateralisme cap al reconeixement més pragmàtic d’una multipolaritat globalitzada.La investigación sobre el papel que los recursos naturales juegan en la financiación de conflictos armados ha tomado fuerza durante la década de 2000. La Unión Europea (UE) ha reconocido el problema que suponen estos recursos, llamados "recursos de conflicto", pero carece de un enfoque coherente para su gestión. En algunos casos, la UE ha optado por medidas multilaterales para romper el vínculo entre los recursos naturales y los conflictos mientras que en otros casos, la Unión ha actuado de forma unilateral o no ha actuado en absoluto. Estas posiciones pueden parecer sorprendentes, ya que la UE es percibida generalmente como la promotora por excelencia de soluciones multilaterales en la resolución de problemas globales. La pregunta que se responde en la tesis es, por lo tanto, por qué la UE ha optado por diferentes políticas para estos casos tan parecidos. Para responder a esta cuestión se ha diseñado un marco analítico que integra factores internos y externos. Por un lado, se examina dentro de las instituciones de la UE y los Estados miembros el nivel de apoyo a dado a ciertas medidas para la restricción del comercio de estos "recursos de conflicto". Por otro lado, se estudia el desarrollo de este tipo de políticas en el contexto global utilizando el concepto de Redes Globales de Producción. Los conflictos son alimentados por los ingresos de la explotación de los recursos naturales y, por lo tanto, están incorporados en los procesos de globalización económica. Este marco se aplica a los casos de (I) los diamantes y el Proceso de Kimberley; (II) la madera y el Reglamento de la Madera de la UE; y (III) los minerales de la República Democrática del Congo. En todos los casos estudiados se puede detectar una compleja interacción entre las consideraciones normativas y económicas. Cuanto más se reconcilian estas dimensiones, más apoyo tiene una medida en el ámbito de la UE. Para los resultados de las políticas finales, sin embargo, el contexto global es el factor determinante. En primer lugar, debido al auge de las economías emergentes que se oponen a medidas globales vinculantes tanto por motivos ideológicos como materiales, la UE se encuentra con un entorno más adverso para promover sus normas a través de foros multilaterales. En segundo lugar, las regulaciones privadas transnacionales, a menudo aclamadas como una respuesta a la "brecha de la gobernanza global", sólo tienen un impacto limitado en muchas Redes Globales de Producción. Mientras tienen una cierta presencia e importancia en la UE y otros mercados occidentales, su peso en grandes partes del resto del mundo es limitado. Como consecuencia de estos dos acontecimientos la UE decide usar medidas unilaterales cada vez más. La tesis concluye que la elección de estas políticas unilaterales / bilaterales refleja un cambio desde el apoyo a cualquier precio al multilateralismo hacia un reconocimiento más pragmático de una multipolaridad globalizada.
Since the 2000s, the role of natural resources that are financing armed conflicts has come under increased academic scrutiny. The European Union (EU) has as well recognised the problem of these so-called “conflict resources”, but lacks so far a coherent approach to address it. In some cases the EU has opted for multilateral measures to break the link between natural resources and conflicts, but in other cases the Union acts unilaterally or not at all. This may appear surprising as the EU is usually perceived as the global champion of multilateral solutions for global issues. The dissertation asks therefore why the EU has chosen different policy measures for these similar-looking cases. To answer this question an analytical framework has been designed that integrates internal and external factors. On the one hand the level of support at the EU institutions and among the Member States for measures to curtail the trade in these “conflict resources” was examined. On the other hand, the global context for such policies was studied by using the Global Production Networks (GPN)-conceptualisation. The conflict dynamics, fuelled by the revenues of natural resource exploitation, were thus embedded in broader processes of economic globalisation. This framework was applied to the cases of (I) diamonds and the Kimberley Process; (II) timber and the EU Timber Regulation; and (III) minerals from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. On the internal level, in all studied cases a complex interplay between normative and economic considerations could be detected. The more these dimensions could be reconciled, the more support a measure had at the EU-level. For the final policy outcomes, however, the global context was the more determining factor. Firstly, due to the rise of the emerging economies that oppose for both ideational and material motives globally binding measures, the EU encounters a more adverse environment to promote its norms through multilateral forums. Secondly, transnational private regulations, often hailed as an answer to the “Global Governance Gap”, only have a limited impact on large parts of many GPNs. The EU had incorporated such schemes in its policies but they can therefore not provide genuine global solutions to this kind of problems. As a consequence of these two developments the EU is increasingly taking unilateral steps. The thesis concludes therefore that the EU’s choices for unilateral/bilateral policies in the field of conflict resources reflect a move from supporting multilateralism at any price to a more pragmatic recognition of globalised multipolarity.
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Hoffman, Evan Allan. "Power Dynamics and Spoiler Management: Mediation and the Creation of Durable Peace in Armed Conflicts." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Social and Political Sciences, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2902.
Abstract:
The creation of durable peace following armed conflicts has been widely researched from a variety of perspectives. There is much less research, however, concerning when and why mediation can produce durable peace because most mediation research focuses on achieving a short-term success as indicated by the creation of a new peace agreement.
This is an exploratory study which examines several factors considered to be important for the creation of durable peace. This study finds that the two most important factors are the power dynamics between the parties and the management of spoilers. Moreover, this study finds that these two factors are interlinked inasmuch that changes to the parties' levels of power can facilitate the emergence of spoilers. These findings are based on the systematic examination of mediation in four cases of armed conflict by utilizing a modified contingency model of mediation which is tested against the mediations conducted in the 1973 Egyptian-Israeli war, the Bosnian war, the third Angolan war, and the first Chechen war.
This study argues that a well-designed agreement can shift the power dynamics between the parties so that their struggle for power will not take violent forms, and it can help prevent the emergence of new spoilers because it does not favor one party more than the other. Well designed agreements can be created even when the balance of power between the parties is unequal, and efforts to further weaken the already weaker party should be avoided because it can contribute to the emergence of spoilers from within the disputing parties.
An original model for durable peace which accounts for these new findings is then developed. This model argues that to create durable peace mediators must produce good agreements that are balanced and channel the struggle for power into nonviolent mechanisms
and processes, and manage the spoilers who threaten the peace.
45
Perna, L. "The evolution, formation and development of the treaty rules applicable in non-international armed conflicts." Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364510.
46
Pacheco, Ivan Francisco. "Conflict, Postconflict, and the Functions of the University: Lessons from Colombia and other Armed Conflicts." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3407.
Abstract:
Thesis advisor: Philip G. Altbach"Education and conflict" has emerged as a new field of study during the last two decades. However, higher education is still relatively absent from this debate as most of the research has focused on primary and non-formal education. This dissertation is an exploratory qualitative study on the potential role of higher education in peacebuilding processes. The conceptual framework for the study is a taxonomy of the functions of higher education designed by the author. The questions guiding the dissertation are: 1) What can we learn about the role of higher education in conflict and postconflict from the experience of countries that have suffered internal conflicts in the last century? 2) How are universities in Colombia affected by the ongoing armed conflict in the country? 3) How can Colombian higher education contribute to build sustainable peace in the country? First, based on secondary sources, the dissertation explores seven armed conflicts that took place during the twentieth century. Then, the focus turns to the Colombian case. The research incorporates the analysis of 23 semi-structured interviews, published and unpublished documents, institutional websites, and government statistics, among others. In most of the conflicts included in the international overview, higher education institutions (HEIs) played instrumental roles during the conflict and the postconflict. Yet, those roles were not always conducive for peacebuilding. Universities, professors and students have been affected by the conflict, have participated in it, and sometimes, have been used by the combating parties for logistical purposes or to promote an ideology. In contrast, delegating a peacebuilding role to higher education is a relatively new phenomenon. Armed conflict in Colombia tends to affect public HEIs more than private ones. Public and private HEIs in Colombia have participated in peacebuilding activities. Sometimes they collaborated with government agencies and NGOs; other times, they worked independently. The contribution of higher education to peacebuilding goes beyond its traditional teaching function and includes many other functions that are hardly mentioned in peacebuilding literature
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education
Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education
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Adong, Annet [Verfasser]. "Armed Conflicts and Forced Displacements: Incentives and Consequences on Consumption and Social Preferences / Annet Adong." Bonn : Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek Bonn, 2021. http://d-nb.info/1235525104/34.
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Wager, James B. "Towards the attenuation of hardship : is there room for combatant immunity in internal armed conflicts? /." (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader), 2000. http://stinet.dtic.mil/str/tr4%5Ffields.html.
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Kaneza, Carine. "Improving compliance with international human law by non-State armed groups in the Great Lakes region of Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7327_1189159978.
Abstract:
Currently, one of the most dramatic threats to human security is constituted by internal armed conflicts. In 1998, violent conflicts took place in at least 25 countries. Of these armed conflicts, 23 were internal, engaging one or more non-State armed groups. A crucial feature of internal conflicts is the widespread violation of humanitarian law and human rights by armed groups, from rebel groups to private militias. This thesis aimed at identifying various ways of promoting a better implementation of the Geneva Conventions and its Protocols by NSAGs in the Great Lakes Region.
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Djamba, Dieu-Donne W. "Bread and peace for the Democratic Republic of Congo : is decentralisation the answer?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16796.
Abstract:
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been ravished by internal conflicts for the past
two decades. These conflicts have come at a great cost to the people of the DRC, often
resulting in a number of human rights atrocities. These atrocities range from the loss of life,
resulted in internal displacement and creation of refugees’ communities, as well as the
destruction of property and infrastructure , all contributing to prevailing conditions of
poverty and deep societal divisions. While there are many underlying factors that fuel these
conflicts, the key drivers of the conflict are linked to the unequal distribution of the DRC’s
national resources and the mismanagement of public services. Intense frustration and a sense
of helplessness to change the status quo have repeatedly manifested itself in a cycle of war
and ethnic cleansing. In this regard, the pattern of conflicts has been the manifestation of the
frustration of the Congolese people as a whole.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler at the Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM