Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Armed Conflict'
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Buhaug, Halvard. "The geography of armed civil conflict." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of sociology and political science, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-1624.
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This dissertation seeks to increase our general knowledge of the origins and dynamics of civil war by exploring the many possible functions of geography. Each of the five chapters that follow the introduction has its own specific ambition and empirical analysis, but they also serve a more general purpose: to investigate the geography-civil war nexus in more detail and with better data than what has previously been done.
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Lujala, Päivi. "Natural Resources and Armed Civil Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Department of Economics, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-2240.
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Otunba, Ganiyu. "Preventing Interstate Armed Conflict : whose responsibility?" Thesis, Internationella Handelshögskolan, Högskolan i Jönköping, IHH, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-14158.
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This is a study of interstate armed conflict prevention. The concept of conflict, armed conflict and conflict prevention is defined and explained in order to be able to investigate if there is any single institution saddled with the responsibility of preventing interstate armed conflict and also to verify if adequate efforts are been put in this area which is of importance to mankind. The relationship between conflict prevention, conflict management and conflict resolution is also discussed so that a proper understanding of interstate armed conflict prevention is made. The latter part of this study is aimed at investigating who has the responsibility to prevent interstate armed conflict and the importance of external actors in conflict prevention. After which this study will then investigate if the efforts so far made are adequate in preventing interstate armed conflict before a discussion and conclusion is made on the findings of this research. Conclusion drawn from this study is of two parts. First it was discovered that no single institution has the responsibility to prevent interstate armed conflict but rather conflict prevention can only be achieved by collective efforts of the international community involving but state and non state actors. Lastly the study showed that quite a lot is being done in this area of conflict prevention but there is room for improvement.
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Pech, Lisa. "Armed Conflict and Urban Growth Patterns." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/21130.
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Soziale, politische und geografische Prozesse der Stadtentwicklung in Konflikt- und Grenzregionen werden in dieser Dissertation durch eine Kombination von Satellitenbildern und Feldforschung analysiert. Das Untersuchungsgebiet ist die Grenzregion zwischen der Demokratischen Republik Kongo (DRK) und Ruanda, die seit Anfang der 1990er Jahre von zwischen- und innerstaatlichen bewaffneten Konflikten betroffen ist. Im Fokus der Analyse liegt Goma, die Provinzhauptstadt von Nord-Kivu im Osten der DRK. Zusätzlich wird ein Vergleich mit Gomas Zwillingsstadt Gisenyi in Ruandas Westprovinz gezogen.
Die Literatur zu urbanen Räumen im Kongo und in gesamt Subsahara-Afrika bezieht sich häufig auf Primärstädte. Über die Entwicklung von Sekundärstädten in Konfliktzonen, für die es kaum räumlich explizite Studien gibt, ist wenig bekannt. Diese Arbeit bietet zwei sich ergänzende Perspektiven durch die Kombination von Satellitenbildanalyse mit semi-strukturierten Interviews und Beobachtungen aus mehreren Forschungsaufenthalten. Das zweite Kapitel verwendet eine Zeitreihe hochaufgelöster Landsat-Szenen, um die Expansion von Goma zwischen 1986 und 2015 zu analysieren. Dieser Zeitrahmen umfasst internen Konflikt in Ruanda (1990-1994), die Kongo-Kriege (1996-2003) und deren von Gewalt geprägte Folgezeit. Das dritte Kapitel basiert auf der Analyse sehr hochauflösender Satellitenbilder. Eine feinskalige Kartierung von Urbanisierungsmustern zwischen 2005 und 2014 wird mit verantwortlichen Akteursgruppen verbunden. Das vierte Kapitel erweitert die Analyse auf Gomas ruandische Nachbarstadt Gisenyi. Es untersucht und vergleicht, wie sich zwischen- und innerstaatliche Konflikte und die jüngste Phase von Stabilität in Ruanda auf die räumliche Stadtentwicklung über die nationale Grenze hinweg auswirken. Die Arbeit schließt mit einer kritischen Reflexion über Nutzen und Grenzen des angewendeten Methodenmix und zeigt mögliche Bereiche für weitere Forschung auf.This dissertation combines satellite imagery analysis and field research to investigate the influence of armed conflict on urban spatial development in the eastern periphery of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and western Rwanda. This border region continues to be affected by inter- and intra-state conflict since the early 1990s. The primary study area is the city of Goma in Congo's North Kivu province. Additionally, a comparison is drawn to the adjacent city of Gisenyi in Rwanda's Western Province. The literature on urban areas in Congo and throughout Sub-Saharan Africa often refers to large primary cities. Little is known about urban development of secondary cities in conflict zones, and spatially explicit studies are rare. By combining satellite imagery analysis with semi-structured interviews and observations from field visits, this dissertation provides two complementary perspectives. The second chapter uses a time series of high-resolution Landsat images to analyze Goma's expansion between 1986 and 2015, a timeframe that includes conflict in Rwanda (1990-1994), the Congo Wars (1996-2003), and their violent aftermath. It shows how stages of urban growth relate to waves of forced displacement. The third chapter relies on very high-resolution (VHR) images for a fine-scale mapping of urbanization patterns between 2005 and 2014, and attributes them to groups of key actors. The fourth chapter extends the analysis to Goma’s Rwandan twin-city Gisenyi. It compares how inter- and intra-state conflict, and recent stability in Rwanda affect urban development across a national border. The dissertation concludes by reflecting on the utility and limitations of this methodological combination for conflict regions, highlighting areas for further research.
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Reddy, Joy Elise. "The law of non-international armed conflict and organised armed groups." Thesis, University of Reading, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604879.
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A non-international armed conflict exists whenever there is protracted armed violence Between governmental authorities and organised armed groups or between such groups within a State. This definition of non-•international armed conflict recognises that there are two separate categories of participants in non-international armed conflict The State, and the organised armed group, a fact so obvious that it should hardly need highlighting Yet, organised armed groups as the other main participating l in non-international armed conflict has traditionally been overlooked or entirely ignored , in scholarly writing. Only in the last decade have several important works been published about specific aspects of the law of non-international armed conflict. However, despite the increase in literature and case law covering the substantive law of non-international armed conflict, there has not yet been a comprehensive study that addresses the difficulties of a practical application of the law to non-international armed conflict and specifically to the conduct of organised armed groups engaged in such conflict This thesis fills this gap and addresses the following aspects of non-international armed conflict: the historical background of non-international armed conflict, ; the definition of non-international armed, ; application of international human rights law during a non- international armed conflict, and the effect this has on organised armed groups; the categories of persons in non-international armed conflict; and the binding nature of the law of non-international armed conflict on organised armed groups. The ultimate goal of this thesis is to realign the focus on non-international armed conflict from a State-centric view to consider organised armed groups As equal actors within non-international armed conflict , to discuss how they have been ignored as non-State actors and some of the problems that this has created in the application of the law of Inter-national armed conflict.
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Szesnat, Felicity. "The applicability of the law of armed conflict regimes : the classification of armed conflicts in international law." Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.701646.
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Treaty rules governing the classification of armed conflicts have been said to give rise to problems in both theory and .practice. This requires examination, as classification determines the specific set of ius in bello rules which must be applied to a particular armed conflict. If classification rules are problematic, the treaty and/or customary rules critical to the protection of victims and the conduct of hostilities may not be applied. This thesis first examines the treaty classification system to determine its legal coherence and practical workability. Each category within this system is considered in order to identify the criteria and sub-criteria which need to be satisfied for cl situation to fall within it. In doing so, treaty negotiation records and commentaries, State practice, court judgments and commentators' writings are analyzed. The thesis also investigates whether certain types of armed conflicts fall outside the current system. Second, it determines whether there is a customary classification system, an issue which rarely receives attention. It is also examined for legal coherence and practical workability. . It is concluded that, in the main, the treaty classification system is legally coherent and workable in practice, although there are legal grey areas which require attention. It also concludes that there is a customary classification system, albeit one which is still emerging. Although this system clearly recognizes a distinction between international and non-international armed conflicts, whether there is more than one threshold for non-international armed conflicts is unclear. In addition, some of the criteria and sub-criteria are not clearly ascertainable, and their scope is also frequently unclear. These issues notwithstanding, assertions that the treaty classification system is inherently problematic are argued to be unfounded. The reluctance by some States to acknowledge that they are engaged in particular types of armed conflicts leads to a proposal that an independent, authoritative and contemporaneous mechanism for classification determination is desirable.
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Park, Ian David. "The right to life in armed conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5c14a488-9d06-43fd-a0e2-cb5bd900b508.
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There is only passing reference made to human rights law in United Kingdom armed forces doctrine and military publications. Moreover, there is no reference made to the United Kingdom's right to life obligations in respect of those affected by the actions of the state's armed forces, or armed forces personnel themselves, during international and non-international armed conflict. As a consequence, no formal mechanism exists to ensure that the United Kingdom can comply with its right to life obligations pursuant to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Recent judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, advisory opinions and a judgment of the International Court of Justice, and views of numerous United Nations human rights bodies and rapporteurs would appear to indicate that human rights law can and does, however, apply during armed conflict. The exact nature of how human rights law, and the right to life specifically, apply during armed conflict and the obligations thus created, remain largely unresolved and generate considerable debate. This study therefore aims to consider both the extent to which the United Kingdom has right to life obligations during international and non-international armed conflict and, on the basis of current doctrine and procedures, how far the state complies with such obligations. Implicit in this analysis is a determination of what positive and negative right to life obligations are created by the ECHR and ICCPR, the extent to which these obligations have extraterritorial effect during armed conflict, how these obligations interact with the United Kingdom's obligations pursuant to international humanitarian law, and the effect of a derogation from the ECHR during armed conflict. This study concludes that the United Kingdom has both substantive and procedural right to life obligations during armed conflict, albeit partially modified by reference to international humanitarian law. Adhering to current United Kingdom military doctrine and procedures does not, however, always ensure full compliance with these obligations.
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Tunfjord, Samuel. "Unequal Hunger : Pathways to Armed Conflict Onset." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393926.
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In many conflict-ridden countries, food insecurity prevails. However, the relationship between food insecurity and armed conflict onset is a complex one, and scholarly attention has increasingly been directed towards furthering our understanding of its nature. In this study, the proposition is brought forth that the effect of food insecurity on armed conflict onset should be contingent on certain features of the economic, social and political environment. Specifically, it suggests that (i) food insecurity should increase the risk of armed conflict onset by generating deprivation in absolute terms, and (ii) that the risk should be heightened when such insecurity disproportionally affects certain groups in society. The latter point pertains to the level of horizontal inequality – i.e. inequality at the group level –, the presence of which is expected to compound the risk of food insecurity leading to armed conflict onset by adding a relative dimension of deprivation to the absolute. A logistic regression analysis is employed using global data for the years 1961 to 2009. The findings do not support the hypothesized relationship. Rather, although food insecurity does increase the risk of armed conflict in cases where the level of horizontal political inequality is low, it decreases the risk in cases where it is high. This indicates that the impact of food insecurity on the risk of armed conflict indeed is contingent on certain features of the political environment, which calls for conditionality to increasingly be taken into account in future research on the relationship between food insecurity and armed conflict onset.
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Bergholt, Drago. "Natural Disasters, Economic Growth and Armed Civil Conflict." Thesis, Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet, Institutt for samfunnsøkonomi, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:no:ntnu:diva-10170.
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Catastrophes such as floods, droughts and earthquakes have caused significant human and infrastructural losses throughout history. Nevertheless, researchers struggle to quantify macroeconomic impacts, and the existing literature is ambiguous in its findings. In this study I use econometric methods on panel data from Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED), and find that hydrometeorological, climatological and geophysical events all affect economic growth negatively in the short run. Second, while events typically linked to climate change tend to cause negative growth shocks the same year they occur, geophysical disasters do not alter overall economic performance before the next year. With respect to future global warming, these dynamic differences give important insights for the understanding of how economies might be affected by climate change. However, by means of two stage least square methods, I do not find that negative economic shocks caused by weather related disasters increase the likelihood of armed civil conflicts. This latter result is in contrast to conclusions in much of the seminal conflict literature, but similar to findings in other recent cross-country studies that use the instrument variable approach.
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Kuper, Jenny Riva. "International law concerning child civilians in armed conflict." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362781.
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Lis, Piotr. "Essays on economics of terrorism and armed conflict." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2012. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/c623da9f-2bd0-0936-922d-1a52af5e590e/10/.
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Helle, Valeria, Andra-Stefania Negus, and Jakob Nyberg. "Improving armed conflict prediction using machine learning : ViEWS+." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informationsteknologi, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354845.
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Our project, ViEWS+, expands the software functionality of the Violence EarlyWarning System (ViEWS). ViEWS aims to predict the probabilities of armed conflicts in the next 36 months using machine learning. Governments and policy-makers may use conflict predictions to decide where to deliver aid and resources, potentially saving lives. The predictions use conflict data gathered by ViEWS, which includes variables like past conflicts, child mortality and urban density. The large number of variables raises the need for a selection tool to remove those that are irrelevant for conflict prediction. Before our work, the stakeholders used their experience and some guesswork to pick the variables, and the predictive function with its parameters. Our goals were to improve the efficiency, in terms of speed, and correctness of the ViEWS predictions. Three steps were taken. Firstly, we made an automatic variable selection tool. This helps researchers use fewer, more relevant variables, to save time and resources. Secondly, we compared prediction functions, and identified the best for the purpose of predicting conflict. Lastly, we tested how parameter values affect the performance of the chosen functions, so as to produce good predictions but also reduce the execution time. The new tools improved both the execution time and the predictive correctness of the system compared to the results obtained prior to our project. It is now nine times faster than before, and its correctness has improved by a factor of three. We believe our work leads to more accurate conflict predictions, and as ViEWS has strong connections to the European Union, we hope that decision makers can benefit from it when trying to prevent conflicts.I detta projekt, vilket vi valt att benämna ViEWS+, har vi förbättrat olika aspekter av ViEWS (Violence Early-Warning System), ett system som med maskinlärning försöker förutsäga var i världen väpnade konflikter kommer uppstå. Målet med ViEWS är att kunna förutsäga sannolikheten för konflikter så långt som 36 månader i framtiden. Målet med att förutsäga sannoliketen för konflikter är att politiker och beslutsfattare ska kunna använda dessa kunskaper för att förhindra dem. Indata till systemet är konfliktdata med ett stort antal egenskaper, så som tidigare konflikter, barnadödlighet och urbanisering. Dessa är av varierande användbarhet, vilket skapar ett behov för att sålla ut de som inte är användbara för att förutsäga framtida konflikter. Innan vårt projekt har forskarna som använder ViEWS valt ut egenskaper för hand, vilket blir allt svårare i och med att fler introduceras. Forskargruppen hade även ingen formell metodik för att välja parametervärden till de maskinlärningsfunktioner de använder. De valde parametrar baserat på erfarenhet och känsla, något som kan leda till onödigt långa exekveringstider och eventuellt sämre resultat beroende på funktionen som används. Våra mål med projektet var att förbättra systemets produktivitet, i termer av exekveringstid och säkerheten i förutsägelserna. För att uppnå detta utvecklade vi analysverktyg för att försöka lösa de existerande problemen. Vi har utvecklat ett verktyg för att välja ut färre, mer användbara, egenskaper från datasamlingen. Detta gör att egenskaper som inte tillför någon viktig information kan sorteras bort vilket sparar exekveringstid. Vi har även jämfört prestandan hos olika maskinlärningsfunktioner, för att identifiera de bäst lämpade för konfliktprediktion. Slutligen har vi implementerat ett verktyg för att analysera hur resultaten från funktionerna varierar efter valet av parametrar. Detta gör att man systematiskt kan bestämma vilka parametervärden som bör väljas för att garantera bra resultat samtidigt som exekveringstid hålls nere. Våra resultat visar att med våra förbättringar sänkes exekveringstiden med en faktor av omkring nio och förutsägelseförmågorna höjdes med en faktor av tre. Vi hoppas att vårt arbete kan leda till säkrare föutsägelser och vilket i sin tur kanske leder till en fredligare värld.
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Derejko, Nathan S. "Understanding the contours of non-international armed conflict." Thesis, University of Essex, 2017. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/20047/.
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The focus of this study is on the concept and contours of NIAC under IHL. Its purpose is to provide further clarity to the process of identifying NIACs under international law. At its most basic, conflict identification is the real-time objective assessment of prevailing factual circumstances in order to determine the applicable legal regime(s). It is thus an exercise in the classification of armed violence providing a detailed critical examination of the material concept of NIAC, including its threshold of activation and corresponding personal, geographical and temporal scope of applicability under IHL.
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Williams, Jack F. "Archaeological ethics in armed conflicts." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/28187.
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Like its ancestral disciplines, archaeology is no stranger to human conflict. Greek and Roman warfare often resulted in the sacking of cities, with all property (public, private, temple) taken as booty and the population and heritage exterminated or absorbed (men killed, women and children sold into slavery). In addition to the personal danger risked in a hostile region, archaeologists may also be thrust into deep and divisive cultural embattlements. Cultural property may be destroyed, intentionally or unintentionally. Graves, including potential evidence of genocide or mass murder, may be disturbed. Archaeologists may find themselves embroiled in many of these disputes and violent events, leading to difficult and complex ethical issues. This viperous nest of ethical concerns is amplified where an archaeologist is present as part of, or perceived to be related to, an invading or occupying military force. The goal of this thesis is to develop an engaging and pragmatic virtue-based professional ethic that may guide an archaeologist and archaeology through the ethical bramble bush raised by modern human conflict. The present ethical systems, based primarily on utilitarian or deontological principles manifested in ethical codes, are deficient because they fail to establish the archaeologist as a trustee (active or passive) in a political dynamic, elevate the archaeological record even when these professional codes purport to discount its importance, fail to address adequately the matrix of relationships in a manner that ensures trust across the interests of all stakeholders – both present and past, and dramatically fail to identify and develop the central thrust of a professional ethic (as opposed to personal moral judgment) in the first instance.
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Kapend, Richard Tshingamb. "The demography of armed conflict and violence : assessing the extent of population loss associated with the 1998-2004 D.R. Congo armed conflict." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2014. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/366482/.
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In an effort to document and monitor the scale and scope of recent conflicts (1998–2004) in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the International Rescue Committee (IRC), in conjunction with some of the world’s leading epidemiologists, conducted a series of five surveys in the country over a seven years’ period (2000–2007). Estimates of conflict-related mortality generated from the IRC’s surveys range from 3.3 million between years 1998 and 2002, to 5.4 million excess deaths for the period between 1998 and 2007. Reflecting on the IRC’s work, the current study combines four different data sources – 1984 DRC Population Census, 1995 and 2001 DRC Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS) and the 2007 DRC Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) – to derive demographic estimates and assess the extent of population loss associated with the conflict period between 1995 and 2007. Both statistical and demographic techniques are relied upon for this purpose. Findings from this study do not warrant estimates produced by the IRC. The IRC approach may have overestimated the scale of excess deaths associated with the 1998 – 2007 armed conflict period. Because the approach used in the current study is mainly based on selected assumptions, a level of uncertainty is expected to be associated with the derived estimates. For this reason, sensitivity analyses have been conducted to define a range of plausible estimates representing the excess population loss.
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Luna, Rassa Maria F. "Mapping heterotopias Colombian documentary films of the armed conflict." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/284925.
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Los documentales del conflicto armado nos llevan hacia espacios otros. Lugares qde la realidad que para un ciudadano promedio son contra-espacios, territorios desconocidos. Los documentalistas experimentan físicamente con estos otros espacios. Construyen lazos de confianza con sus sujetos, siguen sus huellas o actualizan sus memorias. Sin embargo, siempre se sienten como testigos o turistas. Esto muestra una gran distancia entre las realidades de las zonas rurales aisladas y la vida urbana en mega-ciudades interconectadas. Esta distancia es la razón que me llevó a preguntarme por la producción de heterotopías entre los documentalistas urbanos y las comunidades filmadas en zonas rurales remotas del conflicto armado colombiano.
Mapa de las heterotopías es una cartografía física y conceptual de documentales rurales grabados en Colombia durante la política de seguridad democrática (2002-2010), una política que restringió la circulación de la gente en las zonas de conflicto armado. La primera etapa de esta investigación idenficó una base de datos de 110 documentales grabados en zonas rurales. El análisis espacial explora en detalle la producción de heteropías basada en la selección de diez películas representativas. El modelo de análisis comprende tres niveles: El primero localiza las zonas visitadas y a través de entrevisas semi-estructuradas con los documentalistas, explora las prácticas mediáticas espaciales en los documentales del conflicto armado. El secundo nivel, interpreta la producción de heterotopías, a través del cronotopo, como espacios poéticos que estructuran el discurso documental. En el tercer nivel se describen los espacios representacionales de la circulación y distribución de las películas.
Los resultados apuntan hacia la producción de ruralidades transnacionales en los documentales como un nuevo y contradictorio espacio de legitimación nacional que emerge cuando las heterotopías rurales son exhibidas en festivales de cine internacionales o canales de televisión transnacionales. La mirada documental, inspirada en la representación de zonas ruralses aisladas del confklicto armado ha sido determinante en la acutal co-producción de películas de ficción. Finalmente, subraya la importancia de construir redes sociales de confianza entre los documentalistas urbanos y las comunidades rurales, no únicamente para acceder a las zonas del conflicto, sino también para revelar las heterotopías invisibles del conflicto armado.Documentary films of an armed conflict take us to other spaces. Places of reality that for a regular citizen, are counter sites, unknown territories. Documentary filmmakers physically experiment with other spaces. They build trust bonds with their subjects, follow their pathways or re-enact memories of tragic experiences. Nevertheless they feel like witnesses or tourists. This shows a great distance between the realities of isolated rural zones and urban life in inter-connected megacities. This is the reason that led me to question the production of heterotopias between urban documentary filmmakers and communities filmed in remote rural zones of the armed conflict in Colombia. Mapping Heterotopias is a physical and conceptual cartography of rural documentaries recorded in Colombia during the the democratic security policy (2002-2010), a policy that restricted the circulation of people in the armed conflict zones. The first stage of this research identified a database of 110 documentaries recorded in rural zones. The spatial analysis explores in detail the production of heterotopias based on the selection of ten representative films. It is presented on three levels: First level, locating the visited zones and through semi-structured interviews with the filmmakers, describe the spatial media practice: the routines of production and the relationships with the communities in concrete rural zones. Second level interprets the production of heterotopias as poetic spaces that structure the documentary discourse. Third level observes the representational spaces of the film’s circulation. The results point out to the production of rural transnationalities in documentary films as a new contradictory space of national legitimisation that emerges when rural heterotopias are screened in international film festivals or on television channels. The documentary gaze, inspired in the representation of isolated rural zones of the armed conflict has been determinant in current co-productions of fictional films. Finally, it stresses the importance of social networking between the documentary filmmakers and the rural communities, not only to access to the distant territories, but to unveil the invisible heterotopias of the armed conflict.
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Sollenberg, Margareta. "A Scramble for Rents : Foreign Aid and Armed Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-171720.
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Previous research has not specified the circumstances under which foreign aid may increase the probability of armed conflict. The purpose of this dissertation is to address this gap by employing a theoretical framework in which foreign aid produces incentives for a rent-seeking scramble among elites. A set of conditions affecting the likelihood of armed conflict are identified and tested on global data in a series of statistical analyses. Paper I argues and finds that foreign aid increases the probability of armed conflict in states where there are few constraints on executive power, allowing for a scramble for rents. Paper II proposes and finds a threshold effect of aid, such that the likelihood of armed conflict increases only when aid has reached a certain level. Paper III suggests and demonstrates that sudden negative changes in aid flows enhance the risk of armed conflict as well as coup attempts, as aid shortfalls accelerate distributional conflict over aid rents. Paper IV claims and shows that civil wars are less likely to be terminated by settlement in the form of elections when conflict parties are dependent on rents. In sum, this dissertation contributes by theoretically specifying and empirically identifying conditions under which foreign aid increases the probability of armed conflict.
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Peeler, Bryan. "Expectations of reciprocity in the law of armed conflict." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/59075.
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The expectation of reciprocity has a long history in international law generally and the law of armed conflict in particular. When negotiating international agreements states often include provisions allowing for negative in-kind responses as remedies for violations of treaty obligations. Historically, this kind of reciprocity has been central to the law of armed conflict. According to some, though, the purpose of the law of armed conflict has changed. Instead of a tool protecting the interests of states involved in armed conflict, the purpose of the law is now to limit the suffering of those caught in war-zones; both combatants and non-combatants alike. Under this conception, the expectation of reciprocity has no role to play when states consider their legal obligations towards their opponents in an armed conflict. Contrary to this view, I argue that an expectation of reciprocity continues to be an important factor when states consider their law of armed conflict obligations. First, by taking a more nuanced view of reciprocity than just negative in-kind responses, I show how expectations of reciprocity still exist within the law of armed conflict. Second, using Hart’s understanding of law as the union of primary and secondary rules, I demonstrate how states have preserved the expectation of reciprocity – both within the law as a secondary rule and beyond the law as a policy option – to respond in the face of continued non-compliance with law of armed conflict obligations by an opponent. Lastly, by taking the multi-actor setting of state decision-making seriously, I show how these more nuanced forms of reciprocity make themselves felt in debates about law of armed conflict obligations. The case studies of this dissertation concentrate on the Geneva Conventions and the Protocols Additional to the Geneva Conventions. The first case study illustrates the many places where the law maintains expectations of reciprocity. The final two cases examine US policy regarding Prisoner of War obligations in the Vietnam War and the Global War on Terror to show how states make use of the more nuanced forms of reciprocity in these secondary rules in response to continued non-compliance by an enemy.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
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Carstens, Anne-Marie. "The affirmative protection of cultural property during armed conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.617097.
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This thesis clarifies the nature, scope, and sources of rules governing the affirmative protection of cultural property during armed conflict. These rules include obligations to identify qualifying cultural property, 10 provide material protection to cultural property that is endangered or damaged by military operations, and to safeguard cultural property against destruction and misappropriation. These rules have emerged to supplement the well-entrenched rules of restraint that bar the unnecessary destruction and misappropriation of cultural property during armed conflict. This study traces the development of these rules in the law of armed conflict from the 1899 & 1907 Hague Conventions governing land warfare through the early 21st century. The historical analysis documents the emergence and progression of both conventional and customary rules. It additionally examines the continued validity of critical distinctions on which rules protecting cultural property rested a century ago: between actors from the State where the cultural property is located and actors on another's territory; between hostilities and occupation; and between international and non-international conflicts. Woven within this inquiry, the thesis explores transformative events and policy shifts that have motivated the evolution of rules la protect tangible representations of cultural identity. It considers the impact of developments in the means and modes of warfare, compares the development of protection of cultural property with the development of civilian protection, and examines the influence of the increasing emphasis on the 'cultural value' of protected property over the last century. The thesis concludes by identifying the principal factors that have shaped or com,1rained the development of rules of affirmative protection. It also provides a specific analysis of each of the duties of identification, material protection, and safeguarding. The conclusion details the rules of affirmative protection that exist in the contemporary law of armed conflict and identifies the trajectory of their likely future development.
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Moir, Lindsay. "The protection of civilians during non-international armed conflict." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.284993.
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Jormanainen, Jim Lars Emil. "Does Armed Conflict Affect Violence Against the LGBT Community?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-377248.
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Norberg, Niklas. "Framing Mali : Swedish media portrayal of an armed conflict." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157058.
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Research has shown that news media reporting on foreign affairs tend to rely heavily on official sources (e.g. Schwalbe, 2013; Entman, 2004; Lawrence, 2009). This thesis analyse whether this is the case in Swedish news media reporting on the armed conflict in Mali, where Sweden has troops sanctioned by the UN. A more broader perspective is also analysed: How does the news media portray the armed conflict, and are there any differences between national daily newspapers (considered more “sober”) and national evening newspapers (considered more sensational)? An inductive framing analysis is used to identify frames not available in previous research. These frames, together with frames identified in other studies, are then used in a quantitative content analysis to measure to what extent the frames occur in the texts. Among the most important findings were that Swedish news media did in fact rely on Swedish official reporting to a large extent. The two evening newspapers, Aftonbladet and Expressen, used Swedish official sources in approximately 60% of their articles. The daily newspapers, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, used Swedish official sources in about 35% of their articles. The main source used was also analyzed: This showed that Swedish official sources were the most common, in between 23% to 62% of the articles. The second most used source differed, but were in the range 9% to 18%. Other important results of the main themes of the articles showed that direct actions of war and other types of violence were the most commonly used. Peace efforts/negotiations and life of Mali civilians were the least common. The thesis also concludes that while there are variables where the evening newspapers and the daily newspapers can be grouped in those categories, that is often not the case.
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Lee, Uih Ran. "An economic analysis of human cost in armed conflicts." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://digirep.rhul.ac.uk/items/e112705e-c357-b1c8-9aa2-2c555d6485f5/1/.
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This thesis seeks to analyse military and civilian loss from violence during contemporary armed conflict in order to facilitate understanding of the evolution of war and its impact on human behaviour. It comprises four chapters; the first two concentrate on the 2033 Iraq War whilst the last two are focused upon global armed conflict during the recent past. Chapter 1 explores how and to what extent military deaths during the Iraq war affect US domestic opinion, proxied by various poll questions concerning war-related issues. Having addressed irregular frequencies of poll data that restrict time series application, this chapter renders a fresh perspective on casualty-opinion research, suggesting that cumulative military casualties prior to the poll did not have an immediate effect on the poll respondents' opinion regarding the continuation of military actions in Iraq, Instead, respondents are influenced by marginal casualty information from the previous time period, implying a slow adjustment in forming opinion through the Error Correction Mechanism (ECM). Chapter 2 presents a comparative analysis to gauge any different standards between the US department of Defense and the media in counting violent civilian deaths during the Iraq war. In spite of substantial discrepancies during the initial period of the war, non-parametric tests corroborate that the US military authority and media reports had a non-differential approach towards counting violent civilian deaths during the war period across the spatial and spatiotemporal dimensions. However, the conspicuously conservative count by the US military authority during the initial stage of the war may have hindered the US forces' ability to predict and prepare for the subsequent escalation of violence that brought about large-scale human loss as well as the prolongation of the war which lasted more than 7 years. Chapter 3 analyses to what extent warring actors intentionally used lethal force against civilians, through the employment of a Civilian Targeting Index (CTI), a newly invented measure to indicate the intensity of civilian targeting for each actor. Building upon Chapter 3, Chapter 4 further examines factors that lead to warring actors targeting civilians as opposed to engaging in battle with war combatants. A dynamic panel approach shows that an increase in the degree of civilian targeting in the previous year further intensified civilian targeting in the current year for the actors involved in prolonged armed conflict.
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Macak, Jakub (Kubo). "Internationalized armed conflicts in international law." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:793d605d-dea3-403c-95df-c88bfe0cf19f.
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In a world shaped by the simultaneous forces of globalization and fragmentation, very few armed conflicts remain isolated from any foreign involvement and confined to the territory of one State. On the contrary, many begin as internal conflicts that gradually acquire international characteristics of varying degree and nature. Yet, the law of armed conflict forces each such conflict into one of two legal categories: it must either be a non-international, or an international armed conflict. Accordingly, the prevailing approach in the literature is to examine what type of conflict, if any, corresponds to a certain situation in reality at a given time. In contrast, this thesis opts for a dynamic approach, focussing on the combination of factors that transform a prima facie non-international armed conflict into an international armed conflict. It argues that four such modalities of internationalization have emerged thus far: (1) outside intervention; (2) State dissolution; (3) wars of national liberation; and (4) relative internationalization by way of recognition of belligerency, unilateral declarations, or special agreements. Since some situations feature more than two conflict parties, the thesis puts forward an autonomy-based interpretive model, which enables to determine whether such situations should be seen as a single internationalized armed conflict or a number of independent international and non-international armed conflicts. On the basis of this comprehensive map of conflict internationalization, the thesis turns to the effects brought about by this process. It analyses two areas of the law of armed conflict considered to be regulated differently in the two respective types of conflict, namely matters of combatant status and belligerent occupation. It argues that fighters belonging to non-State armed groups participating in internationalized armed conflicts are in principle eligible for combatant status and it proposes an interpretive model for the determination whether they in fact meet the relevant criteria in practice. Finally, the thesis argues in favour of the applicability of the law of belligerent occupation to internationalized armed conflicts. To substantiate this claim, it delineates the temporal, geographical, and personal scope of the law of occupation in such conflicts. In its totality, the thesis analyses the meaning, process, and effects of conflict internationalization and on this basis argues for a particular interpretation of the concept of internationalized armed conflict in international law.
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Pacheco, Ivan Francisco. "Conflict, Postconflict, and the Functions of the University: Lessons from Colombia and other Armed Conflicts." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3407.
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Thesis advisor: Philip G. Altbach"Education and conflict" has emerged as a new field of study during the last two decades. However, higher education is still relatively absent from this debate as most of the research has focused on primary and non-formal education. This dissertation is an exploratory qualitative study on the potential role of higher education in peacebuilding processes. The conceptual framework for the study is a taxonomy of the functions of higher education designed by the author. The questions guiding the dissertation are: 1) What can we learn about the role of higher education in conflict and postconflict from the experience of countries that have suffered internal conflicts in the last century? 2) How are universities in Colombia affected by the ongoing armed conflict in the country? 3) How can Colombian higher education contribute to build sustainable peace in the country? First, based on secondary sources, the dissertation explores seven armed conflicts that took place during the twentieth century. Then, the focus turns to the Colombian case. The research incorporates the analysis of 23 semi-structured interviews, published and unpublished documents, institutional websites, and government statistics, among others. In most of the conflicts included in the international overview, higher education institutions (HEIs) played instrumental roles during the conflict and the postconflict. Yet, those roles were not always conducive for peacebuilding. Universities, professors and students have been affected by the conflict, have participated in it, and sometimes, have been used by the combating parties for logistical purposes or to promote an ideology. In contrast, delegating a peacebuilding role to higher education is a relatively new phenomenon. Armed conflict in Colombia tends to affect public HEIs more than private ones. Public and private HEIs in Colombia have participated in peacebuilding activities. Sometimes they collaborated with government agencies and NGOs; other times, they worked independently. The contribution of higher education to peacebuilding goes beyond its traditional teaching function and includes many other functions that are hardly mentioned in peacebuilding literature
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education
Discipline: Educational Leadership and Higher Education
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Prest, Stewart. "Rough peace : understanding the avoidance of armed conflict in Bolivia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/55893.
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Why and how does peace persist in some contentious political contexts, but not others? I argue that certain forms of locally embedded governance institutions can play an important role in mitigating the likelihood of armed violence. Specifically, I find that inclusive communities equipped with governance institutions capable of resolving collective action problems—which I refer to as “Ostromian communities”—are, under a range of conditions, less likely to engage in armed conflict with other communities or the state. The research employs a method of process tracing on the basis of 70 participant and expert interviews, primary document collection and analysis and other archival research in the primary case of contestation over coca eradication in the Chapare region of Bolivia from 1982 until 2004. First, I illustrate how the coca growers’ federations constituted an Ostromian community. Second, I show how the federations’ inclusive political institutions encouraged and enabled high levels of coordinated and contentious non-violent political activity, but stopped short of armed resistance. This outcome resulted despite a repressive state presence in the region and regular instances of violence directed against the community occurring over a period of more than two decades. The dissertation makes several contributions to the civil conflict literature. It provides a novel explanation for why and how some countries at risk of civil conflict—such as those with unconsolidated political regimes or limited state capacities—tend to persist indefinitely in a state of rough, yet durable peace, while others experience conflict.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Ramrattan, Hemma. "A right to redress for victims of internal armed conflict." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441812.
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Molefhe, Ishmael Rapula Moagi. "An analysis of military power sharing in Mozambique: a conflict management perspective." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/19212.
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This study is a conceptual analysis of power-sharing. It applies power-sharing in the context of Mozambique. The study is informed on the premise that components of power sharing contribute to the duration of peace. However, findings from empirical investigations show that certain types of power sharing are associated with more durable peace than others, primarily through their positive effects on governance and public service delivery. The specific objectives of the study were to contextualize the concept of military power sharing arrangement; to explore the challenges faced in implementing the military power sharing arrangement in Mozambique; to explore the strategies used to manage the Mozambique peace process; to ascertain the challenges faced by the BDF during the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO forces; and to propose recommendations for future interventions. In order to achieve these objectives, the study used a purposive sampling technique to assemble participants that provided useful data for the study. The target population was made up of members of the Botswana Defence Force (BDF) who participated in the United Nations Peace Mission in Mozambique dubbed UNOMOZ; and those who conducted the reintegration standardized training of FRELIMO and RENAMO military personnel Thematic analysis of the participants’ responses from the interviews was used to address the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that poorly trained military personnel were a challenge to the implementation of power sharing deal in Mozambique. Also, there was a lack of trust and confidence between constituent parties, and a lack of transitional authority in holding forth power until the power sharing deal was fully implemented. In addition, the study found out that there was the problem of language barrier, and that very little counselling was offered to those who were traumatized by the conflict. Also, there was a kind of unwillingness by civilians to accept former combatants in their midst and a lack of logistics for both the peace keepers and the combatants. Among others, the study recommended that NGOs, civil society organizations, and churches should be more pro-active in engaging the government and not only ensuring that every party involved in the power-sharing deal fulfills its role, but also organizing and carrying out counselling sessions for ex-combatants as part of reintegration process.
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Pandey, Sajala. "Essays on the Economic Consequences of Conflict:." Thesis, Boston College, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108747.
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Thesis advisor: S AnukritiThis dissertation strives to understand the short and long-run consequences of armed conflict. In short-run, as conflict increases, parents are less likely to send their children to school or take them to health facilities and more likely to keep them home. Less time in school might translate to more time spent at work for these children. Coping with conflict can disrupt human capital accumulation of children and exposes them to adverse experiences, the effects of which can also last into adulthood. Some of the persistent effects of conflict on educational and health outcomes have been widely studied in the literature. Nevertheless, relatively less is known about how these childhood exposures affect adult behavior, beliefs, and attitudes. One of the goals of this dissertation is to study such long-lasting impacts of childhood exposure to conflict. In the first chapter, “Victims of Consequence: Evidence on Child Outcomes using Microdata from a Civil War”, joint with Giri Subramaniam, we study the short-run impacts of violent events on child time allocation, curative health-care, and education. Exploiting the spatial and temporal variation in exposure to local-level armed conflict, we find that an increase in violent events: (i) leads to an increase in contemporaneous hours worked by children, with the effect being substantial for agricultural work; (ii) decreases the likelihood of parents taking their children to visit a health-care facility to seek curative care; and (iii) results in a reduced likelihood of attending school, along with a decline in years of education. Overall, the results indicate that war affected schooling and time allocation of boys whereas girls were less likely to get curative health-care. The second chapter of this dissertation, “Do Adverse Childhood Experience Shape Violent and Abusive Adult Behavior?", is motivated by the fact that family violence is pervasive and has detrimental economic consequences. Nevertheless, very little is known about how childhood experiences influence this behavior. In this study, I explore long-run determinants of family violence by linking exposure to adverse circumstances in childhood to the perpetration of abuse and neglect in adulthood. In particular, I examine the effects of men’s exposure to the Nepalese Civil War (1996-2006) in childhood. Exploiting spatial and temporal variation in childhood exposure to the armed conflict from ages 0 to 16, I find that exposed men are less likely to perpetrate spousal violence and to display controlling behaviors. Additionally, children of exposed fathers are less likely to experience violent disciplining at home. They also work fewer hours per week and are less likely to be involved in dangerous working conditions. In the third chapter, “Exploring the Channels”, I study the potential mechanisms that underlie the empirical results established by Chapter 2. I find that exposed men are more likely to complete secondary schooling, be employed at skilled non-agricultural occupations, and marry women who are more likely to have completed primary school and currently working. The most pertinent channel is that these men are less likely to justify wife-beating in different scenarios. Next, I assess the implications of the empirical results on the theories of domestic violence. Existing theories highlight two broader motives for perpetrating domestic violence: “Expressive” and “Instrumental”. Violence is instrumental if it is used to extract resources from the victim whereas it is expressive if the perpetrator gains direct non- pecuniary (dis)utility from it. I find that my results resonate strongly with “Expressive” theories of domestic violence where men who were exposed to conflict in childhood find using violence at home distasteful
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Economics
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Patsch, Megan. "Governed by Guerrillas: When Armed Insurgents Become Political Leaders." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1503494132675511.
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Svensson, Isak. "Elusive Peacemakers : A Bargaining Perspective on Mediation in Internal Armed Conflicts." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Peace and Conflict Research, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7412.
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This composite dissertation explores mediation in internal armed conflicts from a bargaining perspective. Four separate essays investigate why mediation occurs, why it is successful, and why peace guarantors’ commitments are credible. Essay 1 examines the conditions under which mediation takes place. The study argues that whereas it is costly for governments to accept international mediation, it is a less costly intervention tool for potential third parties. This argument implies that mediation will be more likely when and where negotiated settlements are least likely to be reached, a contention that is supported by empirical tests. Essay 2 reviews the contemporary debate on what types of mediators that can disseminate information in a credible manner, and formulates a set of testable hypotheses on mediation partiality. The analysis shows that negotiated settlements are more likely if biased or interested mediators intervene, while neutral mediators are not associated with mediation success. Essay 3 elaborates on the role of biased mediators. It proposes that rebels face a commitment problem when negotiated settlements are to be reached, which government-biased mediators can mitigate. The study finds that such types of mediators outperform rebel-biased mediators in terms of helping combatants to settle the armed conflict. Essay 4 deals with the commitment problem that comes to pass between, on the one hand the primary parties, and on the other, the potential peace guarantors. The study probes the requests and promises for third-party security guarantees and suggests that the reputation of the United Nations (UN) enhances its credibility as peace guarantor compared to non-UN actors. It finds that although the UN is more restrictive with its promises, it is more likely that peacekeeping forces will be provided if the UN is one of the guarantors. In sum, utilizing unique data from two time-periods (post World War II and post Cold War), this dissertation arrives at new insights on the role of mediators in bringing about negotiated settlements of internal armed conflicts.
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Bickerstaffe, Emma-Louise McQuilkan. "The use of force in armed conflict and the inherent right of self-defence of state armed forces." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709487.
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Walch, Colin. "Conflict in the Eye of the Storm : Micro-dynamics of Natural Disasters, Cooperation and Armed Conflict." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-268341.
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Many of the most destructive natural disasters have taken place in situations characterized by armed conflict and insecurity: the Indian Ocean tsunami in Sri Lanka and Indonesia in 2004, the floods in Pakistan in 2011, the drought in Somalia in 2011 and typhoon Haiyan in the Philippines in 2013. Surprisingly little research has systematically explored how armed conflict affects natural disaster management, and how shocks from natural disaster influence conflict dynamics. This dissertation addresses these gaps by providing a qualitative and disaggregated analysis of the micro-dynamics underpinning the relationship between armed conflict, natural disasters and cooperation. It asks: what is the relationship between natural disasters and processes of conflict and cooperation in countries affected by civil conflict? To explore this question, the dissertation offers four essays that explore different facets of this relationship, focusing on the rebel group. Examining collaboration between rebel group and humanitarian actors during disaster relief efforts in the Philippines, essay I finds that rebel group behavior after a natural disaster is shaped by the level of hostility between combatant parties and the nature of the ties with the local population. Exploring the effect of natural disasters on conflict dynamics in the case of the Philippines, essay II suggests that natural disasters hinder rebel group recruitment tactics, by increasing hardship for rebel combatants and supporters, by weakening the rebel group’s organizational structure and supply lines, and by leading to a loss of territorial control. Based on a comparative case study between Colombia and the Philippines, essay III revisits ripeness theory and argues that the level of rebel group cohesion will help to predict whether or not rebel groups stay at the negotiation table until an agreement is reached. While a typhoon affected the Philippines during the negotiations, it did not “ripen” the peace talks. Finally, article IV explores pre-disaster evacuation across conflict-affected regions in the Philippines and India, and argues that both experience of previous disaster and the level of trust in government officials influence the likelihood of people evacuating. The dissertation has important implications for both disaster management and conflict resolution, and it calls for more dialogue between both disciplines.
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Lindgren, Göran. "Studies in conflict economics and economic growth /." Uppsala : Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6942.
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McGary, Jessica L. "Gender and the Poverty-Conflict Trap." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/228456.
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How does poverty relate to why internal armed conflicts occur and intensify? This dissertation explores gendered dimensions of poverty related to minor internal armed conflict onset in poor contexts and suggests pathways through which nutritional insecurity may mediate conflict escalation by amplifying real dimensions of poverty. This dissertation analyzes positive-feedback dimensions between poverty and internal armed conflict by asking how minor internal armed conflict may occur because of gendered dimensions of poverty obscured by a focus on income per capita. This dissertation frames the decision to rebel within impoverished contexts as an issue indivisibility problem and engenders the rationalist logic as masculinist. By assessing how changes in national patterns of divorced males may reflect lost access to gendered resources within households and by analyzing how gendered structures may instantiate masculinist reactions to the gendered dimensions of poverty, this dissertation elucidates how the real effects of poverty and violence may align to lay the foundations for the amplification of internal armed conflict through the conflict cycle. By identifying three pathways through which nutritional insecurity may operate, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of how countries may develop self-reinforcing patterns of real poverty and internal armed conflict. I argue that the willingness and ability to rebel in contexts of poverty may be partially affected by lost access to resources produced at household levels by forms of feminized labor, as well as to resources that are distributed with gender inequality. I argue that nutritional insecurity may be captured by examining levels of per capita protein from meat consumption and offer three mechanisms through which protein from meat per capita consumption may proxy nutritional insecurity within poor countries that experience minor internal armed conflict: the proliferation of security dilemmas as conditioned by minor internal armed conflict; the loss of soil fertility as an amplified function of fighting; and the reliance on food exports. I examine data on 186 countries in the 1961-2008 period to interrogate why some countries develop the dynamics associated with the poverty-conflict trap and to find general support of the hypotheses.
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Kamanzi, Aziza. "Legal protection of humanitarian workers during a non-international armed conflict." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2491_1299492391.
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This research paper focuses on the legal protection of humanitarian workers. It refers to the experience of governmental organizations with a humanitarian vocation, and international humanitarian organizations, such as, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), active in more than 80 countries. The ICRC was created in order provide assistance and protection to wounded combatants,11 but its activity has gradually extended to include prisoners of war and civilians, territories. Also Medecin Sans Frontiere (MSF), functioning in more than 70 countries, was established to provide medical assistance to victims of conflicts or natural and other disasters.
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McRae, Peter. "Unaccountable Soldiers: Private Military Companies and the Law of Armed Conflict." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20580.
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The use of Private Military Companies (PMCs) has become an increasingly common feature of contemporary armed conflict. Because of their autonomous contractual status, PMCs have presented governments with problems of accountability on several levels, including violations of international human rights and humanitarian law (IHL) standards. This thesis argues that PMCs should be considered to be non-state actors (NSAs), subject to international law from both an International Relations Theory and a Legal Theory perspective. This conclusion is linked to the issue of whether individual PMC employees can be treated as legitimate combatants according to IHL. State practice has not led to a clear understanding of the definition of combatant, a problem which has been compounded by a lack of government policy on the use of PMCs. Using Canadian experience as a case study, the thesis concludes that IHL suggests two options for regularizing the status of PMCs which would both strengthen accountability and uphold the rule of law.
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Paola, Adarve-Zuluaga. "Facing Medusa : (intimate) art and resistance in the Colombian armed conflict." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/54177.
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The Colombian armed conflict is one of the oldest conflicts in the world. Numbers hardly explain the damage it has caused. Artistic responses to war emerge in this context, sometimes with the purpose of exerting some form of resistance to violence. I examine the ways in which similar responses operate and can produce social change, by tracing the work of three Colombian visual creators: Erika Diettes, Jesús Abad Colorado, and Juan Manuel Echavarría. This study reveals how their practice (re) configures certain spaces as intimate public scenarios of collective spectatorship/witnessing. The investigation also speaks of the inmost relation between the victims and survivors that they work with, spectators, and the creators themselves. That relation evidences the creators’ role as companions of the people they work with in conflicted contexts. Resistance becomes a central concept with which to understand both spectatorship/witnessing acts and the companionship relation mentioned above. Ultimately, their visual practice allows publics to resist emotional paralysis when looking at the horrors of war; that is to resist “turning into stone” when looking at Medusa.Arts, Faculty of
Gender, Race, Sexuality and Social Justice, Institute for
Graduate
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Ruiz-Roque, Orlando. "The laws of armed conflict and environmental protection: striking a balance." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/26038.
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In this paper we shall consider the existing normative framework of the law of armed conflict, the jus in bello, as it relates to protection of the environment. We will review customary law of aimed conflict and highlight major conventional developments to assess the necessity and feasibility for reform in light of the trend in international environmental law to impose explicit environmental protection obligations on states. The Persian Gulf War of 1991, illustrates the issues presented and the conflicting values inherent in these two branches of international law. The post-war debate raised the questions whether the environment" is adequately protected by existing law from the environmentally destructive potential of modern warfare, or is new conventional law on wartime environmental protection needed.12 Serious consideration of these questions brings the international law-making process to a crossroads as it attempts to accommodate evolving environmental law norms, such as a yet to be defined "right of the environment", with countervailing values encompassed in the laws of armed conflict, which emphasize military necessity despite detriment to the environment
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Zafeer, Shaf. "The political economy of foreign direct investment during internal armed conflict." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6060/.
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It is commonly assumed that armed conflict deters foreign direct investment (FDI) and encourages capital flight and portfolio substitution, yet recent evidence suggests that foreign investors are not uniformly risk-adverse with respect to investments in conflict zones. The willingness of foreign investors to put funds at risk in conflict zones runs counter to the conventional wisdom in the academic literature, which is based on the proposition that armed conflict is bad for business. The complex relationship between armed conflict and FDI presents a counterintuitive research puzzle for the fields of security studies and international political economy, both of which assume that armed conflict increases ‘capital flight’ as mobile foreign investors seek more stable returns elsewhere. This thesis uses a multi-method approach that incorporates a large-\(N\) study based on descriptive statistics as well as a structured focused comparison of internal armed conflicts in Iraq (2003-2010) and Afghanistan (2003-2012) that followed US-led military campaigns in order to address the question: \(Why\) \(do\) \(countries\) \(involved\) \(in\) \(internal\) \(armed\) \(conflict\) \(continue\) \(to\) \(attract\) \(FDI?\) In contrast to many of the cases in the large-\(N\) study, the small-\(n\) comparative analysis focuses on two cases in which an external military campaign preceded the emergence of intra-state violence. The investigation of FDI in the cases of Afghanistan and Iraq is significant because each country experienced a counterinsurgency against the external military intervention, which would be expected to further increase the risk premium for foreign investors. The thesis offers new analytical insights on the armed conflict-FDI relationship through investigating the reasons why foreign investors may decide to invest in countries affected by on-going armed conflict. The central argument presented in this thesis is that the presence of an external military intervention (EMI) involving ‘boots on the ground’ sends a positive signal about improvements in a country’s investment climate, thereby altering how foreign investors assess the risks associated with investment in conflict zones.
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Millan, Quijano J. A. "Essays on the economics of the Colombian armed conflict and violence." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2014. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1431699/.
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This thesis uses microeconometric methods to study the armed conflict in Colombia. Chapter 2 uses geographical and temporal variation in potential drug trafficking networks to instrument for the prevalence of violent crime in different regions of Colombia. Using changes in the prices of different international cocaine markets I identify exogenous changes in violence at municipality level. I exploit the comparative advantage that different regions in Colombia have when they are serving either the cocaine market in the US or Europe. My results suggest that homicide rates increase according to the comparative advantage each municipality has in the drug trade. However, I do not find strong evidence of the influence of drug trade over the placement and actions of left wing guerrillas or right wing paramilitary groups. Thereafter, chapter 3 uses the exogenous variation from drug trafficking to analyse the effect of homicides on the prevalence of early motherhood. My results suggest the one standard deviation increase in the homicide rate induces 2.65 p.p. increase in the probability of early motherhood. Chapter 4 proposes a microeconomic framework to describe the features of an optimal reintegration contract. In my model, a Principal (government) collects taxes from the community in order to fund a reintegration contract with the Agents (illegal soldiers). This contract involves a set of threats and benefits. The shape of such threats and benefits depends on the relative productivity of the security technology and the level of absorption of the labour markets. Last chapter concludes.
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Lötter, Rohan Johannes. "Medical professionals in armed conflict : the case of Dr Wouter Basson." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/77407.
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The thesis investigates the place and role of medical professionals in armed conflict and focuses specifically on the case in South Africa of Dr Wouter Basson. The thesis traces the role of medical professionals in armed conflict from early Roman civilisations until after World War II, and outlines medical health service in South Africa after World War II.
The ethical and legal obligations of medical professionals during armed conflict are discussed, together with a brief overview of the Nuremberg Doctor’s Trial. This is done in order to highlight the international legal and ethical frameworks within which medical professionals operate in situations of armed conflict.
Dr Wouter Basson and Project Coast are selected to serve as a case study. The circumstances under which Dr Basson operated as well as the national and international law elements of Project Coast are canvassed. Dr Basson’s criminal trial, his subsequent appeals as well as his disciplinary hearing before the Health Professions Council of South Africa are scrutinised. South African constitutional law, as well as the HPCSA’s Guidelines for Good Practice in the Health Care Professions as they apply to the case study are examined. The thesis concludes by offering answers to the research questions and proposing a number of recommendations.Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Public Law
LLM
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González, Belén. "The dynamics of state violence : repression and genocide in armed conflict." Thesis, University of Essex, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702726.
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Genocide is the most devastating form of state violence. Yet, the prevalence of genocide is not reflected in our understanding of its causes: Key questions such as the relationship between governments and citizens, the effect of civil war on genocide occurrence, the incentives for the escalation of state violence, or the causes of selective violence remain largely unexplored. This dissertation aims to answer these questions and to advance our understanding of the determinants of state violence in general, and genocide in particular. Using comprehensive data on state violence, I analyse how political opportunity structures and actors char- acteristics pose incentives for governments to escalate violence. This dissertation consists of three core chapters. The first chapter of my dissertation examines the escalation of state-led violence. It focuses on the political opportunity structures and the types of dissident groups that oppose the government. Drawing on a sample of countries with records of physical repression, the study finds that state violence spirals into genocide and mass killings when the government confronts violent dissent in situations of civil war. The second chapter offers a cross-national study of the conditions under which civil war fosters genocide. It examines the characteristics of the rebel groups and their association with the civilian popula- tion. Analysing cases of civil war, it shows that governments resor~_ to genocide during periods of intense armed dispute when rebels have close ties to the civilian population. Finally, the third chapter offers the first systematic analysis of the variation in the timing and severity of genocide. Considering cases of genocide in civil war, this study finds that goveruments resort to genocide at different conflict stages in relation to the source of the dispute, the rebel groups' strength, and their civilian support base. The study also finds that genocide severity is affected by the government's perception of threat and the size of the excluded population. Overall, the three studies 011 which this thesis is based significantly improve our understanding of the determinants of state violence and its escalation. The disser- tation greatly contributes to scholarly research on political violence and suggests several promising directions for future research.
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McAllister, Bradley Duncan. "Code and conduct, an analysis of the modern law of armed conflict." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0003/MQ32184.pdf.
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Cyr, Jeffrey B. A. "Smashing the myth, the Gulf War and the transformation of armed conflict." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0013/MQ41689.pdf.
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Gowen, Claire D. "IMF Conditionality and Armed Civil Conflict: An Analysis of Sub-Saharan Africa." unrestricted, 2007. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08062007-155735/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2007.Title from file title page. Carrie L. Manning, committee chair; Scott E. Graves, Charles R. Hankla, committee members. Electronic text (49 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 3, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-49).
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Nortje, Windell. "The criminal accountability of child soldiers in the light of armed conflict." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4135_1365584342.
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Becker, Jeffrey Marcus. "Armed conflict and border society : the East and Middle Marches, 1536-60." Thesis, Durham University, 2006. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2743/.
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The final phase of the Anglo-Scots Wars (1542-1560) significantly affected Northumberland. The Tudor government attempted to use the militarised society of Northumberland as a means of subduing Scotland. However, the ensuing conflict took a heavy toll on the Marchers. Instability plagued the region, while leading military families feuded with each other. The efforts of the Tudors were not concerted enough to overcome the Marchers' allegiance to kith and kin. March society proved to be remarkably inhospitable for Tudor state building, and in the end, the military community of Northumberland remained just as vulnerable to both internal and external threats as it had been before the wars. This work questions the success of Tudor state building տ the mid-sixteenth century. The analysis employs both State Papers and local documents to illuminate the political dialogue between central government and the peripheral frontier administration. Official correspondences of March officers also highlight the depths to which Tudor policy had taken root in Northumberland. An analysis of muster rolls suggests that Northumbrian society’s involvement in the wars greatly fluctuated over nearly a twenty-year period, only to see the military capacities of Northumbrians significantly wane by 1560. The personal testimonies of officers imply that the Tudors had some initial success in bringing significant military power to their side. However, the same documents also suggest that incoherent policies resulted from the rapid succession of three separate monarchs after the death of Henry VIIL In the end, the Tudor state was unable to instil order in Northumberland, and the military necessities of frontier security remained problematic for the rest of the sixteenth century.
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Vivekananthan, Niranjini. "The international legal protection of persons internally displaced by internal armed conflict." Thesis, University of Hull, 2006. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5643.
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Pihale, Estêvão. "The environmental impact of the armed conflict in Southern Mozambique, 1977-1992." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11640.
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Bibliography: leaves 95-103.This dissertation analyses the main environmental problems that were faced during the armed conflict in Mozambique between 1977 to 1992. The subject matter covered by this dissertation is diverse, including the political economy of the Region South of the Save River, the character of armed conflict and the environmental profile on the effects of the conflict in Southern Mozambique. Because when South African regime backed Resistência Nacional Moçambicana (RENAMO) in the early 1980s, the conflict had escalated in Southern Mozambique, and accelerated environmental problems, combined with natural disasters such as floods and droughts.